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Full text of "The origins of the Islamic state: being a translation from the Arabic, accompanied with annotations, geographic and historic notes of the Kitâb fitûh al-buldân of al-Imâm abu-l Abbâs Ahmad ibn-Jâbir al-Balâdhuri"

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Volume LXVIII] [Whole Number 165 






al'Imdm abu-1 'AbMs Ahmad ibn-Jabir al-Baladhuri 

1 B^ 


On the permanent staff of the Syrian Protestant College, Beirut, Syria 
Oustav QottheU Lecturer in Columbia, University 

Vol. I 

JTerw 12ork 


London : P. S. King & Son, Ltd. 



Copyright, 1916 


The Faculty of Political Science of 
Columbia University, New York 

My Teacher, Friend and Colleague, 




Interest in the Nearer East has increased our desire ta 
know as accurately as is possible the beginnings of the faith 
and of the various states that have played so important a 
part in its history. The Arabs themselves have had, from 
the earliest times, a keen sense for historical tradition and 
an equally keen desire to preserve that tradition in writing. 
There is, perhaps, no people of earlier times that has left us 
so large an amount of documentary evidence as to its be- 
ginnings as they have. The evidence, of course, needs sift- 
ing and sorting according to the canons of criticism we 
have learned to employ in all such cases. But, this work 
cannot be done by Oriental scholars alone, whose time is 
often taken up largely with the philological and literary 
examination of the texts that have come down to us. It is, 
therefore, eminently a part of their duty to render these 
texts accessible to students of history who are not masters 
of the Arabic language. 

Dr. Hitti has undertaken this task in connection with the 
record of one of the earliest Arab historians whose work 
has been preserved. Since its publication in 1866 by Pro- 
fessor de Goeje, al-Baladhuri's " Futuh al-Buldan" has 
been recognized as one of our chief authorities for the 
period during which the Arab state was in process of for- 
mation. This task of translating has not been a simple one : 
proof is that the attempt has not been made before this. 
The style of al-Baladhuri is often cryptic and unintelligible. 
This is perhaps due to the fact that the work, as it has 
reached us, is a shortened edition of a much larger one 


which, though existent up to the seventeenth century, has 
not been found in any of the collections of manuscripts to 
which we have access. In its present form, the work men- 
tions often men and matters that probably were treated of 
in the longer recension, but of which now we know nothing. 
Dr. Hitti's translation is, therefore, in a certain sense also, 
a commentary and an exposition. As such, I trust that it 
will be found useful to Orientalists as well as to students of 
history. His fine sense for the niceties of Arabic expres- 
sion has often enabled him to get through a thicket that is 
impenetrable to us Westerners. 

Richard Gottheil. 
Columbia University, January, 1916. 





Arabic Historiography with Special Reference to al-Baladhuri. i 

Chapter I 

Al-Madinah 15 

Chapter II 

The Possessions of the banu-an-Nadir 34 

Chapter III 

The Possessions of the banu-Kuraizah 40 

Chapter IV 

Khaibar 42 

Chapter V 

Fadak 50 

Chapter VI 

Wadi-1-Kura and Taima' 57 

Chapter VII 

Makkah 60 

Chapter VIII 

The Wells of Makkah 17 

Chapter IX 

The Floods in Makkah 82 

Chapter X 

At-Ta'if 85 

Chapter XI 

Tabalah and Jurash Pi 

Chapter XII 

Tabuk, Ailah, Adhruh, Makna and al-Jarba' 92 

Chapter XIII 

Dumat al-Jandal 95 




Chapter XIV 

The Capitulation of Najran 98 

Chapter XV 

Al-Yaman 106 

Chapter XVI 

TJman 116 

Chapter XVII 

Al-Bahrain 120 

Chapter XVIII 

Al-Yamamah 132 

Chapter XIX 

The Apostasy of the Arabs in the Caliphate of abu-Bakr as- 

Siddik 143 

Chapter XX 

The Apostasy of the banu-Wali'ah and al-Ash'ath ibn-Kais ibn- 

Ma'dikarib ibn-Mu'awiyah-1-Kindi 153 

Chapter XXI 

Al-Aswad al-'Ansi and those in al-Yaman who Apostatized 
with him 159 

Chapter I 

The Conquest of Syria 165 

Chapter II 

The Advance of Khalid ibn-al-Walid on Syria and the Places 

he Reduced on his Way 169 

Chapter III 

The Conquest of Busra 173 

Chapter IV 

The Battle of Ajnadin (or Ajnadain) 174 

Chapter V 

The Battle of Fihl in the Province of the Jordan 176 

Chapter VI 

The Province of the Jordan 178 

Chapter VII 

The Battle of Marj as-Suffar 182 

Chapter VIII 

The Conquest of Damascus and its Province 186 

Chapter IX 

Hims 200 



Chapter X 

The Battle of al-Yarmuk 207 

Chapter XI 

Palestine 213 

Chapter XII 

The Province of Kinnasrin and the Cities called al-*Awasim. . . 223 
Chapter XIII 

Cyprus 235 

Chapter XIV 

The Samaritans 244 

Chapter XV 

Al-Jarajimah 246 

Chapter XVI 

The Frontier Fortresses of Syria 253 

Chapter I 

The Conquest of Mesopotamia [al-Jazirah] 269 

Chapter II 

The Christians of the banu-Taghlib ibn-Wa'il 284 

Chapter III 

The Fortifications of the Mesopotamian Frontier 287 

Chapter IV 

Arabic made the Language of the State Registers 301 


Chapter I 

The Conquest of Armenia 2f>S 


Chapter 1 

The Conquest of Egypt and al- Maghrib [Mauritania] 335 

Chapter II 

The Conquest of Alexandria 34^ 

Chapter III 

The Conquest of Barkah and Zawilah 352 

Chapter IV 

The Conquest of Tripoli 355 



Chapter V 

The Conquest of If rikiyah 356 

Chapter VI 

The Conquest of Tanjah [Tangiers] 362 


Chapter I 

The Conquest of Andalusia 365 


Chapter I 

The Conquest of Certain Islands in the Sea 375 


Chapter I 

Terms made with Nubia 379 

Chapter II 

The Karatis 383 


Chapter I 

The Conquest of as-Sawad 387 

The Caliphate of abu-Bakr as-Siddik. 
Chapter II 

The Caliphate of *Umar ibn-al-Khattab 401 

Chapter III 

The Battle of Kuss an-Natif, or the Battle of al-Jisr 403 

Chapter IV 

The Battle of Mihran or an-Nukhailah 405 

Chapter V 

The Battle of al-Kadisiyah 409 

Chapter VI 

The Conquest of al-Mada'in 417 

Chapter VII 

The Battle of Jalula' 420 

Chapter VIII 

The Founding of al-Kufah 434 



Chapter IX 

Wasit al-*Irak 4^p 

Chapter X 

Al-Bata*ih 453 

Chapter XI 

Madinat as-Salam 457 

Chapter XII 

Arabic made the Language of the Register 465 

Chapter I 

^ulwan 469 

Chapter II 

The Conquest of Nihawand 471 

Chapter III 

Ad-Dinawar, Masabadhan and Mihrijankadhaf 478 

Chapter IV 

The Conquest of Hamadhan , . • • 48i 

Chapter V 

Kumm, Kashan and Isbahan 485 

Chapter VI 

The Death of Yazdajird ibn-Shahriyar ibn-Kisra ibn-Abarwiz 
ibn-Hurmuz ibn-Anushirwan 490 

Index 495 

Errata 5^7 


Arabic Historiography with Special Reference to 

Although rudimentary elements of historiography can 
be traced back to the description of the " days ", i. e., the 
battles between the tribes, and such stories as the " Ma' rib 
dam ", *' the owners of the elephant " and the digging of the 
" Zamzam well " — all of pre-Islamic antiquity — , yet Arabic 
historical writing, in the strict sense of the term, is a branch 
of Islamic literature. Interest in Muhammad necessitated 
the compilation of traditions (Ar. hadith) relating to the 
life and campaigns of the Prophet and his companions. The 
communistic theocracy of warriors under the early caliphs, 
and particularly 'Umar's system of assigning state pensions 
to Moslems according to their kinship to the Prophet, gave 
impetus to the study of genealogy in which even pagan 
Arabs, who attached special importance to descent, were 
interested. The elucidation of passages in poetry, one of 
the earliest and most fully-developed modes of expression 
among the Arabs, and the necessity of determining persons 
and places referred to in their religious literature made phil- 
ologists apply themselves to historical research. The three 
sources of Arabian history therefore are: (i) pre-Islamic 
stories, (2) traditions relative to the life and campaigns of 
the Prophet and the companions, and (3) genealogical lists 
and poetical compositions. The earhest books of history 
are: biography (sirah), books of campaigns (maghdzi), 
and books of genealogy and classes {ansdb wa-tabakdt) , 


The domains of theology, law and history in their early rise 
overlap and are not sharply defined from one another. 

No student of Arabic literature fails to be impressed with 
the fact that the bearers of the torch of learning among the 
Arabs were in most cases of foreign and particularly of Per- 
sian stock. This is to be explained by the fact that pubHc 
opinion considered it contemptible for the Arab to busy 
himself with the pursuit of knowledge to the neglect of the 
noble art of warring. To this general tendency, however, 
studying anecdotes, transmitting traditions, and remember- 
ing stories — especially if they commemorated the deeds of 
heroes, orators and poets, formed a conspicuous example. 
We read in al-Mas'udi ^ that Mu'awiyah the founder of the 
Umaiyad dynasty " devoted one-third of the night to the 
reading of the news and battles of the Arabs and non- 
Arabs." We also read in al-Baydn ^ that al-Mansiar the 
Abbasid caliph after long hesitation decided to put abu-Mus- 
lim al-Khurasani to death as a result of hearing an anec- 
dote about Sapor the Persian king. One of the favorite 
sayings in early Islam was the following found in 
al-Ikd al-Farid ^ : '' For kings the study of genealogy and 
histories, for warriors the study of battles and biography, 
and for merchants the study of writing and arithmetic." 

The chief source from which history writing flowed was 
tradition (hadtth). It was a pious custom that when Mos- 
lems met, one should ask for news (hadith), and the other 
should relate a saying or anecdote of Muhammad. Each 
event is related in words of eyewitnesses or contemporaries 
and transmitted to the final narrator through a chain of in- 
termediate reporters. The authenticity of the reported fact 

» Vol. V, p. 77, Paris, 1869. 

'al-Jahiz, vol. ii, pp. I54-IS5, Cairo, 1313 A. H. 

' Vol. i, p. 198, Cairo, 1293 A. H. 


depends on ( i ) the continuity of the chain and (2) the con- 
fidence in each reporter. Thus would al-Baladhuri start 
his narrative regarding the campaign of the Prophet against 
Najran:^ " Bakr ibn-al-Haitham related to me, that *Ab- 
dallah ibn-Salih related to him, on the authority of al-Laith 
ibn-Sa'd, on the authority of Yunus ibn-Ziyad al-Aili, on 
the authority of az-Zuhri, who said. . . ." 

This form of historic composition is unique in the case 
of the Arabs and meets the most essential requirements of 
modern historiography, namely, " back to the source " and 
" trace the line of authorities." The system, however, has 
its drawbacks in that it crystallized the record of events and 
rendered deviation frqm the trodden path sacrilegious. 
Aside from the use of judgment in the choice of isndd — 
the series of authorities — the Arabian authors exercised 
very little power of analysis, criticism, comparison or infer- 
ence, their golden rule being " what has been once well said 
need not be told again." At-Tabari, in the introduction to 
his great work, gives expression to that principle, where, 
conscious of the exception that many of his readers might 
take to some of his reports, he pleads,^ " We only transmit 
to others what has been transmitted to us." 

Another way of handling traditions is that in which the 
compiler combines different traditions into one continuous 
whole, prefixing a statement of his authorities or contenting 
himself by interrupting the narrative, wherever need may 
be, by citing the particular authority. While al-Baladhuri 
is an exponent of the former type and spares no pains in 
basing every fact, whenever possible, on an independent 
isndd, yet he sometimes resorts to the other method as he 
himself acknowledges in the first lines of his Futiih (p. 15) ' 

1 Futuh al-Bulddn, p. 98. 
'Vol. i, p. 7, ed. De Goeje, Leiden, 1879-1881. 


" I have been informed by certain men learned in tradition, 
biography and the conquest of the lands whose narratives I 
transmitted, abridged and pieced up together into one 
whole," etc. Where his store of authorities fails him, al- 
Baladhuri introduces his narratives by " they said," or *'he 
said," or " it was said." 

On a geographical basis, Moslem tradition may be grouped 
into two categories : ( i ) that of al-Madinah as represented 
by Muhammad ibn-Ishak and al-Wakidi, and (2) that of 
al-*Irak. Notwithstanding the fact that al-Baladhuri lived 
in Baghdad, the tradition of al-Madinah, which for obvious 
reasons is more reliable than that of al-'Irak, forms the 
basis of his works. 

History, whose domain in the time of the first four 
caliphs was not sharply defined, made its full appearance, 
and was recorded for the first time under the sway of the 
Umaiyads. According to al-Fihrist,^ Mu*awiyah ibn-abi- 
Sufyan ^ summoned from al-Yaman one, *Abid ibn-Shar- 
yah, and asked him about past events, histories of the Arabs 
and foreign kings and " ordered that the answers be re- 
corded." This '' book of the kings and past events," how- 
ever, is lost. 

The early favorite forms of writing history were biog- 
raphy, genealogy and description of campaigns. The oldest 
biography is Sir at Rasul Allah written for al-Mansur by 
ibn-Ishak (d. 151/767). This we do not possess in its 
original form but only in the recension of ibn-Hisham 
(d. 213/834). Genealogy borders on biography and, call- 
ing for elucidation, both lead on to history. Genealogical 
books were first written in the Umaiyad period. The genea- 
logical list served as an army roll. The study of tradition 

* p. 89, ed. Fliigel. ' caliph 41-60/661-680. 


necessitated the study of the Hfe and character of the re- 
porter on whom the authenticity of the report depends. 
Thus the reporters were classified into classes (tabakdt). 
The most famous writer of tabakdt was ibn-Sa'd (d. 230), 
the secretary of al-Wakidi and the compiler of Kitdb at- 
Tabakdt al-Kabir. 

Campaigns playing an important role in the life of Mu- 
hammad and the early caliphs soon began to assert their 
claim for special attention and were treated in special books. 
Besides, the necessity of recording and studying the cam- 
paigns arose from the fact that in levying a tax (khardj) on 
the conquered land, those in authority were first confronted 
with the task of determining whether it was taken "by 
peace ", " by capitulation ", or '' by force ", and what the 
terms in each case were. This gave rise to many books on 
campaigns (maghdsi), one of the oldest of which is al- 
Wakidi's (d. 207/822). Some books were issued treating 
of the conquest of one city, most of which books have been 
lost. Given a number of books on the conquest of different 
cities, the next step would be to compile them into one whole. 
That step was taken by al-Baladhuri — the last great his- 
torian of Moslem campaigns. 

Before the Abbasid period no books on general history 
were attempted. In the golden age of the Abbasid caliphate ' 
and under Persian influence, historiography flourished and 
developed a new form of composition. The translation of 
such books as the Pehlevi Khuday-Nama by ibn-al-Mu- 
kaffa' into the Arabic Kitdb al-Muluk, coupled with the fact 
that the Moslem commonwealth was now richly recruited 
by Persian converts, made the idea of chronological collo- 
cation of events, for which the school of al-Madinah had 
paved the way, develop to the plan of a complete series of 
annals. The first to undertake such a history was at-Tabari. 
Thus the historian who at the rise of Islam was a tradition- 


ist or reporter becomes now a chronicler. The annalistic 
method of at-Tabari was followed by ibn-al-Athir and abu- 

Al-Mas*udi inaugurated a new system of writing history. 
Instead of grouping events around years as center, he 
grouped them around kings, dynasties and races. His sys- 
tem was followed among others by ibn-Khaldun, but did 
not win so much favor as that of at-Tabari. 

The first record we have regarding the life of al-Balad- 
huri is that of al-Fihrist.^ Other sources for his life are 
Yakut, Mu'jam al-Udaba, (pp. 127-132)," and al-Kutubi, 
Fawdt al-Wafaydt (Vol. I, pp. 8-9, Bulak, 1283). Ibn- 
Khallikan refers to him on more than one occasion but does 
not give his biography.^ From these sources we learn that 
Ahmad ibn-Yahya ibn-Jabir al-Baladhuri was a native of 
Baghdad descended from Persian stock. His grandfather, 
Jabir, was secretary to al-Khasib, minister of the finances of 
Egypt under the caliph ar-Rashid. Ahmad was an intimate 
friend of the caliphs al-Mutawakkil and al-Musta*in and 
tutored 'Abdallah, the brilliant son of al-Mu'tazz. He dis- 
tinguished himself in poetry — especially satires, tradition and 
genealogy. The year 279/892 saw his death, mentally de- 
ranged as a result of drinking the juice of the anacardia 
( halddhur) ; hence his surname al-Baladhuri. Besides writing 
Futuh al-Bulddn, which is a digest of a larger work that 
has been lost, he wrote Ansdb al-Ashrdfy^ of which only two 
volumes are preserved, one in the Schefer collection of the 

* Leiden, 1907, ed. Margoliouth. 

•See also de Goejc's introduction to al-Baladhuri; and Hamaker, 
Sperimen Catalogi, p. 7 seq. 

* Lineage of Nobles. See ?ajji Khalifah, vol. i, pp. 455 and 274, ed» 
Fliigel, Leipzig, 1835. 


Bibliotheque Nationale/ and the other has been autographed 
by Ahlwardt.^ Al-Mas'udi ^ quotes al-Baladhuri's ar-Radd- 
'ala ash-Shu' uhiy ah (Refutation of ash-Shu*ubiyah)/ which 
book is also lost. 

Of the works of al-Baladhuri the one that claims our 
special attention is Futuh al-Bulddn.^ The book shares with 
other books of Arabic history the advantage of tracing 
the report back to the source. Being a synopsis of a larger 
work, its style is characterized by condensation whereby it 
gains in conciseness but loses in artistic effect and clear- 
ness. Certain passages are mutilated and ambiguous. It 
is free from exaggeration and the flaws of imagination. 
Throughout the work the sincere attempt of the author to 
get to the fact as it happened and to record it as it reached 
him is felt. The chapters on colonization, soldier's pay, 
land tax, coinage and the like make it especially valuable. 

The book does not escape the weaknesses common to 
Arabian histories. The " ipse dixit " which was a source 
of strength was also a source of weakness. Once the words 
supposed to have been uttered by a contemporary or eye- 
witness are ascertained, the author feels his duty fulfilled, 
and his function as a historian degenerates into that of a 
reporter. The personal equation is not only reduced but 
the personality of the author is almost eliminated, appear- 
ing only as a recipient of a tradition. Scarcely an opinion 
or remark is made. The intellect is not brought to bear on 
the data. 

iDe Goeje, ZDMG, XXXVIII, 382-406. 

2 Greif swald, 1883. C/. Noldeke, GGA, 1883, p. 1096 seq.; Thorbecke, 
Lbl. Or. Phil., vol. i, pp. 155-156. 
•Vol. iii, pp. 109-110. 

* Goldziher, Muhammedanische Studien, vol. i, p. 166. 
5 ed. De Goeje, Leiden, 1866. See Noldeke, GGA, 1863, I34i-i349. 


A weak characteristic of Arabic historians is their utter 
disregard of the social side of national life. Political his- 
tory to them is history par excellence. It should, however, 
be said, to the credit of al-Baladhuri, that while from a 
modern standpoint he is defective in that respect, still he 
stands superior to other historians. 

As one reads Futuh al-Bulddn and is struck by the fact 
that a long chapter is devoted to the " digging of the wells 
of Makkah 'V whereas the conquest of TripoH, Africa, is 
dismissed with a few words,^ he cannot help feeling his sense 
of proportion suffer. Most of the two chapters entitled 
" The Founding of al-Kufah " ' and " of al-Basrah '' ^ are 
devoted to the explanation of the names given to b^ths, 
canals and castles and only a small part relates to actual 

One might also add that Arabic historians were not 
very sensitive on the question of indecency of language. 
In general the language of Futuh is clean, with the excep- 
tion of the case of al-Mughirah, the governor of al-Basrah 
under *Umar.^ 

According to Haji Khalfa,* the first writers on biography 
and campaigns were, among others, *Urwah ibn-az-Zubair 
(d. 93) and Wahb ibn-Munabbih (d. 114) ; and we read ^ 
that Muhammad ibn-Muslim az-Zuhri wrote a book of cam- 
paigns. These works are all lost and the first biography 
we have is that of ibn-Hisham (d. 213) based on ibn- 
Ishak (d. 151). Az-Zubair and az-Zuhri, as well as ibn- 
Ishak, are among the sources of al-Baladhuri. 

That in most cases the same tradition that underlies the 

^ pp. 77-82. 2 pp. 355. 

3 pp. 434-448. ■* pp. 346-372 in De Goeje's edition. 

* pp. 344-345 in De Goeje's edition. •* Vol. v, p. 646. 

' In vol. V, pp. 154 and 647. 


life of Muhammad according to ibn-Hisham is made use 
of by al-Baladhuri in the first chapters of his Futuh is made 
evident by a comparison of the chapters on the banu-an- 
Nadir, Khaibar and Tabuk. ' Al-Baladhuri makes no mention 
of ibn-Hisham but quotes ibn-Ishak eleven times. The isndd 
in Baladhuri being longer, it might be conjectured that he 
did not get his material at first hand from ibn-Ishak's work 
but through subsequent reporters. Al-Mada'ini lived from 
135-215 (753-830). He wrote a " history of the caliphs " 
and a book of " campaigns ", both of which are lost and 
are known only by excerpts through al-Baladhuri, at-Tabari 
and Yakiit. Of these, al-Baladhuri alone has over forty 
citations from him. 

Al-Wakidi (d. 207/823) wrote 28 books recorded in al- 
Fihrist,^ only a few of which have come down to us. Hav- 
ing lived at Baghdad his works were certainly accessible to 
al-Baladhuri, who quotes him on 80 different occasions and 
more than any other source. Most of the quotations are 
made through ibn-Sa'd, the secretary of al-Wakidi, and one 
of al-Baladhuri's teachers. A comparison between the cam- 
paigns against banu-an-Nadir ^ and banu-Kuraizah * in al- 
Baladhuri, and the corresponding ones in al-Wakidi's 
Kitdb al-Maghdzi,^ shows many points of contact but no 
absolute interdependence. 

Ibn-Sa*d (d. 230) being the disciple of al-Wakidi and the 
professor of al-Baladhuri acted as a connecting link between 
the two. In his Futuh, al-Baladhuri has 48 citations from 
him, many of which were communicated by word of mouth 
and were recorded verbatim by al-Baladhuri. In his book 

1 Cf. Hisham, p. 652 and Baladhuri, p. 34; Hisham, p. 779 and Balad^ 
huri, p. 42. 

2 p. 99. * P- 34. 

* p. 40. 

* PP- 353 and 371, ed. von Krcmer, Calcutta, 1856. 


<it-Tahakdt {the Book of Classes), many striking similari- 
ties to the traditions of al-Baladhuri are noticed. 

Ad-Dinawari (d. 282/896) was another contemporary of 
al-Baladhuri. He wrote a number of books of which only 
one of importance has come down to us, i. e., al-Akhbdr at- 
Tiwdl.^ Contrary to al-Baladhuri, al-'Irak tradition is the 
basis of his work. It is probable that neither of the two 
authors was familiar with the work of the other. 

In addition to these, al-Baladhuri quotes many other au- 
thorities of whom the most favorite ones are: Hammad 
ibn-Salamah, Bakr ibn-al-Haitham, 'Amir ash-Sha'bi, Suf- 
yan ibn-Sa'id ath-Thauri, *Amr ibn-Muhammad an-Nakid 
and Hisham ibn-al-Kalbi, most of whose works are either 
unknown to us or have entirely disappeared. 

The most illustrious writer on history after al-Baladhuri 
was at-Tabari (d. 310). According to al-Fihrist and ibn- 
Khallikan, he traveled in Egypt, Syria and al-'Irak in quest 
of learning and died in Baghdad. At-Tabari makes no 
mention of al-Baladhuri. 

In the introduction to his remarkable work, Muruj adh- 
Dhahab, al-Mas'udi (d. 346) cites scores of books from 
which he drew his material, and among which he mentions 
al-Baladhuri 's paying it a high tribute in these words, " We 
know of no better work on the history of the Moslem 
conquests ".^ 

Not only did later historians draw freely from al-Bala- 
dhuri but subsequent geographers used him extensively as a 
source. The remarkable work of Yakut, Mu'jam al-Bul- 
ddn, reproduces a great part of the book. Mukaddasi quotes 
him,* and so al-Hamadhani,* and al-Mas*udi.^ 

* ed. Vladimir Guirgass, Leiden, 1888. 

* al-Mas'udi, p. 14, Paris, 1861. 

* Ahsan at-Takdsim, 313. 

*Kitdb al-Buldan, 303, 321. « Kitah at-Tanbih, 358, 360. 


The above-sketched attempt to view al-Baladhuri in his 
historic setting warrants the conclusion that the tradition 
recorded by him was mostly communicated to him by word 
of mouth and partly through books that have mostly been 
lost, and that it was a source for al-Mas*udi and Yakut, and 
through them for many subsequent Arabic historians and 




In the name of Allah, the compassionate, the 
merciful, whose help i solicit! 

The Prophet in al-Madmah. Says Ahmad ibn-Yahya 
ibn-Jabir : — 

I have been informed by certain men learned in tradition, 
biography, and the conquest of the lands, whose narratives 
I transmitted, abridged and pieced up together into one 
whole, that when the Messenger of Allah emigrated from 
Makkah to al-Madinah he was entertained as the guest of 
Kalthum ibn-Hidm ibn-Amru'i-1-Kais ibn-al-Harith ibn- 
Zaid ibn-*Ubaid ibn-Umaiyah ibn-Zaid ibn-Mahk ibn-*Auf 
ibn-'Amr ibn-'Auf ibn-Malik ibn-al-Aus ^ in Kuba'.^ So 
much, however, of his discourse was carried on in the home 
of Sa'd ibn-Khaithamah ibn-al-Harith ibn-Malik of [the 
tribe of] banu-as-Salim ibn-Amru'i-1-Kais ibn-Malik ibn-al- 
Aus that some thought he was the guest of the latter.* 

Kuhd' Mosque. Of the Companions of the Prophet, the 
early Emigrants together with those of the Ansdr * who 
had joined him had already built a mosque at Kuba' to pray 
in, prayer at that time being directed towards Bait-al- 
Makdis [Jerusalem]. Now, when the Prophet arrived in 

^Ibn-Ilajar, Kitah al-Isahah, vol. iii, pp. 613-614. 
2 A suburb of al-Madinah; see Yakut, Mu*jam al-Bulddn, vol. iv, 
pp. 23-24. 

3 Ibn-Hisham, Sirat Rasul Allah, p. 334. 

* The Helpers — originally applied to the early converts of al-Madinah. 



Kuba', he led them in prayer in it. That is why the people 
of Kuba' say that it is the one meant by Allah when he 
says : " There is a mosque founded from its first day in 
piety. More worthy that thou enter therein." ^ Others 
report that the " mosque founded in piety " is that of the 
Prophet [in al-Madinah]. 

Ahu-Amir ar-Rdhib. *Affan ibn-Muslim as-Safifar from 
*Urwah ^ who gave the following explanation to the text : 
" There are some who have built a mosque for mischief and 
for infidelity, and to disunite the * Believers/ and in ex- 
pectation of him who, in time past, warred against Allah 
and his Messenger " : — The mosque of Kuba' was built by 
Sa'd ibn-Khaithamah and its site was owned by Labbah ^ 
where she used to tie up her donkey. The dissenters there- 
fore said : " Should we pray on a spot where Labbah used 
to tie up her donkey ? Never. Rather shall we select for our- 
selves some other place for prayer until abu-'Amir * comes 
and leads our service." Now, abu-'Amir had fled from the 
face of Allah and his Prophet to Makkah and thence to 
Syria where he was converted to Christianity. Hence the 
text revealed by Allah : " There are some who have built a 
mosque for mischief and for infidelity and to disunite the 
* Believers,' and in expectation of him who, in time past, 
warred against Allah and his Messenger " — referring to 

Rauh ibn-'Abd-al-Mu'min al-Makri from Sa*id ibn- 
Jubair : — Banu-'Amr ibn-'Auf erected a mosque in which the 

1 Koran, 9 : log.  

' The series of authorities introducing a tradition have been cut 
short throughout the translation, only the first and last authorities 
being mentioned. 

**'Lajja" in F. Wiistenfeld, Geshichte der Stadt Medina, p. 131. 

* Ibn-Hisham, pp. 561-562 ; and Geschkhte der Stadt Medina, p. 53. 


Prophet led them in prayer. This aroused the jealousy of 
their brothers banu-Ghanm ibn-'Auf who said, " If we, 
too, could erect a mosque and invite the Prophet to pray in 
is as he prayed in our friends' ! Abu-'Amir, too, may pass 
here on his way from Syria and lead us in prayer." Ac- 
cordingly, they erected a mosque and sent an invitation to 
the Prophet to come and pray in it. But no sooner had 
the Prophet got up to start, than the following text was 
revealed to him : " There are some who have built a mosque 
for mischief and for infidelity and to disunite the 'Believers,' 
and in expectation of him who, in time past, warred against 
Allah and his Messenger," the one meant being abu-*Amir, 
" never set thou foot in it. There is a mosque founded 
from its first day in piety. More worthy it is that thou 
enter therein. Therein are men who aspire to purity and 
Allah loveth the purified. Which of the two is best? He 
who hath founded his building on the fear of Allah and the 
desire to please him," etc., referring to the mosque of Kuba'. 

Muhammad ibn-Hatim ibn-Maimun from al-Hasan: — 
When the text, " Therein are men who aspire to purity " 
was revealed, the Prophet communicated with those who 
prayed in the mosque of Kuba' asking about the meaning of 
the purity mentioned in connection with their name, and 
they replied, "We, Prophet of Allah, wash after voiding 
excrement and urine." 

" The mosque founded in piety'' Muhammad ibn- 
Hatim from 'Amir : — Some of the people of Kuba' used to 
wash with water the place of exit of the excrement.^ Hence 
the text, " They aspire to purity." 

'Amr ibn-Muhammad an-Nakid and Ahmad ibn-Hisham 
from Sahl ibn-Sa'd : — Two men in the time of the Prophet 
disagreed regarding the " mosque founded in piety," the one 

1 C/. az-Zamakhshari, Kashshdf, vol. i, p. 564 (ed. Lees). 


contending it was the Prophet's mosque, the other, the 
Kuba' mosque. They finally came and asked the Prophet 
to which he replied, '' It is this mosque of mine." ^ 

*Amr ibn-Muhammad from ibn-*Umar : — The " mosque 
founded in piety " is the mosque of the Prophet. 

Muhammad ibn-Hatim from Ubai ibn-Ka'b : — In answer 
to a question directed to the Prophet regarding the " mosque 
founded in piety," the Prophet replied : "It is this my 

Hudbah ibn-Khalid from Sa'id ibn-al-Musaiyib who said 
regarding the " mosque founded in piety " that the great 
mosque of the Prophet is the one meant. 

A tradition to the same effect is reported by 'AH ibn- 
*Abdallah al-Madini on the authority of Kharijah ibn-Zaid 
ibn-Thabit and by 'Affan on the authority of Sa'id ibn-al- 
Musaiyib, and by Muhammad ibn-Hatim ibn-Maimun as- 
Samin on the authority of *Abd-ar-Rahman ibn-abi-Sa*id 
al-Khudri's father. 

Kuba' mosque was later enlarged and added to. When 
*Abdallah ibn-'Umar entered it for prayer, he always turned 
his face to the " polished column " ^ ; and that was the place 
where the Prophet always prayed. 

The Prophet arrives at al-Madmah. The Prophet spent 
in Kuba' Monday, Tuesday, Wednesday, and Thursday, 
riding away on Friday for al-Madinah. Friday prayer he 
performed in a mosque erected by banu-Salim ibn-'Auf ibn- 
*Amr ibn-'Auf ibn-al-Khazraj, that being the first Friday on 
which he led public prayer. Then the Prophet passed by 
the houses of the Ansdr one by one ^ and each one of them 
offered to entertain him. He kept his way, however, until 

^ Baidawi, Anwar at-Tanzil, vol. i, p. 401. 
^Geschichte der Stadt Medina, p. 65. 
' Ibn-Hisham, p. 336. 


he arrived at the site of his mosque in al-Madinah where his 
camel knelt/ He dismounted. Then came abu-Aiyub 
Khalid ibn-Zaid . . . ^ ibn-al-Khazraj who took off the saddle 
of the Prophet's camel. The Prophet took up his abode at 
abu-Aiyub's.^ Certain Khazrajis invited the Prophet, but 
he retorted, " Man is where his camel's saddle is." He re- 
mained at abu-Aiy lib's for seven months. He took up his 
residence there after [Friday-] prayer, one month since his 
departure [from Makkah]. The Ansdr presented to the 
Prophet all the unoccupied parts of their lands, saying, " O 
Prophet of Allah, take our own dwelHngs if thou wish." 
But he said, "No!" 

The mos que of the Prophet. Abu-Umamah * As'ad ibn- 
Zurarah ibn-'Udas ibn-*Ubaid ibn-Tha'labah ibn-Ghanm 
ibn-Malik ibn-an- Najjar, Nakib-m-chiti,^ used to conduct 
Friday prayers for his Moslem followers in a mosque of his 
own in which the Prophet, too, used to pray. The Prophet, 
thereafter, requested As'ad to sell him a piece of land con- 
tiguous to this mosque. The land was in the hands of As*ad 
but belonged to two orphans in his custody whose names 
were Sahl and Suhail sons of Rafi* ibn-abi-*Amr ibn-*A'idh 
ibn-Tha'labah ibn-Ghanm.® As'ad proposed to offer it to 
the Prophet and to pay its price to the orphans himself. 
But the Prophet refused and paid for its price ten dinars,'' 

1 Ibn-Sa'd, Kitdh at-Tabakdt, vol. i^, p. i6o. 

' In this and in other cases to come, the genealogical table has been 
cut short in the translation. 

3 Ad-Diyarbakri, al-Khamts, vol. i, p. 386. 

^ Geschichte der Stadt Medina, p. 60. 

^Nakib is the superintendent of a people who takes cognizance of 
their actions and is responsible for them; ibn-IIajar, vol. i, pp. 61-63. 

* Ibn-Hisham, p. 503. 

' A gold coin worth about ten shillings. 


which money he secured from abu-Bakr as-Siddik. By the 
Prophet's orders, bricks were prepared and used for build- 
ing the mosque. Its foundations were laid with stones; 
its roof was covered with palm branches; and its columns 
were made of trunks of trees/ When abu-Bakr became 
caliph he introduced no changes in the mosque. When 
*Umar was made caliph he enlarged it and asked al-' Abbas 
ibn-'Abd-al-Muttalib to sell his house that he might add it 
to the mosque. Al-^ Abbas offered the house as a gift to 
Allah and the Moslems ; and 'Umar added it to the mosque. 
In his caliphate, 'Uthman ibn-'Affan reconstructed the 
mosque with stone and gypsum, making its columns of stone, 
and its roof of teak- wood. 'Uthman also added to the 
mosque and carried to it small pebbles from al-'Akik.^ The 
first caliph to plant in it maksurah^ was Marwan ibn-al- 
Hakam ibn-abi-l-'Asi ibn-Umaiyah who made his maksurah 
of carved stones. No change was thereafter introduced in 
the mosque until al-Walid ibn-'Abd-al-Malik ibn-Marwan 
succeeded his father. This al-Walid wrote to his 'dmil [lieu- 
tenant, governor] in al-Madinah, 'Umar ibn-'Abd-al-'Aziz, 
ordering him to destroy the mosque and reconstruct it. 
Meanwhile, he forwarded to him money, mosaic, marble, and 
eighty Greek and Coptic artisans from Syria and Egypt. 
Accordingly, the 'dmil rebuilt it and added to it, entrusting 
the supervision of its work and the expenditure for it to 
Salih ibn-Kaisan, a freedman of Su'da, a freedmaid of the 
family of Mu'aikib ibn-abi-Fatimah ad-Dausi. This took 
place in the year 87, some say 88.* After this, no caliph 

1 Al-Hamadhani, Kitdb al-Bulddn, p. 24. 

2 Hamadhani, Kitdb al-BuIddn, p. 25. 

5 See J AGS., vol. xxvii, pp. 273-274, Gottheil, "a distinguished fam- 
ily of Fatimite Cadis"; and Geschichte der Stadt Medina, p. 71. 

* Geschichte der Stadt Medina, p. yS' 


made changes in the mosque down to the time of al-Mahdi's 

According to al-Wakidi, al-Mahdi sent 'Abd-al-Malik 
ibn-Shabib al-Ghassani and another^ descended from 'Umar 
ibn-'Abd-al-*Aziz to al-Madinah to reconstruct its mosque 
and increase it in size. The governor of al-Madinah was 
at that time Ja'far ibn-Sulaiman ibn-*Ali. It took these 
two one year to carry out the undertaking. One hundred 
cubits [Ar. dhiraf] were added to the rear, making its length 
300 cubits and its width 200. 

According to 'Ali ibn-Muhammad al-Mada'ini, al-Mahdi 
appointed Ja'far ibn- Sulaiman to the governorship of 
Makkah, al-Madinah and al-Yamamah. Ja'far enlarged the 
mosques of Makkah and al-Madinah, the work in the latter 
being completed in the year 162. Al-Mahdi had visited 
Makkah before the pilgrimage season, in the year [i]6o, and 
ordered that the maksurah be supplanted and that it be 
put on the same level with the mosque. 

In the year 246, caliph Ja'far al-Mutawakkil ordered that 
the mosque of al-Madinah be repaired. Much mosaic was 
subsequently carried to it ; and the year 247 marked the 
completion of the work. 

'Amr ibn-Hammad ibn-abi-Hanifah from 'A'ishah : — The 
Prophet said: "All districts or cities were conquered by 
force, but al-Madinah was conquered by the Koran." 

The inviolability of al-Madinah. Shaiban ibn-abi- 
Shaibah-1-Ubulli from al-Hasan : — The Prophet said: 
" Every prophet can make a place inviolable, so I have made 
al-Madinah inviolable as Abraham had made Makkah. Be- 
tween its two Harrahs,^ its herbage shall not be cut, its trees 8 

I'Abdallah ibn-'Asim; De Goeje's edition of Baladhuri, p. 7, note b. 
*The word means tracts of black stones, i. e., the volcanic region in 
the vicinity of al-Madinah. 


shall not be felled/ nor should weapons be carried in it for 
fight. He, therefore, who does that or harbors in his home 
one who has done so, may be cursed of Allah and his 
angels and all men. From him no repentance or ransom 
shall be accepted." 

Rauh ibn-'Abd-al-Mu'min al-Basri-1-Makri from abu- 
Hurairah : — The Prophet said : "My Lord, Abraham was thy 
servant and messenger, and so am I thy servant and mes- 
senger. And I have made inviolable all that lies between 
its two stony tracts as Abraham had made Makkah inviol- 
able." Abu-Hurairah used to say : "By him who holds my 
life in his hands, even if I should find the deer in. Batihan ^ 
I would not care for them." 

Shaiban ibn-abi-Shaibah from Muhammad ibn-Ziyad's 
grandfather (a freedman of 'Uthman ibn-Maz*iin and the 
holder of a piece of land belonging to the Maz^un family in 
Harrah) who said : — " 'Umar ibn-al-Khattab with his robe 
on his head would sometimes call on me at midnight, 
take a seat and converse with me. I would then bring him 
cucumbers and vegetables. But one day he said : ' Go not : 
I have made thee superintendent of this place. Let no one 
beat a tree with a stick [that its leaves may fall] or cut off 
a tree (referring to the trees of al-Madinah) ; and if thou 
find anyone doing it, take away his rope and ax.' When 
I asked him, * Shall I take his robe?' he answered, * No '." 

Abu-Mas'ud ibn-al-Kattat from Ja'far ibn-Muhammad's 
father : — The Prophet declared inviolable all trees growing 
between Uhud and 'Air, allowing [only] the driver of the 
water-carrying camel to cut al-ghada^ trees and use them 
for repairing his ploughs and carts. 

1 Al-Bukhari, al-Jami' as-Sahih, vol. i, p. 40. 

2 Also Bathan or Buthan ; see al-Hamdani, Sifat Jazirat al-Arah, p. 
124, line 9. 

3 *' Of the genus Euphorbia with a woody stem, often 5 or 6 ft. in 
height, and innumerable round green twigs" — Palgrave's Travels, 
vol. i, p. 38. 


Hima ar-Rabadhah . Bakr ibn-al-Haitham from Zaid ibn- 
Aslam's father who said : — " I heard 'Umar ibn-al-Khattab 
say to one^ whom he placed in charge oiHima^ ar-Rabadhah 
and whose name Bakr forgot, ' Stretch not thy wing* to any 9 
Moslem. Beware the cry of the oppressed, for it is an- 
swered. Admit [to the Hima] the owner of the small herd 
of camels and sheep but keep off the cattle of ibn-*Affan 
and ibn-'Auf ; for if their cattle should perish they resort to 
sowing, whereas if the cattle of this poor man perish, he 
comes to me crying, " O, commander of the believers! O, 
commander of the believers T To offer grass is easier for 
the Moslems than to offer money in gold and silver.* By 
Allah, this is their land for which they fought in pre- 
Islamic time and which was included in their terms when 
they became Moslem. They would, therefore, certainly feel 
that I oppress them; and had it not been for the cattle 
[secured by declaring a place Hima] to be used in the cause 
of Allah, I would never make a part of a people's land 

Hima an-NakV. Al-Kasim ibn-Sallam abu-'Ubaid from 
ibn-'Umar : — The Prophet declared an-Naki* hima and re- 
served it for the Moslem cavalry.^ Abu-'Ubaid told me 
that it is an an-Naki' [and not al-Baki*, as some have it] 
and that the handakuk plant [sweet trefoil] grows in it. 

Mus'ab ibn-'Abdallah az-Zubairi from Sa'd ibn-abi- 

^ Whose name was Hunai ; Bukhari, vol. ii, p. 263. 

' Reservation, pasture land reserved for t|je public use of a com- 
munity or tribe to the exclusion of everyone else. Rabadhah was a 
district and a village 5 miles from al-Madinah. 

3 Treat leniently, see ibn-al-Athir, an-Nihayah, vol. iii, p. 26, 

* i. e., it is easier to let the owner of the little herd feed his flock on 
the I^ima than to give him money for sustaining his children. 

5 Geschichte der Stadt Medina, p. i55; Wakidi, Kitdb al-Maghdzi, pp. 
183-184. Naki' lay 20 parasangs from Madinah. 


Wakkas : — The latter once found a young servant felling 
trees in the hima [reserved land]. He beat the servant 
and took his ax. The servant's mistress, or a woman of 
his kin, went to 'Umar and accused Sa'd. 'Umar ordered 
that the ax and the clothes be returned. But Sa'd refused 
saying, " I will not give up spoils given me by the Prophet 
whom I heard say, ' Whomever ye find cutting trees in the 
hima, ye should beat and deprive of what he has.' " From 
the ax Sa'd made a shovel which he used in his property 
to the end of his life. 

Al-Ghabah. Abu-1-Hasan al-Mada'ini from ibn-Ju*dubah 
and abu-Ma'shar : — When the Prophet was at Zuraib (prob- 
ably on his return from the expedition of dhu-Kard) banu- 
Harithah of the Ansdr said to him referring to the site of 
al-Ghabah [forest], "This is the place for our camels to 
go loose, and for our sheep to graze, and for our women 
to go out." The Prophet then ordered that he who had 
cut off a tree should replace it by planting a small shoot. 
Thus was al-Ghabah planted with trees. 

Wddi-Mahzur . *Abd-al-A'la ibn-Hammad an-Narsi from 
abu-Malik ibn-Tha'labah's father : — The Prophet decreed in lo 
the case of Wadi-Mahzur ^ that the water be shut off on the 
the surface until it rises to the two ankles, at which it should 
be conducted to the other place, thus preventing the owner 
of the higher property from holding the water from the 
owner of the lower one. 

Ishak ibn-abi-Isra'il from *Abd-ar-Rahman ibn-al- 
Harith: — The Prophet decreed in the case of the Mahzur 
torrent that the owner of the higher property should hold 
the water until it rises to the two ankles, at which he must 
let it go to the holder of the lower land. 

1 One of the valleys of Madinah, see al-Bakri, Kitah Mu'jant Ma-s- 
ta'jam, vol. ii, p. 562. 


'Amr ibn-Hammad ibn-abi-Hanifah from 'Abdallah ibn- 
abi-Bakr ibn-Muhammad ibn-'Amr ibn-Hazm al-Ansari's 
father : — The Prophet decreed in the case of Mahzur torrent 
and Mudhainib ' that the water be shut in until it reaches 
the two ankles, then the upper supplies the lower. Accord- 
ing to Malik, the Prophet passed a similar judgment in the 
case of Batihan torrent. 

Al-Husain ibn-al-Aswad al-'Ijli from abu-Malik ibn- 
Tha'labah ibn-abi-Malik's father : — The Prophet was called 
upon to decide in the case of Mahzur, the valley of banu- 
Kuraizah, upon which he decreed that water rising above 
the two ankles cannot be shut in by the higher owner from 
the lower owner. 

Al-Husain from Ja'far ibn-Muhammad' s father: — The 
Prophet decreed in the case of Mahzur torrent that the 
owners of palm trees have right to the ankle-high water, 
sowers have right to the water as high as the two straps of 
the sandal, after which the water is sent to the lower owners. 

Hafs ibn-'Umar ad-Duri from 'Urwah: — The Prophet n 
said : " Batihan is one of the channels of Paradise." 

*Ali ibn-Muhammad al-Mada'ini abu-1-Hasan from Ju'- 
dubah and others : — In the caliphate of 'Uthman, al- 
Madinah was threatened with destruction by the Mahzur 
torrent, which necessitated the erection of a dam by 
*Uthman. Abu-1-Hasan added that in the year 156 the tor- 
rent brought a terrifying volume of water. The governor 
at that time. *Abd-as-Samad ibn-*Ali ibn-'Abdallah ibn- 
al-'Abbas, sent 'Ubaidallah ibn-abi-Salamah-l-*Umri who, 
with a big crowd, started after the afternoon prayer to see 
the torrent which had, by that time, covered the sadakah- 
lands^ of the Prophet. An old woman from al-'Aliyah- 

1 " Mudhainib " in al-Bakri, pp. 518, 562. 

2 Mawardi, al-Ahkdm as-Sultaniyah, p. 292. Sadakah is a portion 
which a man gives from his property to the poor by way of propitia- 
tion. It is primarily superogatory, whereas zakat is obligatory. 


region ^ pointed out to them a spot to which she had often 
heard people refer. There they dug and the water found 
exit through which it passed to Wddi-Bsitihkn. From 
Mahzur to Mudhainib is a water-course which empties its 
water in it. 

The Prophet calls al-Madmah Taybah. Muhammad ibn- 
Aban al-Wasiti from al-Hasan : — The Prophet invoked 
Allah's blessing on al-Madinah and its inhabitants calling 
it Taybah.' 

Abu-*Umar Hafs ibn-*Umar ad-Diiri from 'A'ishah, the 
mother of the believers: — When the Prophet emigrated to 
al-Madinah, a disease spread among the Moslems in it. 
Among those taken seriously ill were abu-Bakr, Bilal and 
*Amir ibn-Fuhairah. During his illness, abu-Bakr often re- 
peated the following verse : * 

" One in the morning may lie amidst his family 

and death may be nearer to him than his sandal's strap." * 

Bilal often repeated the following: 

"O, would I that I spent a night 

at Fakh where idhkhir and jalil ^ plants surround me ! 
And would that I some day visit Maj annah-water to drink it, 
and see Shamah and Tafil [Mts.] !" 

'Amir ibn-Fuhairah used to repeat the following : 

"I have found death before I tasted it, 12 

verily the death of the coward comes from above.* 
[Man struggles according to his own ability,] 
like the bull that protects his skin with his horn." '^ 

1 Yakut, s.v. 'Aliyah. 

2 Al-Hamadhani, Kitdb al-Buldan, p. 23 ; Geschichte der Stadt Medina, 
p. 10. 

' Hisham, p. 414; Azraki, Akhbar Makkah, p. 3^3- 
* Cf. Freytag, Arabum Proverbia, vol. i, p. 492, no. 63. 
^Idhkhir a small plant of sweet smell used for roofing houses. Jalil 
a weak plant with which the interstices of houses are stopped up. 
^ Freytag, Proverbia, vol. i, p. 7, no. 10. 
■^ Az-Zamakhshari, al-Fd'ik, vol. ii, pp. 5-6. 


This was reported to the Prophet and he prayed : " Make 
al-Madinah, O Allah, wholesome for us as thou hast made 
Makkah for us, and bless for us its sd' and mudd ^ [grain 
measures] !" 

The water-course of al-Harrah. Al-Walid ibn-Salih 
from 'Urwah : — One of the Ansdr had a dispute with az- 
Zubair ibn-al-'Auwam regarding the water-courses that run 
from al-Harrah to the plain. The Prophet said, " Zubair, 
use the water, then turn it to thy neighbor." ^ 

Al-Akik as iief. Husain ibn-'Ali ibn-al-Aswad al-'Ijli 
from Hisham ibn-'Urwah's father: — As 'Umar was par- 
celling al-*Akik into fiefs, he came to a part of it regarding 
which he remarked, " I never gave such a land in fief." To 
this Khauwat ibn-Jubair replied, " Give it out to me." And 
'Umar did. 

Al-Husain from Hisham ibn-'Urwah's father: — 'Umar 
gave al-*Akik in fief from its upper to its lower end. 

Al-Husain from Hisham ibn-'Urwah : — *Umar accom- 
panied by az-Zubair set out to distribute fiefs, and as 
*Umar was giving them out, he passed by al-^Akik and said : 
" Where are the seekers of fiefs ? I have not yet today 
passed by a more fertile land." Az-Zubair said : " Give 
it out to me." And 'Umar did. 

A similar tradition was communicated by al-Husain from 
Hisham ibn-'Urwah's father. 13 

Khalaf ibn-Hisham al-Bazzar from Hisham ibn-'Urwah's 
father who said : — "Umar ibn-al-Khattab gave out as fief to 
Khauwat ibn-Jubair al-Ansari a piece of dead land. This 
we bought from him." 

A similar tradition was communicated to me by al-Husain 
ibn-al-Aswad on the authority of Hisham's father. 

1 Wakidi, al-Maghdzi, p. 14 ; al- Azraki, p. 382. 

' One tradition occurring here and defining certain terms in the pre- 
vious tradition has been omitted in the translation. Evidently it is a 


Other iiefs. Al-Husain from 'Urwah : — Abu-Bakr gave 
out as fief to az-Zubair the land lying between al-Jurf ^ and 
Kanah.^ Abu-1-Hasan al-Mada'ini told me that Kanah is 
a valley stretching from at-Ta'if to al-Arhadiyah and 
Karkarat al-Kudr and thence it comes to Sudd-Ma'unah 
from which it runs by the end of al-Kadum and ends at the 
head of Kubur ash-Shuhada [martyrs' tombs] at Uhud. 

Abu-'Ubaid al-Kasim ibn-Sallam from certain learned 
men : — The Prophet gave out as fief to Bilal ibn-al-Harith 
al-Muzani certain mines ^ in the Furu' district. 

'Amr an-Nakid and ibn-Sahm al-Antaki from abu- 
'Ikrimah the freedman of Bilal ibn-al-Harith al-Muzani : — 
The Prophet gave out as fief to Bilal a piece of land having 
a mountain and mines. The sons of Bilal sold a part of it 
to 'Umar ibn-'Abd-al-'Aziz in which one mineral (or he 
may have said two) appeared. The sons of Bilal there- 
upon said : " What we sold thee is not the minerals but the 
tillable land." Then they brought forth a statement written 
for them by the Prophet on a palm leaf which *Umar kissed 
and with which he rubbed his eye saying to his steward: 
" Find out what the income and the expenses are, retain 
what thou hast expended, and give them back the balance." 

Abu-'Ubaid from Bilal ibn-al-Harith : — The Prophet gave 
out all al-'Akik as fief to Bilal. 

The zakdt on the metals. Mus'ab az-Zubairi from Malik 
ibn-Anas: — The Prophet assigned as fief to Bilal ibn-al- 
Harith certain mines in the Furu' district. On this, all 
our learned men agree. Nor do I know of any disagree- 

1 Called 'Arsat al-Bakal in al-Wakidi's days, see Wakidi, tr. Well- 
hausen, pp. 103-104. 

^A valley near Mount Thaib, one day's journey from Madinah. 

3 The mines of al-Kabaliyah, see al-Mutarrizi, Kitah al-Mughrib, 
vol. ii, p. 108. 


ment among our followers regarding the fact that in the 
case of mines the ;2akdt is one-fourth of the tithe. It is re- 
ported that az-Zuhri often repeated that in the case of 
mines ^akdt is binding. It is moreover reported that he 
said that the sakdt is one-fifth. That is what the people of 
al-'Irak say who at present impose on the mines of al-Furu', 
Najran, dhu-1-Warwah, Wadi-1-Kura and others one-fifth in 
accordance with the view of Sufyan ath-Thauri, abu- 
Hanifah, abu-Yusuf and the school of al-'Irak.^ 

' All's iiefs. Al-Husain ibn-al-Aswad from Ja*far ibn- 
Muhammad : — The Prophet assigned to 'Ali as fief four 
pieces of land, i. e., the two Fukairs, Bi'r-Kais, and 

A similar tradition was communicated to me by al-Husain 
on the authority of Ja^far ibn-Muhammad. 

'Amr ibn-Muhammad an-Nakid from Ja'far ibn-Muham- 
mad's father : — 'Umar ibn-al-Khattab assigned to 'Ali as fief 
Yanbu'/ and another piece was added to it. 

A similar tradition was communicated to me by al-Husain 
on the authority of Ja'far ibn-Muhammad' s father. 

The well of 'Urwah, the res ervoir of 'Amr and the canal 
of Bandt-Nailah, etc. The next tradition was communi- 
cated to me by one in whom I trust on the authority of 
Mus'ab ibn'Abdallah az-Zubairi : — The well of 'Urwah ibn- 
az-Zubair is named after *Urwah ibn-az-Zubair ; the 'Amr 
reservoir is named after 'Amr ibn-az-Zubair; the canal of 
Banat-Na'ilah is named after children of Na'ilah, daughter 
of al-Farafisah-1-Kalbiyah and wife of 'Uthman ibn-'Affan 
('Uthman had taken possession of this canal and conveyed 

1 Malik ibn-Anas, al-Mudauwanah, vol. ii, p. 47; ash-Shafi'i, Kitah 
al-Umm, vol. ii^, p. z^- 
^ Yakut, vol. iii, pp. 260-261. 
' Yakut, vol. iv, pp. 1038- 1039. 



its water to a piece of land at al-'Arsah ^ which he culti- 
vated and worked) ; the land of abu-Hurairah is ascribed 
to abu-Hurairah ad-Dausi ; and as-Sahwah in Mt. Juhainah 
is the sadakah of 'Abdallah ibn-'Abbas. 

Kasr-Nafls. It is said that the Nafis castle is ascribed to 
Nafis at-Tajir [the merchant] ibn-Muhammad ibn-Zaid 
ibn-'Ubaid ibn-al-Mu'alla ibn-Laudhan ibn-Harithah ibn- 
Zaid of al-Khazraj, the allies of banu-Zuraik ibn-'Abd- 
Harithah of al-Khazraj. This castle stands in Harrat- 
Wakim at al-Madinah. 'Ubaid ibn-al-Mu'alla died as martyr 1 5 
in the battle of Uhud. Others say it is Nafis ibn-Muham- 
mad ibn-Zaid ibn-'Ubaid ibn-Murrah, Mu'alla's freedman. 
This 'Ubaid and his father were among the captives of 
'Ain at-Tamr. 'Ubaid ibn-Murrah died in the battles of 
al-Harrah. His surname was abu-'Abdallah. 

'A'ishah well. The *A'ishah well is ascribed to *A'ishah 
ibn-Numair ibn-Wakif, 'A'ishah being a man's name of 

Al-Muttalib well and al-MurtaiV well. Al-Muttalib well 
on the Trak road is ascribed to al-Muttalib ibn-*Abdallah 
ibn-Hantab ibn-al-Harith ibn-*Ubaid ibn-'Umar ibn-Makh- 
zum. Ibn-al-Murtafi' well is ascribed to Muhammad ibn- 
al-Murtafi' ibn-an-Nadir al-'Abdari. 

The Silk in al-Madinah. Muhammad ibn-Sa*d from 
'Ata ibn-Yasar, the freedman of Maimunah, daughter of 
al-Harith ibn-Hazn ibn-Bujair of al-Hilal tribe: — ^When 
the Prophet wanted to found a market in al-Madinah he 
said : " This is your market and no khardj will be assessed 
on it." 

T he 'A rim dam. A1-' Abbas ibn-Hisham al-Kalbi from 
his grandfather and Sharki ibn-al-Kutami-1-Kalbi : — When 
Nebuchadnezzar destroyed Jerusalem,^ expelled of the 

^ See Yakut, al-Mushtarik, p. 159. 

2 Bait al-Makdis or al-Bait al-Mukaddas. See ibn-Khurdadhbih, 
Kitah al-MasdIik, pp. 78 and 79. 


Israelites those whom he expelled, and carried away those 
whom he carried into captivity, some Israelites fled away to 
al-Hijaz and settled in Wadi-1-Kura, Taima', and Yathrib. 
At that time there lived in Yathrib a tribe of Jurhum and a 
remnant of al-' AmaHk who lived on date-planting and wheat- 
growing. Among these, the Israelites settled and asso- 
ciated with them, and kept increasing in number, as Jurhum 
and al-'Amalik were decreasing, until the former drove the 
latter from Yathrib and established their authority over it, 
taking possession of their cultivated and pasture lands. 
This was their condition for a long time. Then it came to 
pass that those of the people of al-Yaman descended from 
Saba ibn-Yashjub ibn-Ya'rub ibn-Kahtan were filled with 
the spirit of oppression and tyranny and ignored the grace 
of their God in regards to the fertility and luxury he be- 
stowed on them. Consequently, Allah created rats that began 
to bore the dam, which stood between two mountains and 
had pipes which the people could open when they wished 
and get as much water as they wanted. This is the 'Arim 
dam.^ The rats went on working on the dam until it was i6 
broken through. Thus did Allah let their gardens sink and 
their trees disappear, changing them into khamt,^ tamarisk 
and some few jujube trees.* 

The wanderings of al-Azd. Seeing what happened, 
Muzaikiyah i. e. *Amr ibn-'Amir . . . ibn-Amru'i-1-Kais 
. . . ibn-Ya'rub ibn-Kahtan sold all the property and cattle 
he possessed, summoned the Azd and started together to the 
land of the tribe of 'Akk. There they settled. 'Amr re- 
marked : " To seek herbage before knowledge is weakness." 
The tribe of *Akk were distressed at the fall of their best 

1 Koran, 34-15. 

2 A tree with bitter fruit. 

3 GGA, 1863, p. 1348. 



lands into the hands of al-Azd and asked the latter to evacu- 
ate the land. Thereupon a one-eyed and deaf man of al- 
Azd, named Jidh', made an attack on a 'Akk party and de- 
stroyed them. This resulted in a war between al-Azd and 
'Akk. The Azd, after being defeated, returned and charged, 
in reference to which Jidh' composed the following verse : 

" We are the descendants of Mazin — there is no doubt, 
the Ghassan of Ghassan versus the 'Akk of *Akk, 

and they shall see whether we or they are the weaker." 

(Previous to this al-Azd had settled near a spring called 
Ghassan. Hence their name, Ghassan. ) ^ Al-Azd now set 
off until they arrived in the land of Hakam ibn-Sa'd al- 
'Ashirah . . . ibn Ya'rub ibn-Kahtan. There they fought 
and won the victory over Hakam. But it occurred to them 
to move, and they did, leaving a small band behind. The 
next place they came to was Najran. Here they met re- 
sistance from the inhabitants of the place but finally won 
the victory. After settling in Najran they departed with 
the exception of a few who had special reasons to stay. 
Al-Azd then arrived in Makkah which was populated with 
the Jurhum tribe. They made their abode in Batn-Marr. 
Tha'labah the son of 'Amr Muzaikiya demanded of Jurhum 
that the plain of Makkah be given to his people. This re- 
quest having been refused, a battle ensued in which Tha^labah 
got control of the plain. Tha'labah and his people, how- 
ever, realized after this that the place was unwholesome, and 
found it hard to make their living in it; so they dispersed, 
one band of them leaving for 'Uman, another for as-Sarat, 
another for al-Anbar and al-Hirah, another for Syria and jy 
one band chose Makkah for abode. This made Jidh' say : 
" Every time ye go to a place, ye al-Azd, some of you 

1 Near Sudd-Ma' rib in al-Yaman; Hisham, p. 6. 


detach ^ themselves from the rest. Ye are on the point of 
becoming the tail among the Arabs." That is why those 
who settled in Makkah were called Khuza'ah.^ Then came 
Thalabah ibn-'Amr Muzaikiya with his son and followers 
to Yathrib whose people were Jews. They settled outside 
the city where they grew and increased in number and be- 
came so strong as to drive the Jews from Yathrib. Thus 
they came to live inside the city and the Jews outside of it. 

Al-Aus and al-Khazraj . Al-Aus and al-Khazraj are the 
sons of Harithah ibn-Tha'labah ^ ibn-'Amr Muzaikiya ibn- 
*Amir, and their mother was Kailah, daughter of al-Arkam. 
Some say she was a Ghassanide of al-Azd tribe, others say 
she was of 'Udhrah tribe. 

In pre-Islamic times, the Aus and the Khazraj saw many 
battles which made them trained in warfare. They became 
so used to fighting that their valor spread far, their cour- 
age became well known, their bravery was often cited and 
their name became a source of terror in the hearts of the 
Arabs, who feared them. Their possessions were well 
guarded against encroachment, and their neighbor was well 
protected; and all that was preparatory to the fact that 
Allah wanted to have them support his Prophet and to honor 
them by lending him aid. 

It is reported that at the arrival of the Prophet in al- 
Madinah he wrote an agreement and made a covenant with 
the Jews of Yathrib.* The Jews of Kainuka', however, 
were the first to violate the covenant, and the Prophet ex- 
pelled them from al-Madinah. The first land that the 
Prophet conquered was that of the banu-an-Nadir. 

^Ar. inkhaza'a, see an-Nihdyah under khaza'a. 
^Azraki, p. 55- 

^ Hisham, p. 140 ; Geschichte der Stadt Medina, p. 56. 
*■ One of the names of Madinah. 

The Possessions of the banu-an-Nadir 

Banu-an-Nadir besieged . The Prophet once accompanied 
by abu-Bakr, 'Umar and Usaid ibn-Hudair came to the banu- 
an-Nadir who were Jews and soHcited their aid for raising 
the bloodwit of two men of the banu-Kilab ibn-Rabi'ah who 
had made peace with him and who were killed by *Amr ibn- 
Umaiyah ad-Damri/ The Jews intended to drop a stone on 
him but the Prophet left them and sent them word ordering i8 
them to evacuate his city [ Yathrib] because of their perfidy 
and violation of covenant. The Jews refused to comply, 
and announced hostility.^ Upon this the Prophet marched 
and besieged them for fifteen days, at the close of which 
they capitulated, agreeing to evacuate his town and to be 
entitled to whatever the camels could carry with the ex- 
ception of coats of mail and armor, the Prophet taking their 
land, palm-trees, coats of mail and other arms. Thus did 
all the possessions of the banu-an-Nadir become the property 
of the Prophet. The Prophet used to sow their land planted 
with palm-trees and thus provided for his family and wives 
for one year. With what could not be consumed, he bought 
horses and arms. 

Fiefs assigned. Of the land of banu-an-Nadir, the Prophet 
gave fiefs to abu-Bakr, 'Abd-ar-Rahman ibn-'Auf, abu- 

*Hisham, p. 652; Ibn-Sa'd, vol. ii^, p. 40; Al-Wakidi, zX-Maghaziy 
p. 353. 
' Al-Ya'kubi, Ta'rikh, vol. ii, p. 49. 



Dujanah ' Simak ibn-Kharashah as-Sa'idi and others. This 
occurred in the year 4 of the Hegira. 

Mukhairik . According to al-Wakidi, one of the banu-an- 
Nadir, Mukhairik, was a learned rabbi and he beheved in the 
Prophet and offered him all that he possessed, which was 
seven palm-gardens surrounded with walls. This the Pro- 
phet set apart as sadakah-l^nd. The seven gardens are: 
al-Mithab, as-Safiyah, ad-Dalal, Husna,^ Barkah, al-A'waf, 
Mashrabat umm-Ibrahim,® Ibrahim being the son of the 
Prophet and his mother being Mariyah, the Copt. 

Other versions of the conquest . Al-Kasim ibn-Sallam 
from az-Zuhri : — The attack on the banu-an-Nadir, the Jews, 
took place six months after the battle of Uhud. The Prophet 
pressed the siege until they agreed to evacuate the city 
stipulating that they take with them whatever utensils their 
camels could carry with the exclusion of the coats of mail. 
Hence the text revealed by Allah : "All that is in the heavens 
and all that is on the earth praiseth Allah! And He is 
the mighty, the wise ! He it is who caused the unbeHevers 
among the people of the Book ", etc.,* to " put the wicked 
to shame." 

The next tradition was communicated to us by al-Husain 
ibn-al-Aswad on the authority of Muhammad ibn-Ishak ** 
regarding the above text which Allah hath revealed to his 
Messenger: — Those referred to are banu-an-Nadir. By 
" Ye pressed not towards it with horse or camel. But Allah 
giveth his Messengers authority over whomsoever He will- 
eth ",^ Allah showed that it is wholly assigned to the 

* Ya'kubi, vol. ii, p. SO. 

'"Al-5asna" in Geschkhte der Stadt Medina, p. 150. 
' Wakidi, tr. Wellhausen, p. 166. 

* Koran, 59: i. 

^ Hisham, pp. 654 and 655. 

* Baidawi, vol. ii, pp. 322-323. 


Prophet and to no one else. The Prophet then parcelled 19 
out the land among the Emigrants. But when Sahl ibn- 
Hunaif and abu-Dujanah mentioned their poverty, he gave 
them a share. As for the text : " The spoil taken from the 
people of the villages and assigned by Allah to his Mes- 
senger, it belongeth to Allah and to the Messenger," etc., 
to the end of the text, it means that Allah made another 
division among the Moslems. 

According to a tradition I received from Muhammad 
ibn-Hatim as-Samin on the authority of ibn-*Umar, the 
Prophet burnt and cut down the palm-trees of the banu-an- 
Nadir in reference to which Hassan ibn-Thabit says : 

" The leading men of the banu-Lu'ai would have regarded it easy, 
to bring about the great fire at Buwairah." ^ 

According to ibn-Juraij, it was in this connection that 
Allah revealed the text : " Whatever palm-trees ye have cut 
down or left standing on their stems was by Allah's per- 
mission and to put the wicked to shame." 

A similar tradition was communicated to us by abu-'Ubaid 
on the authority of ibn-'Umar. 

Abu-'Amr ash-Shaibani, among other reporters, holds 
that the above-quoted verse was composed by abu-Sufyan 
ibn-al-Harith ibn-*Abd-al-Muttalib and that its wording is 
as follows: 

" The leading men of the banu-Lu'ai would have regarded it hard, 
to bring about the great conflagration of Buwairah." 

(According to other reports it is Buwailah [and not 
Buwairah] ) .^ Hassan ibn-Thabit in answer to that wrote 
the following : 

1 AI-Bakri, under Buwairah ; Ibn-Hisham, pp. 712-713. 
'Yakut, vol. i, p. 765. 


" May Allah perpetuate the conflagration 
and make the fire rage in its parts. 

They were given the Book but they lost it. 

Thus with respect to the Taurat they are blind and erring." 1 

The Prophet's special share. 'Amr ibn-Muhammad an- 
Nakid from Malik ibn-Aus ibn-al-Hadathan :— It was stated 
by 'Umar ibn-al-Khattab that the possessions of the banu-an- 
Nadir were assigned by Allah to the Prophet, the Moslems 
having not " pressed toward them with horse or camel." 
Thus they were wholly his property. The Prophet used 
to spend their annual income on his family and invest what 
was left in horses and arms to be used in the cause of Allah. 
Hisham ibn-*Ammar ad-Dimashki from Malik ibn-Aus 
ibn-al-Hadathan: — 'Umar ibn-al-Khattab told him [Mahk] 
that the Prophet had three special shares which he appro- 
priated for himself ; namely, the possessions of the banu-an- 
Nadir, Khaibar and Fadak. The possessions of the banu-an- 
Nadir he reserved for use in case of misfortunes that might 
befall him. Those of Fadak were reserved for wayfarers. 
Those of Khaibar he divided into three portions, two of 
which he divided among the Moslems and the third he re- 
served for his and his family's expenses, distributing what 
was left after the expenses to the needy among the 

Al-Husain ibn-al-Aswad from az-Zuhri : — The possessions 
of the banu-an-Nadir were among the things that Allah as- 
signed to his Prophet. The Moslems " pressed not towards 
them with horse or camel." They were therefore wholly the 
property of the Prophet; and he divided them among the 
Emigrants, giving nothing of them to the Ansdr with the 
exception of two persons who were needy, i. e., Simak ibn- 
Kharashah abu-Dujanah, and Sahl ibn-Hunaif, 

1 Cf. Ijlassan ibn-Thabit, Diwdn, p. 46. 


Al-Husain from al-Kalbi : — When the Prophet secured the 
possessions of the banu-an-Nadir, who were the first he made 
to evacuate the land, Allah said : " He it is who caused the 
unbelievers among the ' People of the Book ' to quit their 
homes and join those who had evacuated previously." ^ 
Thus these possessions were among the spoils towards which 
the Moslems " pressed not with horse or camel." The 
Prophet then said to the Ansdr : ** Your brethren, the Emi- 
grants have no possessions. If ye therefore desire, I will 
divide these [newly acquired possessions] and what ye al- 
ready possess among you and the Emigrants. But if ye 
desire, keep ye your possessions and I will divide these 
[newly acquired ones] among the Emigrants alone." To 
this the Ansdr replied : '* Divide these among them and give 
them from our possessions whatever thou wishest." Be- 
cause of this the text was revealed : " They prefer them be- 
fore themselves, though poverty be their own lot." ^ There- 
upon abu-Bakr said : " May Allah give you the good recom- 
pense, ye Ansdrs your case and ours is like that referred 
to by al-Ghanawi where he said, 

' May Allah recompense in our behalf the Ja'far, 21 

who when our feet slipped in al-Wat'atain and we fell, 

took ungrudging care of us 
although our mothers would have murmured if they were in their 

The rich are many and every hungry man 
goes to places kept warm and sheltered.* " 

The fief of az-Zuhair. Al-Husain from Hisham ibn- 
'Urwah's father : — The Prophet assigned as fief to az-Zubair 
ibn-*Auwam a piece of the banu-an-Nadir's land planted 
with palm-trees. 

Al-Husain from Hisham ibn-'Urwah's father : — The Pro- 

1 Koran, 59 : 2. ^ Kqj.., 59 : 9. 


phet gave out of the land of the banu-an-Nadir in fief and he 
gave a fief to az-Zubair. 

Muhammad ibn-Sa*d/ the secretary of al-Wakidi, from 
Anas ibn-'Iyad, and ^Abdallah ibn-Numair from Hisham 
ibn-*Urwah's father: — The Prophet assigned as fief to az- 
Zubair a piece of the banu-an-Nadir' s land planted with palm- 
trees. Abu-Bakr assigned to az-Zubair as fief al-Jurf. 
Anas in his tradition says the land was dead. 'Abdallah 
ibn-Numair says in his tradition that 'Umar gave az-Zubair 
as fief all of al-'Akik. 

1 Ibn-Sa*d, vol. ii2 p. 41. 

The Possessions of the banu-Kuraizah 

The subjection of the hanu-Kuraizah. The Prophet be- 
sieged banu-Kuraizah for a few days in dhu-1-Ka'dah, and a 
few days in dhu-1-Hijjah, of the year 5, the whole time being 
fifteen days.^ These banu-Kuraizah were among those who 
had assisted in the fight against the Prophet in the battle 
of al-Khandak [the moat] also called battle of al-Ahzab 
[the confederates]. Finally they surrendered and he in- 
stalled Sa'd ibn-Mu^adh al-Ausi as their ruler. The latter 
decreed that every adult ^ be executed, that women and 
children be carried as captives and that all that they pos- 
sessed be divided among the Moslems.* The Prophet ap- 
proved of the decree saying : " What thou hast decreed is 
in accordance with the decree of Allah and his Prophet." 

Gabriel appears to t he Prophet. 'Abd-al-Wahid ibn- 
Ghiyath from 'A'ishah : — When the Prophet was done with 22 
the battle of al-Ahzab, he went into the wash-room in order 
to wash. There Gabriel appeared to him and said, " Mu- 
hammad, thou hast laid down thy arms; but we have not 
yet. Hasten against the banu-Kuraizah." ^A'ishah upon this 
said to the Prophet : " O Prophet of Allah, I have seen him 
[Gabriel] through a hole in the door with the dust around 
his head!"* 

1 Dhu-l-Ka'dah 22, — dhu-1-IJijjah 9; cf. Wakidi, tr. Wellhausen, p. 
210; Tabari, vol. i, p. 1487. 

2 Literally " every one on whose beard the razor could be used." 
^ Wakidi, Maghazi, p. 2)7 Z- 

* Wakidi, Maghazi, p. 371 ; Ibn-Sa*d, vol. iil, p. 55; Ibn-Hisham, p. 684. 


The adults executed. *Abd-al- Wahid ibn-Ghiyath from 
Kathir ibn-as-Sa'ib : — Banu-Kuraizah were presented to the 
Prophet with the result that those of them who had at- 
tained to puberty ^ were executed and those who had not 
attained to puberty were spared. 

Huyai ibn-Akhtab put to death with his son . Wahb ibn- 
Bakiyah from al-Hasan : — Huyai ibn-Akhtab made a cove- 
nant with the Prophet agreeing never to assist anyone against 
him and mentioned Allah as surety for the covenant. When 
he and his son were brought before the Prophet on the day 
of Kuraizah, the Prophet remarked : " The one mentioned 
as surety has done his part." By the order of the Prophet 
the heads of the man and his son were cut off.^ 

The division of the booty. Bakr ibn-al-Haitham from 
Ma'mar who said : — I once asked az-Zuhri whether the banu- 
Kuraizah had any lands, to which he replied directly, " The 
Prophet divided it among the Moslems into different 

Al-Husain ibn-al-Aswad from ibn-' Abbas : — The Prophet 
divided the possessions of the banu-Kuraizah and Khaibar 
among the Moslems.^ 

The conquest according to az-Zuhri. Abu-'Ubaid al- 
Kasim ibn-Sallam from az-Zuhri : — The Prophet pressed the 
siege against banu-Kuraizah until they surrendered to Sa'd 
ibn-Mu'adh who decreed that their men be executed, their 
children be taken as captives and their possessions be 
divided. Accordingly, a certain number of men were put 
to death on that day. 

1 Literally every one who "had the dreams and hair" that mark 

2 Tabari, vol. i, p. 1494- 

3 Wakidi, Wellhausen, pp. 220-221. 


Khaibar 23 

The capitulation of Khaibar. The Prophet invaded 
Khaibar ^ in the year 7. Its people contended with him, 
delayed him and resisted the Moslems. So the Prophet be- 
sieged them for about one month.^ They then capitulated 
on the terms that their blood would not be shed, and their 
children be spared, provided that they evacuate the land, 
which he permitted the Moslems to take together with the 
gold and silver and arms — except what was on the person of 
the banu-Khaibar, and that they keep nothing secret from the 
Prophet. They then told the Prophet, " We have special 
experience in cultivation and planting palm-trees," and asked 
to be allowed to remain in the land. The Prophet granted 
them their request and allowed them one-half of the fruits 
and grains produced saying : " I shall keep you settled so 
long as Allah keeps you." 

'Umar expe ls the people of Khaibar. During the cali- 
phate of *Umar ibn-al-Khattab, a pestilence spread among 
them and they mistreated the Moslems. 'Umar, thereupon, 
made them evacuate the land, dividing what they had among 
those of the Moslems who already had a share in it. 

The terms made . Al-Husain ibn-al-Aswad from Muham- 
mad ibn-Ishak who said : — " I once asked ibn-Shihab about 
Khaibar and he told me that he was informed that the 

1 Yakut, vol. ii, p. 503. 

2 Diyarbakri, Ta'rikh al-Khamis, vol. ii, p. 47. 



Prophet captured it by force after a fight, and that it was 
included among the spoils which Allah assigned to his 
Prophet. The Prophet took its fifth and divided the land 
among the Moslems. Those of its people who surrendered 
did ^ so on condition that they leave the land ; but the Pro- 
phet asked them to enter into a treaty, which they did." 

Huyai hides a bag full of money. 'Abd-al-A'la ibn- 
Hammad an-Narsi from ibn-*Umar : — The Prophet came to 
the people of Khaibar and fought them until he drove them 
to their castle and captured their land and palm-trees. They 
then capitulated on the terms that their blood be not shed, 
that they evacuate the land and be entitled to all that their 
camels could carry, and that the Prophet be entitled to the 
gold and silver and arms.^ The Prophet made it a condi- 
tion for them that they hold nothing secret or hidden from 
him, otherwise they are no more within his protection or 
covenant. They, however, hid a leather bag in which were 
kept money and jewels belonging to Huyai ibn-Akhtab. 
This bag Huyai had brought to Khaibar on the occasion 24 
of the expulsion of the banu-an-Nadir. The Prophet asked 
Sa'yah ibn-*Amr saying, "What has become of the bag which 
Huyai brought from the banu-an-Nadir?" To this Sa'yah 
answered, " Wars and expenses have emptied it." But the 
Prophet remarked, " It was a short time and a big sum of 
money. Moreover, Huyai was killed before that." The 
Prophet then turned Sa'yah over to az-Zubair and the latter 
put him to the torture. At last Sa'yah said : " I saw Huyai 
roaming about in a deserted place yonder." Search was 
made in the deserted place and the bag was found. The 
Prophet, thereupon, put the two sons of abu-1-Hukaik to 
death, one of whom was the husband of Saf iyah,® the daugh- 

1 Hisham, p. 779. ^ Ibn-Sa'd, vol. ii^, pp. 79-80. 

3 who became one of the wives of Muhammad, see an-Nawawi, 
Tahdhtb al-Asmd', pp. 846-847. 


ter of Huyai ibn-Akhtab. Moreover, he captivated their 
children and women and divided their possessions because 
of their breach of faith. 

'Ahdalldh ibn-Rawdhah estimates the produce. The Pro- 
phet also wanted to expel the banu-Khaibar from the land but 
they said, " Let us stay in the land to repair it and manage 
it." The Prophet and his companions having no slaves to 
manage it, and they having no time to do it themselves, he 
gave them Khaibar on condition that they have one-half of 
every palm-tree or plant ... ^ as it occurred to the Prophet. 
^Abdallah ibn-Rawahah used to come every year and esti- 
mate by conjecture the quantity of dates upon the palm-trees 
and rent them one-half. Banu-Khaibar accused him to the 
Prophet charging him with partiality in estimation and of- 
fered to bribe him. To this he ['Abdallah] replied saying, 
"Do ye enemies of Allah mean to give me unlawful money? ^ 
By Allah, I have been sent to you by one whom of all men I 
love best. As for you, I hate you more than monkeys and 
pigs. My hatred to you and love to him, however, shall 
never stand in the way of my being just to you." They 
then said, " Through this [justice] have heavens and earth 
been established !" 

The green spot in the eye of Safiyah, the Prophet's wife. 
Once the Prophet, noticing a green spot in the eye of 
Safiyah, daughter of Huyai, asked her about it, and she said, 
"As my head lay in the lap of ibn-abi-1-Hukaik, I saw in 
my sleep as if a moon fell in my lap. When I told him of 
what I saw he gave me a blow saying, 'Art thou wishing to 
have the king of Yathrib ?' " ^ Safiyah added, " Of all men 
the Prophet was the one I disliked most, for he had killed 

^ Text not clear. 
2 Kor., 5 : 67 and 68. 
^Tabari, vol. i, p. 1582. 


my husband, father and brother. But he kept on saying, 
' Thy father excited the Arabs to unite against me and he 
did this and that,' until all hatred was gone away from me." 

The Prophet used to give annually each of his wives 80 25 
camel-loads of dates and 80 loads of barley from Khaibar. 

'Uniar divides Khaibar. It was stated by Nafi' that dur- 
ing the caliphate of 'Umar ibn-al-Khattab, the people of 
Khaibar mistreated the Moslems and deceived them and 
broke the hands of the son of 'Umar ^ by hurling him from 
the roof of a house. Consequently, 'Umar divided the 
land among those of the people of Hudaibiyah who had 
taken part in the battle of Khaibar. 

The forts of Khaibar. Al-Husain ibn-al-Aswad from 
'Abdallah ibn-abi-Bakr ibn-Muhammad ibn-'Amr ibn- 
Hazm: — The Prophet besieged the people of Khaibar in 
their two fortresses — al-Watih and Sulalim. When they felt 
that their destruction was sure, they requested the Prophet 
to let them off and spare their lives. This he did. The 
Prophet had already taken possession of all their property ^ 
including ash-Shikk, an-Natat and al-Katibah together with 
all their forts except what was in the above-mentioned two. 

''Speedy victory/' The following tradition regarding 
the text : ^ "And rewarded them with a speedy victory " was 
transmitted by al-Husain ibn-al-Aswad on the authority of 
'Abd-ar-Rahman ibn-abi-Laila : — Khaibar and another are 
meant who could not be subdued by the Persians and Greeks. 

The division of Khaibar. 'Amr an-Nakid from Bushair 
ibn-Yasar: — The Prophet divided Khaibar into thirty-six 
shares and each share into a hundred lots. One-half of 
the shares he reserved for himself to be used in case of 

^Hisham, p. 780. 

2 Six fortresses mentioned by Ya'kubi, vol. ii, p. 56. 

« Kor., 48 : 18. 


accident or what might befall him, and the other half he 
distributed among the Moslems. According to this, the 
Prophet's share included ash-Shikk with an-Natat and 
whatever was included within them. Among the lands 
turned into wakf ^ were al-Katibah and Sulalim. When 
the Prophet laid his hands on these possessions, he found 
that he had not enough 'dmils ^ for the land. He therefore 
turned it over to the Jews on condition that they use the 
land and keep only one-half of its produce. This arrange- 
ment lasted throughout the life of the Prophet and abu-Bakr. 
But when 'Umar was made caliph, and as the money be- 
came abundant in the lands of the Moslems, and the 
Moslems became numerous enough to cultivate the land, 
'Umar expelled the Jews to Syria and divided the property 26 
among the Moslems. 

Bakr ibn-al-Haitham from az-Zuhri : — ^When the Prophet 
conquered Khaibar the fifth share of it [reserved for him- 
self] was al-Katibah; as for ash-Shikk, an-Natat, Sulalim 
and al-Watih they were given to the Moslems. The Pro- 
phet left the land in the hands of the Jews on condition that 
they give him one-half of the produce. Thus the part of the 
produce assigned by Allah to the Moslems was divided 
among the Moslems until the time of 'Umar who divided 
the land itself among them according to their shares. 

Abu-'Ubaid from Maimun ibn-Mihran : — The Prophet be- 
sieged the inhabitants of Khaibar between twenty and thirty 

Al-Husain ibn-al-Aswad from Bushair ibn-Yasar: — The 
Prophet divided Khaibar into thirty-six shares — eighteen 
for the Prophet to meet the expenses of accidents, visitors, 

^ Unalienable legacy to the Moslem general community. 
2 Governors whose chief function it was to collect taxes and conquer 
more lands. 


and delegates, and the remaining eighteen shares to be 
divided each among one hundred men/ 

Al-Husain from Bushair ibn-Yasar : — Khaibar was divided 
into thirty-six shares, each one of which was subdivided 
into one hundred lots. Eighteen of these shares were 
divided among the Moslems including the Prophet, who had 
in addition eighteen shares to meet the expenses of visitors 
and delegates and accidents that might befall him. 

'Ahdalldh ibn-Rawdhah estimates the produce. 'Amr 
an-Nakid and al-Husain ibn-al-Aswad from ibn-'Umar: — 
The Prophet sent ibn-Rawahah to Khaibar who made a 
conjectural estimation of the palm-trees and gave the people 
their choice to accept or refuse, to which they replied : " This 
is justice; and upon justice have heaven and earth been 

The sons of abu-l-Hukaik put to death. Ishak ibn-abi- 
Isra'il from an inhabitant of al-Madinah: — The Prophet 27 
made terms with the sons of abu-1-Hukaik stipulating that 
they conceal no treasure. But they did conceal; and the 
Prophet considered it lawful to shed their blood. 

Abu-'Ubaid from Maimun ibn-Mihran: — ^The people of 
Khaibar were promised security on their lives and children 
on condition that the Prophet get all that was in the fort. 
In that fort were the members of a family strongly opposed 
to the Prophet. To them the Prophet said : " I am aware 
of your enmity to Allah and to his Prophet, but this is not 
to hold me from granting you what I granted your com- 
panions. Ye, however, have promised me that if ye conceal 
a thing your blood will become lawful to me. What has be- 
come of your utensils?" " They were all " — they replied, 
" used up during the fight." The Prophet then gave word to 

iC/. Wakidi, tr. Wellhausen, p. 285; Tabari, vol. i, p. 1588; Athir, 
vol. ii, p. 171. 


his Companions to go to the place where the utensils were. 
The vessels were disinterred and the Prophet struck off 
their heads. 

'Ahdallah ibn~Rawdhah. 'Amr an-Nakid and Muham- 
mad ibn-as-Sabbah from ibn-' Abbas : — The Prophet turned 
Khaibar over with its soil and palm-trees to its inhabitants 
allowing them half of the produce. 

Muhammad ibn-as-Sabbah from ash-Sha'bi: — The Pro- 
phet turned Khaibar over to its inhabitants for one-half 
of the produce and sent *Abdallah ibn-Rawahah to estimate 
the dates (or perhaps he said the palm-trees). This he 
estimated and divided into two halves and asked them to 
choose whichever one they wanted. Upon this they said, 
" It is by this that heavens and earth have been established." 

A certain friend of abu-Yusuf from Anas: — 'Abdallah 
ibn-Rawahah said to the people of Khaibar, "If ye wish, 
I will estimate and let you choose; otherwise, ye estimate 
and let me choose." Upon this they said, " It is by this that 
heavens and earth have been established." 

The division of Khaibar . Al-Kasim ibn-Sallam from 
az-Zuhri : — The Prophet took Khaibar by force as a result 
of a fight; and after taking away one-fifth, he divided the 
remaining four-fifths among the Moslems. 

The Jews of Khaibar ex pelled. *Abd-al-A'la ibn- ^8 
Hammad an-Narsi from ibn-Shihab: — The Prophet said: 
" There can be no two religions at the same time in the 
Arabian peninsula." ^ 'Umar ibn-al-Khattab investigated 
until he found it certain and assured that the Prophet had 
said, " There can be no two religions at the same time in 
the Arabian peninsula." Accordingly, he expelled the Jews 
of Khaibar. 

^Gottheil, " Dhimmis and Moslems in Egypt" in 0. T. and Semitic 
Studies, vol. ii, p. 351. 


The Prophet gives his share . Al-Walid ibn-Salih from 
al-Wakidi's sheikhs: — The Prophet assigned his share in 
Khaibar as a means of subsistence, bestowing on each one 
of his wives 80 camel-loads of dates and 20 loads of 
barley; on his uncle al-' Abbas ibn-'Abd-al-Muttalib 200 
loads; and on abu-Bakr, 'Umar, al-Hassan, al-Husain and 
others including the banu-al-Muttalib ibn-'Abd-Manaf a 
certain number of loads. To this end, he drew up for them 
a document. 

Al-Walid from Aflah ibn-Humaid's father who said : — " I 
was made by *Umar ibn-'Abd-al-'Aziz governor of al- 
Karibah ; and we used to give the heirs of the recipients of 
the Prophet's bestowals their due, those heirs being num- 
bered and recorded by us. 

^Urnar divides Khaibar. Muhammad ibn-Hatim as- 
Samin from Naii* : — The Prophet turned Khaibar over to the 
hands of its people on condition that they give him one-half 
of the produce. Thus they held it during the life of the 
Prophet, abu-Bakr and the early part of the caliphate of 
*Umar. Then *Abdallah ibn-'Umar visited them for some 
purpose and they attacked him in the night. He [*Umar], 
therefore, turned them out of Khaibar and divided it among 
those of the Moslems who were present [in its battle] giv- 
ing a share to the Prophet's wives. To the latter he said, 
" Whichever of you likes to have the fruit can have it, and 
whichever likes the estate can have it, and whatever ye 
choose will be yours and your heirs' after you." 

Al-Husain ibn-al-Aswad from ibn-' Abbas : — Khaibar was 
divided into 1580 shares. The Moslems were 1580 men, 
of whom 1 540 had taken part in the battle of al-Hudaibiyah 
and forty were with Ja'far ibn-abi-Talib in Abyssinia. 

The Hef of az-Zuhair. Al-Husain ibn-al-Aswad from 
ibn-'Urwah's father : — The Prophet gave as fief to az-Zubair 29 
lands in Khaibar planted with palm- and other trees. 


The capitulation of Fadak. As the Prophet departed 
from Khaibar, he sent to the people of Fadak ^ Muhaiyisah 
ibn-Mas'ud al-Ansari inviting them to Islam. Their chief 
was one of their number named Yiasha' ibn-Nun the Jew. 
They made terms with the Prophet, agreeing to give up one- 
half of the land with its soil.^ The Prophet accepted. 
Thus one-half was assigned wholly to the Prophet because 
the Moslems " pressed not against it with horse or camel." * 
The Prophet used to spend the income on the wayfarers. 

'Umar expels the inhabitants. The inhabitants of Fadak 
remained in it imtil 'Umar ibn-al-Khattab became caliph and 
expelled the Jews of al-Hijaz. On that occasion he sent 
abu-1-Haitham Malik ibn-at-Taiyihan (some say an- 
Naiyihan), Sahl ibn-abi-Haithamah al-Ansari, and Zaid ibn- 
Thabit al-Ansari, who estimated justly the value of one- 
half of its soil. This value 'Umar paid to the Jews and 
expelled them to Syria. 

Sa'id ibn-Sulaiman from Yahya ibn-Sa'id: — The people 
of Fadak made terms with the Prophet agreeing to give 
one-half of the land and the palm-trees. When *Umar ex- 
pelled them, he sent some one to estimate their share in land 
and palm-trees and he gave them their value. 

1 Yakut, vol. iii, pp. 856-857. 
^Not only the produce. 

3 Athir, vol. ii, p. 171 ; Mas'udi, Kitah at-Tanbih, p. 258. 


Bakr ibn-al-Haitham from az-Zuhri: — 'Umar ibn-al- 
Khattab gave the people of Fadak the price of one-half of 
their land and palm-trees. 

Al-Husain ibn-al-Aswad from az-Zuhri, *Abdallah ibn- 
abi-Bakr and certain sons of Muhammad ibn-Maslamah : — 
Only a remnant of the Khaibar was spared. They betook 
themselves to the fortifications and asked the Prophet to 
save their lives and let them go off. The people of Fadak 
having heard of that surrendered on the same conditions.^ 
Thus Fadak became the special share of the Prophet, for the 30 
Moslems " pressed not against it with horse and camel." 

A similar tradition was transmitted to us by al-Husain 
from 'Abdallah ibn-abi-Bakr, with one addition, that among 
those who were intermediary between the two parties was 
Muhaiyisah ibn-Mas*ud. 

Al-Husain from 'Umar : — The Prophet had three portions 
appropriated to himself exclusive of his men: the land of 
banu-an- Nadir which was unalienable and to meet the ex- 
penses of the accidents that might befall him, Khaibar which 
he divided into three parts, and Fadak the income of which 
was reserved for wayfarers. 

The wives of the Prophet demand an inheritance . *Abdal- 
lah ibn-Salih al-Tjli from 'Urwah ibn-az-Zubair : — The 
wives of the Prophet delegated 'Uthman ibn-'Affan to ask 
abu-Bakr to give them their inheritance from the share of 
the Prophet in Khaibar and Fadak. But 'A'ishah said to 
them, " Do ye not fear Allah? and have ye not heard the 
Prophet say — ' What we leave as sadakah cannot be in- 
herited?' This property therefore is the property of the 
people of Muhammad to meet the expenses of the accidents 
and guests, and when I die it goes to the one in authority 
after me." On hearing this, the other wives desisted from 
their request. 

1 Diyarbakri, vol. ii, pp. 57 and 64. 



A similar tradition was communicated to us by Ahmad 
ibn- Ibrahim ad-Dauraki on the authority of *Urwah. 

The banu-Umaiyah confiscate Fadak. Ibrahim ibn- 
Muhammad ibn-'Ar'arah from al-Kalbi : — The banu- 
Umaiyah confiscated Fadak and violated the law of the 
Prophet in regard to it. But when 'Umar ibn-'Abd-al-*Aziz 
became caliph, he reinstated the land in its old condition. 

Fdtimah demands Fadak. 'Abdallah ibn-Maimun al- 
Mukattib from Malik ibn-Ja*wanah's father : — Fatimah said 
to abu-Bakr, "The Prophet assigned to me Fadak; thou 
shouldst therefore give it to me." ^ *Ali ibn-Abi-Talib 
acted as a witness in her favor. But abu-Bakr asked for 
another witness; and umm-Aiman testified in her favor. 
Abu-Bakr, thereupon, said '' Thou, daughter of Allah's Pro- 31 
phet, knowest that no evidence can be accepted unless it is 
rendered by two men or a man and two women." Upon 
this she departed. 

Rauh al-Karabisi from one supposed by Rauh to have 
been Ja'far ibn-Muhammad : — Fatimah said to abu-Bakr, 
" Give me Fadak, the Prophet has assigned it to me." Abu- 
Bakr called for evidence and she presented umm-Aiman 
and Rabah, the Prophet's freedman, both of whom testified 
in her favor. But abu-Bakr said, " In such a case no evi- 
dence could be accepted unless it be rendered by a man and 
two women." 

Ibn-*A'ishah at-Taimi from umm-Hani : — Fatimah, the 
Prophet's daughter, called on abu-Bakr and asked : " Who 
will inherit thee when thou art dead ?" to which he replied, 
" My son and family." " Why then," asked she, " hast thou 
— and not we — inherited the Prophet's possessions?" 
" Daughter of Allah's Prophet," answered abu-Bakr, " by 
Allah, I have inherited from thy father neither gold nor 

* Bukhari, vol. iii, p. 131. 

FADAK c-j 

silver, neither this nor that." " But," said she, " thou hast 
inherited our share in Khaibar and our sadakah in Fadak." 
To this abu-Bakr repHed, " Daughter of Allah's Prophet, I 
heard Allah's Prophet say, ' This is but something assigned 
by Allah as a means of subsistence to use during my life; 
on my death it should be turned over to the Moslems.' " 

*Uthman ibn-abi-Shaibah from Mughirah: — *Umar ibn- 
*Abd-al-*Aziz once summoned the banu-Umaiyah and ad- 
dressed them saying : " Fadak belonged to the Prophet and 
by the income from it he met his own expenses, supplied the 
needy among the banu-Hashim and helped the unmarried 
among them to marry. Fatimah asked him to bestow it on 
her, but he refused. After the Prophet's death, abu-Bakr 
used it in the same way. And so did *Umar when he be- 
came caliph. And now I am going to put it back to its 
original use ; and ye will be my witnesses." 

Kura 'Arabiyah. The following tradition was trans- 
mitted to us by Suraij ibn-Yunus from az-Zuhri in explana- 
tion of the text, "Against which ye pressed not with horse 
or camel " : ^ — The places referred to are Kura 'Arabiyah ^ 
that belong to the Prophet, i. e., Fadak, and this and that. 

'Umar expels the Jews of Fadak , Abu-'Ubaid from az- 32 
Zuhri or someone else : — 'Umar expelled the Jews of Khaibar 
and they evacuated the place. As for the Jews of Fadak, 
they retained half the fruits [produced] and half the soil, 
in accordance with the conditions on which they made terms 
with the Prophet. *Umar paid them the price of half the 
products and half the soil in gold, silver and pack-saddles, 
and then expelled them. 

The khutbah of 'Umar ihn-Ahd-al-Aziz. 'Amr an- 
Nakid from abu-Burkan : — ^The following is taken from the 

iKor., 59:6. 

'Bakri, pp. 657-658; Wakidi, Maghasi, p. 374- 


Speech of 'Umar ibn-'Abd-al-'Aziz on his installment in 
the caliphate : " Fadak was among the spoils that Allah 
assigned the Prophet and the * Moslems pressed not against 
it with horse and camel.' When Fatimah asked him to give 
her the land, he said, * Thou hast nothing to demand from 
me, and I have nothing to give thee.' The Prophet used 
to spend the income from it on wayfarers. Then came abu- 
Bakr, 'Umar, 'Uthman and 'Ali who put it to the same use 
as the Prophet. But when Mu'awiyah became caliph he 
gave it as fief to Marwan ibn-al-Hakam ; and the latter 
bestowed it on my father and on *Abd-al-Malik. Thus it 
was handed down to al-Walid, Sulaiman and myself. When 
al-Walid became caliph, I asked him to give me his share, 
which he did. In like manner, I asked Sulaiman for his share 
and he gave it. Thus I brought it into one whole again. 
And nothing that I possess is dearer to me than it ! Be ye 
therefore my witnesses, that I have restored it to what 
it was." 

Al-Ma'mun gives Fadak to the descendants of Fatimah. 
In the year 210, the commander of the believers al-Ma'mun 
'Abdallah ibn-Harun ar-Rashid ordered that Fadak be de- 
livered to the children of Fatimah. To that effect he wrote 
to his 'dm^il in al-Madinah, Kutham ibn-Ja^far, saying, 
" Greetings ! — The commander of the believers, in his 
position in the religion of Allah and as caliph [successor] 
of his Prophet and a near relative to him, has the first right 
to enforce the Prophet's regulations and carry out his or- 
ders and deliver to him, whom the Prophet granted some- 
thing or gave it as sadakah, the thing granted or given as 
such. In Allah alone does the success as well as the strength 
of the commander of the believers lie, and to do what makes 
him win His favor is his [the commander's] chief desire. 

The Prophet had given Fatimah, his daughter, Fadak and 
bestowed it as sadakah on her. That was an evident and 


well-known fact on which there was no disagreement among 33 
the relatives of the Prophet, who do not cease to lay claim 
on what was given to Fatimah as sadakah and to which she 
is entitled. Consequently, the commander of the believers 
has deemed it right to return it to the heirs of Fatimah and 
deliver it to them, seeking thereby to win the favor of Allah 
by establishing his right and justice, and of Allah's Prophet 
by carrying out his command and his wish regarding his 
sadakah. This the commander of the believers ordered re- 
corded in his registers and sent in writing to his 'dmils. 
And since, after the death of the Prophet, it has been cus- 
tomary on every mausim ^ to have any person claim a grant, 
or sadakah or promise,^ and to have his claim accepted, then 
Fatimah's claim on what the Prophet has bestowed on her 
should — above that of every one else — be accepted as true. 

The commander of the believers has written to al- 
Mubarik at-Tabari, his freedman, ordering him to give 
Fadak back to the heirs of Fatimah, the Prophet's daugh- 
ter, with all its boundaries and the rights attached to it, and 
including its slaves and products and other things, all to be 
delivered to Muhammad ibn-Yahya ibn-al-Husain ibn-Zaid 
ibn-'Ali ibn-al-Husain ibn-'Ali ibn-abi-Talib and to Muham- 
mad ibn-'Abdallah ibn-al-Hasan ibn-*Ali ibn-al-Husain ibn- 
'Ali ibn-abi-Talib, both of whom the commander of the 
believers has put in charge of the land in behalf of its 

Know therefore that this is the opinion of the commander 
of the believers and what Allah has inspired him to do as 
His will, and what He has enabled him to do in the way of 
winning His favor and His Prophet's favor. Let those 
under thee know it; and treat Muhammad ibn-Yahya 

1 Meeting time of the pilgrims, see an-Nihdyah, vol. iv, p. 211, and 
Mutarrizi, al-Mughrib, vol. ii, p. 250. 

2 Ar. 'idat, see Bukhari, vol. ii, p. 285 ; vol. iii, p. 168. 


and Muhammad ibn-'Abdallah as thou hast treated al- 
Mubarik at-Tabari; and help them in any way that makes 
for the f ertihty, interest and productivity of the land. May 
it be Allah's will, and peace be unto thee. 

Written on Wednesday, two days after the beginning of 
dhu-l-Ka*dah, year 210." 

Al-Mutawakkil restores Fadak to its old condition. When 
al-Mutawakkil, however, became caliph, he ordered that 
the land be reinstated in the condition in which it had been 
before al-Ma'mun. 

Wadi-l-Kura and Taima' 

Wddi-l-Kura taken by assault. When the Prophet de- 
parted from Khaibar, he came to Wadi-1-Kura ^ and invited 
its people to Islam. They refused and started hostihties. 34 
The Prophet reduced the place by force; and Allah gave 
him as booty the possessions of its inhabitants. To the lot 
of the Moslems fell pieces of furniture and other commodi- 
ties of which the Prophet took away one-fifth. The Pro- 
phet left the land with its palm-trees in the hands of certain 
Jews on the same rent terms which he had made with the 
people of Khaibar.^ Some say that *Umar expelled its 
Jews and divided it among those who fought for its con- 
quest. Others, however, say that 'Umar did not expel them, 
for it is not included in al-Hijaz. Today it is annexed to 
the administrative district of al-Madinah and is included 
among its suburbs. 

Mid'am condemned to lire . I was informed by certain 
scholars that the Prophet had a slave, named Mid*am, whom 
Rifa'ah ibn-Zaid al-Judhami had presented to him. Dur- 
ing the invasion of Wadi-1-Kura, Mid'am was shot by an 
arrow from an unknown quarter as he was putting down 
the saddle of the Prophet's camel. When someone re- 
marked, " Blessed, O prophet of Allah, is thy slave, for he 
was shot by an arrow and suffered martyrdom," the Pro- 

1 Yakut, vol. iv, p. 678. 

' Wakidi, tr. Wellhausen, p. 292. 



phet replied, " Nay, the mantle he took from the spoils on 
the day of Khaibar shall verily burn on him like fire." ^ 

Shaiban ibn-Farriakh from al-Hasan : — Someone remarked 
to the Prophet, " Thy lad, so and so, has suffered martyr- 
dom," to which the Prophet replied, " Rather he is dragged 
to fire in a mantle he unlawfully took from the spoils." 

*Abd-al- Wahid ibn-Ghiyath from al-Hasan: — Some one 
remarked to the Prophet, " Happy art thou, for thy lad, so 
and so, has suffered martyrdom!" to which he replied, 
" Rather he is dragged to fire in a mantle he unlawfully 
took from the spoils." ^ 

Taima capitulates. When the people of Taima' heard 
how the Prophet had subjugated the people of Wadi-1- 
Kura, they made terms with him, agreeing to pay poll-tax, 
and they settled in their homes with their lands in their 
possession.^ The Prophet assigned *Amr ibn-Sa'id ibn- 
al-*Asi ibn-Umaiyah as governor to Wadi-1-Kura, and as- 
signed Yazid ibn-abi-Sufyan after its conquest, the latter 
having become Moslem on the day of the conquest of 

'Umar expels the inhabitants. *Abd-al-A'la ibn-Ham- 
mad an-Narsi from 'Umar ibn-'Abd-al-*Aziz : — 'Umar ibn- 
al-Khattab expelled the people of Fadak, Taima' and 35 
Khaibar. The fight between the Prophet and the people 
of Wadi-1-Kura took place in Jumada H, year 7. 

The fief of Hamzah ihn-an-Nu'mdn. A1-* Abbas ibn- 
Hisham al-Kalbi from his grandfather : — The Prophet gave 
as fief to Hamzah ibn-an-Nu*man ibn-Haudhah-l-*Udhri 
his whip's throw * in Wadi-1-Kura. This Hamzah was the 

*Hisham, p. 765. 

' Bukhari, vol. iii, pp. 129-130. 

* Diyarbakri, vol. ii, p. 65. 

* Mawardi, p. 330. 


chief of the banu-'Udhrah and the first of the people of al- 
Hijaz to offer the Prophet the sadakah of banu-'Udhrah. 

The iief of 'Abd-al-Malik ihn-Marwdn. 'AH ibn-Muham- 
mad from al-'Abbas ibn-'Amir's uncle : — *Abd-al-Malik ibn- 
Marwan called on Yazid ibn-Mu*awiyah and said, "O com- 
mander of the believers, Mu'awiyah in his caliphate bought 
from certain Jews a piece of land in Wadi-1-Kura and made 
many improvements in it. Thou hast let that land fall 
into negligence. It is therefore lost, and its income has de- 
creased. Give it therefore as fief to me, and I shall take care 
of it." To this Yazid replied : " We are not stingy in big 
things, nor can a trifling escape our eye." 'Abd-al-Malik 
then said, " Its income is so much ..." '' Thou canst 
have it," said Yazid. ^ When 'Abd-al-Malik departed Yazid 
remarked, "It is said that this is the man that will rule 
after us. If that is right, we would have done him favor 
and expect to receive something in repay; if it is false, we 
have granted him a gift." 

1 L. Caetani, Annali dell Islam, vol. ii, p. 50, note 7. 



The cause of its invasion. When the Prophet made ar- 
rangements with the Kuraish in the year of al-Hudaibiyah 
and wrote down the statement of the truce ^ to the effect that 
he who desires to make a covenant with Muhammad can do 
so, and he who desires to make a covenant with Kuraish 
can do so; and that he of the Companions of the Prophet 
who comes to Kuraish should not be returned, and he of 
the banu-Kuraish or their alHes who comes to the Prophet 
should be returned, then those of Kinanah who were present 
rose and said, " We will enter into a covenant with Kuraish, 
and accept their terms " ; but Khuza^ah said, " We will enter 
into the covenant of Muhammad and his contract." Since 
between *Abd-al-Muttalib and Khuza'ah an old alliance 
existed, 'Amr ibn-Salim ibn-Hasirah-l-Khuza*i composed 
the following verse : 

" O Allah ! I am seeking from Muhammad 

the hereditary alliance of our father and his." 2 

One of the clan of Khuza'ah hearing one of the clan of 
Kinanah sing a poem satirizing the Prophet, attacked him 
and crushed his head. This incident provoked evil and 
fighting between the two parties. Kuraish reinforced banu- 
Kinanah and together they attacked Khuza^ah in the night 
time, thus violating the covenant and the arrangement. 

* Wakidi, Maghazi, p. 387 ; Hisham, pp. 746-747, 803. 
' Hisham, p. 806 ; Wakidi, Maghdzi, p. 402 ; Fakihi, p. 42. 



Thereupon, *Amr ibn-Salim ibn-Hasirah-1-Khuza'i came 
to the Prophet and soHcited his aid. This led the Prophet 
to invade Makkah. 

The following is taken from a long tradition communi- 
cated to us by abu-'Ubaid al-Kasim ibn-Sallam on the au- 
thority of ^Urwah: — Kuraish made terms with the Pro- 
phet, stipulating that both parties promise each other secur- 
ity against treachery and stealth,^ so that a man coming on 
pilgrimage to Makkah or to visit there, or passing on his 
way between al-Yaman and at-Ta'if is safe; and he of the 
" polytheists " who passes through al-Madinah on his way 
to Syria and the East is safe. In this covenant the Prophet 
included banu-Ka'b ; and Kuraish included in their covenant 
their allies of the banu-Kinanah. 

Ahu-Sufydn as an envoy : 'Abd-al-Wahid ibn-Ghiyath 
from 'Ikrimah : — The banu-Bakr of Kinanah were included 
in the peace terms of Kuraish, and the Khuza'ah were in- 
cluded in the peace terms of the Prophet. But a fight took 37 
place between the banu-Bakr and Khuza'ah at 'Arafah.^ 
Kuraish provided banu-Bakr with arms, and gave them 
water to drink, and shelter. Some of the Kuraish objected 
saying, " Ye have violated the covenant," yet the others 
replied, " We have not. By Allah, we did not fight. We 
only gave them provision, water, and shelter." 

They, thereupon, said to abu-Sufyan ibn-Harb, " Go and 
renew the alliance and reconcile the parties " Abu-Sufyan 
proceeded to al-Madinah where he met abu-Bakr and said 
to him, "Abu-Bakr, renew the alliance and reconcile the 

Abu-Bakr asked him to see 'Umar. Accordingly he met 
'Umar and said, " Renew the alliance and reconcile the 

iHisham, p. 747; Caetani, vol. ii, p. 106; Wakidi, tr. Wellhausen, p. 
257, note I ; and Fa'ik, vol. ii, p. 114. 
'Hisham, p. 803; Fakihi, pp. 49 and 144-145; Yakut, vol. iii, p. 646. 


parties," to which 'Umar repHed, " May Allah cut off the 
alliance what is still connected and wear out what is still 
new." Abu-Sufyan then said, " By Allah I never saw a 
worse head of a tribe than thou!" Thence he went to 
Fatimah who asked him to meet 'Ali. This he did and 
made the same request. *Ali replied, " Thou art the sheikh 
of Kuraish and its chief. Renew therefore the alliance and 
reconcile the parties." Abu-Sufyan then clapped his right 
hand against the left saying, " I have renewed the alliance 
and reconciled the parties." 

He then left and came to Makkah. The Prophet had 
said, *'Abu-Sufyan is coming. He returns satisfied without 
having effected any result." When he returned to the people 
of Makkah he told them what had happened and they said, 
" By Allah we know none more foolish than thou. Thou 
dost bring us neither war that we may be warned, nor peace 
that we may feel safe." 

Khuza^ah then came to the Prophet and complained of 
what had befallen them. The Prophet said, " I was ordered 
to secure one of the two towns Makkah or at-Ta'if." 
Thereupon, the Prophet ordered that the march be com- 
menced. Thus he set out with the Companions saying, " O 
Allah, strike upon their ears [with deafness] that they may 
not hear,^ so that we may take them by surprise!" The 
Prophet pressed the march until he camped at Marr az- 
Zahran. Kuraish had asked abu-Sufyan to return. When 
he [abu-Sufyan] got to Marr az-Zahran and saw the fires 
and the tents he said, " What is the matter with the people ? 
They seem like the people celebrating the night of *Arafah." 
Saying this, he was surrounded by the Prophet's horsemen, 
who took him prisoner ; and he was brought before the Pro- 
phet. *Umar came and wanted to execute him, but al- 

iC/. Kor., i8:io. 


*Abbas prevented him and he [abu-Sufyan] embraced Islam 
and presented himself before the Prophet. When the time 
for morning prayer came, the Moslems bestirred themselves 
for ablution before prayer. "What is the matter?" said 
abu-Sufyan to al-'Abbas ibn-'Abd-al-Muttalib, " Do they 38 
mean to kill me?" " No," answered al-' Abbas, " they have 
risen for prayer." As they began to pray, abu-Sufyan 
noticed that when the Prophet knelt they knelt; when he 
prostrated himself, they prostrated themselves ; upon which 
he remarked, " By Allah I never saw, as I did to-day, the 
submissiveness of a people coming from here and there — 
not even in the case of the noble Persians, or the Greeks 
who have long fore-locks." ^ 

A1-* Abbas asked the Prophet saying, " Send me to the 
people of Makkah that I may invite them to Islam." No 
sooner had the Prophet sent him than he called him back 
saying, '' Bring my uncle back to me, that the * polytheists ' 
may not kill him." A1-' Abbas, however, refused to return 
until he came to Makkah and made the following statement : 
" O ye people, embrace Islam and ye shall be safe. Ye 
have been surrounded on all sides. Ye are confronted by 
a hard case that is beyond your power.^ Here is Khalid 
in the lower part of Makkah, there is az-Zubair in the upper 
part of it, and there is the Prophet of Allah at the head 
of the Emigrants, Ansdr and Khuza'ah." To this Kuraish 
replied, "And what are Khuza'ah with their mutilated 
noses !" 

Th e entrance into Makkah . 'Abd-al- Wahid ibn-Ghiyath 
from abu-Hurairah : — The spokesman of Khuza'ah repeated 
the following verse before the Prophet : 

* Fakihi, p. 155 ; Wakidi, Maghdzi, p. 405. 
' Fakihi, p. 150 ; Fa'ik, vol. i, p. 338. 


" O Lord, I am seeking from Muhammad 

the hereditary alliance between our father and his. 
Reinforce therefore, with Allah's guidance, a mighty victory, 

and summon the worshippers of Allah, and they will come for help." ^ 

Hammad states on the authority of Ikrimah that 
Khuza'ah called the Prophet as he was washing himself, and 
the Prophet replied, " Here I am !" 

According to al-Wakidi among others, a band of Kuraish 
took up arms on the day of the conquest [of Makkah] 
saying, " Never shall Muhammad enter the city except by 
force." Accordingly, Khalid ibn-al-Walid led the fight 
against them and was the first to receive the order of the 
Prophet to enter.^ So he killed twenty-four men from [the 
tribe of] Kuraish and four from [the tribe of] Hudhail. 
Others state that twenty-three men from Kuraish were 
killed on that day and the rest took to flight seeking refuge 
in the mountain heights which they climbed. Of the Com- 
panions of the Prophet, Kurz ibn-Jabir al-Fihri, and 
Khalid al- Ashlar al-Ka'bi suffered martyrdom on that day. 
According to Hisham ibn-al-Kalbi, however, the latter of 
the martyrs was Hubaish al-Ash*ar ibn-Khalid al-Ka'bi ^ of 
the tribe of Khuza'ah. 

Abu-Hu rairah describes the conquest. Shaiban ibn-abi- 
Shaibah-1-Ubulli from 'Abdallah ibn-Rabah : — ^A number of 
deputations came to call on Mu^awiyah. It was in Ramadan, 
and we used to prepare food for one another. Abu- 
Hurairah was one of those who often invited us to his dwel- 
ling-place. I [ibn-Rabah] therefore prepared a meal and 
invited them. Then abu-Hurairah asked, " Shall I, O 
Ansdr, amuse you with a narrative concerning you?" and 

^Tabari, vol. i, pp. 1621-1622. 

^Fakihi, p. 153, seq. 

' " Khunais ibn-Khalid " in Hisham, p. 817. 


he went on to describe the conquest of Makkah as follows : 
'* The Prophet advanced until he came to Makkah. At the 
head of one of the two wings of the army, he sent az-Zubair, 
at the head of the other, Khalid ibn-al-Walid, and of the 
infantry abu-'Ubaidah ibn-al-Jarrah. The way they took 
was through the bottom of the valley. The Prophet was 
at the head of his cavalry detachment. On seeing me the 
Prophet called, *Abu-Hurairah,' and I replied, ' Here I am, 
Prophet of Allah.' * Summon the Ansdr/ said he, 'and let no 
one come but my Ansdr.' I summoned them and they came 
around. In the meantime, Kuraish had gathered their mob 
and followers saying, ' Let us send these ahead. If they 
win, we will join them; and if defeated, we shall give what- 
ever is demanded.' ' Do ye see ' said the Prophet, * the 
mob of Kuraish ?' ' We do,' answered the Ansdr. He 
then made a sign with one hand over the other as if to say, 
' kill them.' To this the Prophet added, ' Meet me at 
as-Safa.' Accordingly we set out, each man killing whom- 
ever he wanted to kill, until abu-Sufyan came to the Pro- 
phet saying, ' O Prophet of Allah, the majority of Kuraish 
is annihilated. There is no more Kuraish after this day.' ^ 
The Prophet thereupon announced, 'He who enters the house 
of abu-Sufyan is safe, he who closes his own door is safe, 40 
and he who lays down his arms is safe.' On this the Ansdr 
remarked one to the other. The man is moved by love to his 
relatives and compassion on his clan.' The Prophet at this 
received the inspiration which we never failed to observe 
whenever it came. He therefore said : * O ye Ansdr, ye 
have said so and so ... ' ' We have. Prophet of Allah,' 
replied the Ansdr. ' Nay,' said the Prophet, * I am the 
slave of Allah and his Prophet. I have immigrated to Allah 
and to you. ' My life is your life ; my death is your death !' 

^Fakihi, p. 154. 


Hearing this, the Ansdr began to weep saying, 'By Allah, we 
said what we said only in our anxiety to spare the Prophet 
of Allah.' The people then crowded to the house of abu- 
Sufyan and closed its doors laying down their arms. The 
Prophet proceeded to the ' stone ' and laid hold of it. He 
then made the circuit of the ' House ' and came, with a bow 
in his hand held at its curved part, to an idol at the side of 
the Ka'bah. He began to stab the eye of the idol saying, 
'Truth has come and falsehood has vanished, it is the prop- 
erty of vanity to vanish.' ^ When the circuit was done, he 
came to as-^Safa, climbed it until he could see the ' House,' 
and he raised his hand praising Allah and praying." 

The Prophet's orders. Muhammad ibn-as-Sabbah from 
'Ubaidallah ibn-'Abdallah ibn-'Utbah : — On the occasion of 
the conquest of Makkah, the Prophet made the following 
statement, " Slay no wounded person, pursue no fugitive, 
execute no prisoner; and whosoever closes his door is safe." 

Ibn-Khatal proscribed. Al-Wakidi states that the in- 
vasion in which the conquest was effected was carried on in 
the month of Ramadan in the year 8. On that occasion 
the Prophet remained in Makkah to the time of the festival 
at the end of Ramadan, after which he proceeded to invade 
Hunain. To the governorship of Makkah he assigned 'Attab 
ibn-Asid ibn-abi-l-'ls ibn-Umaiyah, and ordered the de- 
molishing of the idols and the effacement of the pictures that 
stood in the Ka'bah. He also said, "Put ibn-Khatal to death, 
even if ye find him holding the curtains of the Ka'bah." Ac- 
cordingly, abu-Barzah^-1-Aslami put him to death. Accord- 41 
ing to abu-al-Yakzan, however, the name of ibn-Khatal 
was Kais, and the one who put him to death was abu- 
Shiryab al-Ansari. This ibn-Khatal had two female slave- 

iKor., 17:83. 

2 Al-Wakidi, p. 414, calls him abu-Bardah; cf. ibn-Duraid, Kitdb 
al-Ishtikak, p. 66; Nawawi, TahdMb al-Asma\ p. 7^', Hisham, p. 819. 


singers who always sang poems satirizing the Prophet. One 
of them was killed, and the other lived to the time of 
'Uthman when a rib of hers was broken and caused her 

Mikyas ibn-Subdbah proscribed, Numailah ibn-*Abdal- 
lah al-Kinani killed Mikyas ibn-Subabah-1-Kinani, the Pro- 
phet having announced that whosoever finds him may kill 
him. The Prophet did this for the following reason: 
Mikyas had a brother, Hashim ibn-Subabah ibn-Hazn, who 
embraced Islam and witnessed with the Prophet the invasion 
made on al-Muraisi*. Hashim was mistaken by one of the 
Ansdr for a " polytheist " and killed. Mikyas thereupon 
came to the Prophet and the Prophet decreed that the rela- 
tives of the slayer responsible for the bloodwit should pay 
it. Mikyas received the bloodwit and became Moslem. 
Later he attacked his brother's slayer, slew him and took 
to flight, after which he apostatised from Islam and said : 

" My soul has been healed by having him lie, 

deep in the blood flowing from his veins his clothes soaked, 
I took revenge on him by force leaving it, 

for the leaders of banu-an-Najjar, the high in rank, to pay his 
thereby I attained my ambition, and satisfied my vengeance, 

and I was the first to forsake Islam." ^ 

Al-Huwairith proscribed. 'Ali ibn-abi-Talib killed al- 
Huwairith ibn-Nukaidh ibn-Bujair ^ ibn-'Abd ibn-Kusai, the 
Prophet having declared that whosoever finds him may kill 

Ibn-Khatal's slave-singers . Bakr ibn-al-Haitham from 
al-Kalbi : — A female slave-singer owned by Hilal ibn-'Abdal- 
lah, i. e., ibn-Khatal al-Adrami of the banu-Taim, came to 
the Prophet in disguise. She embraced Islam and acknowl- 

^ Mawardi, pp. 229-230. 
* Hisham, p. 819. 


edged the Prophet as chief. Not knowing who she was, 
the Prophet did not molest her. The other singer of Hilal 
was killed. Both singers, however, used to sing satires 
against the Prophet. 

Ibn-as-Ziba'ra embraces Islam. Ibn-az-ZibaVa as-Sahmi 
embraced Islam before the Moslems had chance to kill him, 
and sang poems in praise of the Prophet. On the day of 42 
the conquest of Makkah the Prophet declared his blood law- 
ful, but he was not molested. 

The Prophet's khutbah. Muhammad ibn-as-Sabbah al- 
Bazzaz from al-Kasim ibn-Rabi'ah : — On the day of the battle 
of Makkah the Prophet delivered the following khutbah 
[speech] : " Praise be to Allah who made his promise true, 
and gave his army victory ^ and all alone defeated the 
' confederates.' Verily every privilege of pre-Islamic time 
and every blood and every claim lie under my feet with the 
exception of the custody of the ' House ' ^ and the provid- 
ing of the Pilgrims with beverage." 

Khalaf al-Bazzar from 'Abdallah ibn-*Abd-ar-Rahman's 
sheikhs : — On the day of the conquest of Makkah the Prophet 
asked Kuraish, " What think ye ?" ^ to which they replied, 
" What we think is good, and what we say is good. A noble 
brother thou art, and the son of a noble brother. Thou 
hast succeeded." The Prophet then said, " My answer is 
that given by my brother Joseph,* ' No blame be on you this 
day. Allah will forgive you; for he is the most merciful 
of the merciful.' Verily every debt, possession, and privi- 
lege of pre-Islam lie under my feet with the exception of 
the custody of the * House ' and providing the pilgrims 
with beverage." 

*Hisham, p. 821. 

2 The sanctuary at Makkah ; Azraki, p. 17 seq. 

'Tabari, vol. i, p. 1642. 

* Kor., 12 : 92. 


Shaiban from 'Abdallah ibn-'Ubaid ibn-'Umair: — The 
Prophet said in his khutbah, " Yea, all Makkah is inviolable. 
What is between its two rugged mountains was not lawful 
for any one before me, nor will it be made for any after 
me. To me it was made lawful for only one hour on one 
day. Its fresh herbage shall not be cut, its thorny trees 
shall not be felled, its game shall not be chased, what is 
found ^ in it shall not be kept unless previous announce- 
ment has been made of the find." Al-'Abbas said, " From 
this should be excluded the idhkhir plant ^ to be used by our 
jewelers, blacksmiths and as a means of cleansing^ our 
houses." The Prophet then added, " The idhkhir is ex- 

Yusuf ibn-Musa-1-Kattan from ibn-' Abbas : — The Prophet 
said, " The fresh herbage of Makkah shall not be cut, its 
trees shall not be felled." " With the exception of the 43 
idhkhir plant," remarked al-'Abbas, " which is for the black- 
smiths * and for the cleansing of the houses." This the 
Prophet allowed. 

'Umar advised not to confiscate the treasure. Shaiban 
from al-Hasan : — 'Umar wanted to seize the treasure of the 
Ka'bah to use it in the cause of Allah. But Ubai ibn-Ka*b 
al-Ansari turned to him and said : "Before thee, 'Commander 
of the Believers ' came thy two companions ; ^ who would 
have surely done so, if it were an act of virtue." ^ 

Ma kkah inviolable. *Amr an-Nakid from Mujahid : '' — 

^Abu-Ishak ash-Shirazi, at-Tanbih, p. 156. 
'A sweet rush resembling papyrus used for roofing houses. 
3 Ar. tuhur, according to other readings zuhur "and for the roofs.'" - 
See Wakidi, tr. Wellhausen, pp. 338-339- 
* Ar. kuyun ; Azraki, p. 85, has kubiir " graves ". 
^ Muhammad and abu-Bakr. 
«Caetani, vol. ii, p. 129, note i. 
^ ibn-Jabr ; see an-Nawawi, p. 540. 



" Makkah is inviolable," said the Prophet, " It is not legal 
either to sell its dwellings or to rent its houses." 

The dwelling places of Makkah not to be rented. 
Muhammad ibn-Hatim al-Marwazi from 'A'ishah who said, 
" Once I said to the Prophet, * Build for thee, Prophet of 
Allah, a house in Makkah that will protect thee against the 
sun,' to which he replied, * Makkah is the dwelling place 
only of those who are already in it/ " 

Khalaf ibn-Hisham al-Bazzar from ibn-Juraij who said, 
" I have read a letter written by *Umar ibn-*Abd-al-*Aziz 
in which the renting of houses in Makkah is prohibited." 

Abu-'Ubaid from ibn-'Umar : — The latter said : " The 
whole of al-Haram is a place of worship." ^ 

'Amr an-Nakid from 'Abd-al-Malik ibn-abi-Sulaiman : 
— A message written by *Umar ibn-'Abd-al-'Aziz to the 
chief of Makkah reads : '' Let not the inhabitants of Makkah 
receive rent for their houses because it is not legal for them." 

The following tradition regarding the text, ''Alike for 
those who abide therein and for the stranger ^ " was com- 
municated to us by *Uthman ibn-abi-Shaibah from *Abd-ar- 
Rahman ibn-Sabit : — By the stranger is meant the pilgrims 
and visitors who go there and who have equal right in the 
buildings, being entitled to live wherever they want, pro- 
vided none of the natives of Makkah goes out of his home. 

The following tradition regarding the same text was 
communicated to us by 'Uthman on the authority of 
Mujahid : — The inhabitants of Makkah and other people are 
alike so far as the dwellings are concerned. 

'Uthman and 'Amr from Mujahid : — 'Umar ibn-al-Khattab 44 
once said to the people of Makkah, " Make no doors for 
your houses that the stranger may live wherever he wants." 

^Azraki, p. 5 seq. 
* Kor., 22 : 25. 


'Uthman ibn-abi-Shaibah and Bakr ibn-al-Haitham from 
abu-Hasin. — The latter said, " I once told Sa'id ibn-Jubair 
in Makkah that I wanted to 'abide therein ' to which he re- 
plied, 'Thou art already abiding therein' and he read, 
'AHke for those who abide therein and for the stranger.' " 

The following tradition in explanation of the same text 
was communicated to us by 'Uthman on the authority of 
Sa'id ibn-Jubair: — All people in it are alike whether they 
are the inhabitants of Makkah or of some other place. 

Muhammad ibn-Sa'd from al-Wakidi : — Many cases were 
brought before abu-Bakr ibn-Muhammad ibn-'Amr ibn- 
Hazm regarding the rents of the houses of Makkah, and 
abu-Bakr in each case judged against the tenant. This too 
is the view of Mahk and ibn-abi-Dhi'b. But according to 
Rabi'ah and abu-az-Zinad, there is no harm in taking money 
for renting houses or for selling dwellings in Makkah.^ 

Al-Wakidi said, " I saw ibn-abi-Dhi'b receiving the rent 
of his house in Makkah between as-Safa and al-Marwah." 

It was said by al-Laith ibn-Sa'd, " Whatever has the 
form of a house its rent is legal for its proprietor. As 
for the halls, the roads, the courts, and the abodes that 
are in a state of ruins, he who comes to them first can 
have them first without rent." 

A tradition to the same effect was transmitted to me by 
abu-'Abd-ar-Rahman al-Awdi on the authority of ash- 

Said Suf yan ibn-Sa'id ath-Thauri : " To rent a house in 
Makkah is illegal " ; and he insisted on that. 

According to al-Auza'i, ibn-abi-Laila and abu-Hanifah, 
if the rent is made during the nights of the Pilgrimage it 
is void, but if it is in other nights, whether the one who 
hires is a neighbor or not, it is all right. 

1 Cf. Kutb-ad-Din, al-ridm, p. i7- 


According to certain followers of abu-Yusuf, its rent is 
absolutely legal. The one '' abiding therein " and the 
" stranger " are alike only as regards making the circuit of 
the " House." 

The plants of the Haram. Al-Husain ibn-*Ali ibn-al- 
Aswad from 'Abd-ar-Rahman ibn-al-Aswad : — The latter 
found no harm in gathering vegetables, cutting, eating or 
making any other use of anything else planted by man in 45 
Makkah be it palm-trees or otherwise. He only disapproved 
of this being done with trees and plants that grow of their 
own accord without the agency of man. From this cate- 
gory al-idhkhir was excluded. According to al-Hasan ibn- 
Salih, *Abd-ar-Rahman allowed it in the case of rotten trees 
that have decayed and fallen to pieces. 

According to the view of Malik and ibn-abi-Dhi'b, as 
stated by Muhammad ibn-*Umar al-Wakidi, regarding the 
legality or illegality of felling a tree of the Haram, it is wrong 
at all events; but if the man who does it is ignorant he 
should be taught and receive no penalty; if he knows but 
is impious, he should be punished without paying the value 
of the trees. He who cuts it may have it for his use. 
According to abu-Sufyan ath-Thauri and abu-Yusuf, he 
should pay the value of the tree he cuts and cannot have 
the wood for his use. The same view is held by abu- 

According to Malik ibn-Anas and ibn-abi-Dhi'b, there is 
no harm in cutting the branches of the thumdm plant and 
the ends of the senna plant from the Haram to be used as 
medicine or tooth-picks. 

According to Sufyan ibn-Sa*id, abu-Hanifah, and abu- 
Yusuf, whatever in the Haram is grown by man or was 
grown by him can be cut with impunity ; whatever is grown 
without the agency of man, its cutter should be responsible 
for its value. 


" I once," said al-Wakidi," asked ath-Thauri and abu- 
Yusuf regarding the case of one who plants in the Haram 
something that is not ordinarily grown and which he tends 
until it grows high, would it be right for him to cut it. 
They answered in the affirmative. Then I asked about the 
case of a tree that may grow of its own accord in his garden 
and that does not belong to the category of trees planted 
by man, and they said, ' He can do with it whatever he 
likes.' " 

Muhammad ibn-Sa'd from al-Wakidi : — The latter said, 
" It has been reported to us that ibn-'Umar used to eat in 
Makkah vegetables grown in the Haram." 

Muhammad ibn-Sa'd from Mu'adh ibn-Muhammad : — 
The latter said, " I have seen on the table of az-Zuhri vege- 
tables grown in the Haram." 

" No pilgrim or visitor of the Haram," said abu-Hanifah, 
" shall have his camel graze in the Haram, nor shall he cut 
grass for it." The same view is held by Zufar. But Malik, 
ibn-abi-Dhi'b, Sufyan, abu-Yusuf and ibn-abi-Sabrah are 
of the opinion that there is no harm in having the animals 
graze, but the man should not cut the grass for them. Ibn- 
abi-Laila, however, holds that there is no harm in having 
someone cut the grass. 

'Affan and aPAbbas ibn-al-Walid an-Narsi from Laith : — 46 
'Ata' found no harm in using the vegetables of the Haram as 
well as what is planted therein including the branches and 
the tooth-picks, but Mujahid disapproved of it. 

The history of the Haram-mosque. The Haram-mosque 
at the time of the Prophet and abu-Bakr had no wall to sur- 
round it. When 'Umar, however, became caliph and the 
number of the Moslems increased, he enlarged the mosque 
and bought certain houses which he demolished to increase 
its size. Certain neighbors of the mosque refused to sell 
their houses and 'Umar had to demolish their houses, the 



prices of which he deposited in the treasury of al-Ka'bah 
until they took them later/ Moreover he raised around 
the mosque a low wall not higher than a man's stature. On 
this wall the lamps were put. When *Uthman ibn-*Affan 
became caliph, he purchased certain dwellings and thereby 
enlarged the mosque. Certain people whose dwellings he 
seized after depositing their prices, met him near the 
"House" with loud protests, upon which *Uthman addressed 
them as follows : "It is only my compassion on you and 
my leniency in dealing with you that made you venture to 
do this against me. 'Umar did exactly what I am doing 
but ye kept silent and were satisfied." He then ordered 
them to jail where they remained until 'Abdallah ibn-Khalid 
ibn-Asid * ibn-abi-l-*ls spoke to him on their behalf and 
they were released. 

It is reported that 'Uthman was the first to erect the 
porches of the mosque, which he did on the occasion of 
enlarging it. 

In the days of Abraham, Jurhum and the *Amalik, the 
bottom of the door of the Ka'bah was level with the ground 
until it was built by Kuraish, at which time abu-Hudhaifah 
ibn-al-Mughirah said, "Raise, people, the door of the Kabbah, 
so that no one may enter without a ladder. Then would no 
man whom ye do not want to enter be able to do so. In 
case some one ye hate should come, ye may throw him down, 
and he will fall injuring those behind." The suggestion 
was followed by Kuraish. 

When 'Abdallah ibn-az-Zubair ibn-al-'Auwam fortified 
himself in the Haram-mosque, taking refuge in it against 
al-Husain ibn-Numair as-Sakuni who was fighting with a 
Syrian army, one of 'Abdallah's followers carried one day 

*Azraki, p. 307. 

2 or Usaid; see Azraki, p. 307. 


burning fibres of a palm-tree on the top of a lance. The 
wind being violent, a spark flew and attached itself to the 
curtains of the Ka'bah and burnt them. As a result, the 
walls were cracked, and turned black. This took place in 
the year 64. After the death of Yazid ibn-Mu'awiyah and 
the departure of al-Husain ibn-Numair to Syria, ibn-az- 
Zubair ordered that the stones that had been thrown into it ^ 47 
be removed, and they were removed. He then demolished the 
Ka'bah, and rebuilt it on its old foundation, using stones in 
the building. He opened two doors on the ground, one to 
the east, and the other to the west ; one for entrance and the 
other for exit. In building it he found that the founda- 
tion was laid on al-Hijr.^ His object was to give it the 
shape it had in the days of Abraham, as it had been de- 
scribed to him by *A'ishah, the mother of the believers, on 
the authority of the Prophet.^ The doors of the Ka'bah, 
ibn-az-Zubair plated with gold, and its keys he made of 
gold. When al-Hajjaj ibn-Yusuf fought on behalf of 
*Abd-al-Malik ibn-Marwan and killed ibn-az-Zubair, 'Abd- 
al-Malik wrote to al-Hajjaj ordering him to rebuild the 
Ka'bah and the Haram-mosque, the stones hurled at it hav- 
ing made cracks in the walls. Accordingly, al-Hajjaj pulled 
the Ka'bah down and rebuilt it according to the shape given 
it by Kuraish, removing all stones thereof. After this 
'Abd-al-Malik often repeated, " I wish I had made ibn-az- 
Zubair do with the Ka'bah and its structure what he volun- 
tarily undertook to do !" * 

The cover of the Ka'bah. In pre-Islamic times the cover 

1 Cf. Kutb-ad-Din, p. 81. 

'The space comprised by the curved wall al-I?atim, which encom- 
passes the Ka'bah on the north-west side. 
» Kutb-ad-Din, p. 81. 
4 Ibid., p. 84. 


of the Ka'bah consisted of pieces of leather and ma'^dUr ^ 
cloth. The Prophet covered it with Yamanite cloths, 
*Umar and 'Uthman clothed it in Coptic cloths, and Yazid 
ibn-Mu'awiyah clothed it in Khusruwani silk.^ After Yazid, 
ibn-az-Zubair and al-Hajjaj clothed it in silk. The 
Umaiyads during a certain part of their rule, clothed it in 
robes offered as tribute by the people of Najran. The 
Umaiyads used to strip ^ the Ka'bah of its old covers when 
the cloths of silk were put on. At last came al-Walid ibn- 
'Abd-al-Malik who amplified the Haram-mosque and con- 
veyed to it columns of stone and marble, and mosaic. Ac- 
cording to al-Wakidi, al-Mans{ir added to the mosque dur- 
ing his caliphate and rebuilt it. This took place in the 
year 139. 

The reconstruction of the two mosques. It has been 
stated by 'AH ibn-Muhammad ibn-'Abdallah al-Mada'ini, 
that Ja'far ibn-Sulaiman ibn-'Ali ibn-'Abdallah ibn-al- 
'Abbas was made by al-Mahdi governor over Makkah, al- 
Madinah and al-Yamamah. Ja^far enlarged the two mos- 
ques of Makkah and al-Madinah and rebuilt them. 

Al-Mutawakkil — Ja'far ibn-abi-Ishak al-Mu'tasim-Billah 48 
ibn-ar-Rashid Harun ibn-al-Mahdi — renewed the marble of 
the Ka'bah, made a belt of silver around it, plated its walls 
and ceiling with gold — which act was unprecedented — , and 
clothed its pillars with silk.* 

^ A tribe in al-Yaman. See Nihdyah, vol. iii, p. 109; and cf. Yakut, 
vol. iv, p. 282. 
2 Cf. Azraki, p. 176 ; Kutb- ad-Din, p. 68. 
'Azraki, p. 180. 
* Kutb-ad-Din, p. 54. 

The Wells of Makkah 

Before Kusai brought Kuraish together, and before they 
entered Makkah, they used for drinking purposes reservoirs, 
rain-water tanks on mountain tops, a well called al- 
Yusairah dug by Lu'ai ibn-Ghalib outside the Haram and 
another well called ar-Rawa dug by Murrah ibn-Ka'b and 
which lay just beyond 'Arafah. Later, Kilab ibn-Murrah ^ 
dug outside of Makkah three wells Khumm, Rumm and 
Jafr; and Kusai ibn-Kilab dug another which he called 
al-'Ajul and prepared a drinking place in connection with it.^ 

After the death of Kusai a certain man of the banu-Nasr 
ibn-Mu'awiyah fell into al-'Ajul well and it was no more 

Badhdhar was a well dug by Hashim ibn-'Abd-Manaf. 
It lies close to Khandamah at the mouth of abu-Talib's 
water-course. This Hashim also dug Sajlah ^ which Asad 
ibn-Hashim gave to 'Adi ibn-Naufal ibn-'Abd-Manaf abu- 
1-Mut*im. It is asserted by some, however, that he sold 
it to him, and by others that it was *Abd-al-Muttalib who 
gave it to him when he dug Zamzam and the water became 
abundant in Makkah. This Sajlah was later included in 49 
the Mosque. 

*Abd- Shams ibn-*Abd-Manaf dug out at-Tawi which lay 
in the upper part of Makkah. He dug out another for his 

1 Azraki, pp. 436, 439, 496 ; Hisham, p. 95. 

' A few verses composed in regard to this and other wells have been 
omitted from the translation. 
* Bakri, p. J^; Fakihi, p. 120. 



Special use called al-Jafr. Maimun ibn-al-Hadram, an ally 
of the banu-'Abd- Shams ibn-'Abd-Manaf, dug his own well 
which was the last to be dug in Makkah during the pre- 
Islamic period. Near by this well, lies the tomb of al- 
Mansur the " Commander of the Believers." The first 
name of al-Hadrami was 'Abdallah ibn-Tmad.^ Besides, 
'Abd-Shams dug two wells which he called Khumm and 
Rumm ^ after Kilab ibn-Murrah's wells. Khumm lay near 
the dam, and Rumm near Khadijah's house. 

Banu-Asad ibn-*Abd-al-'Uzza ibn-Kusai dug a well called 
Shufiyah, the well of the banu-Asad.^ 

Umm-Ahrad was one dug by the banu-'Abd-ad-Dar ibn- 

Banu-Jumah dug as-Sunbulah well which is the same as 50 
the well of Khalaf ibn-Wahb al-Jumahi. 

Banu-Sahm dug the well called al-Ghamr which is the 
well of al-'Asi ibn-Wa'il. 

Banu-'Adi dug al-Hafir. 

Banu-Makhzum dug as-Sukya, the well of Hisham ibn- 
al-Mughirah ibn-'Abdallah ibn-'Umar ibn-Makhzum. 

Banu-Taim dug ath-Thuraiya which is the well of 
'Abdallah ibn-Jud'an ibn-'Amr ibn-Ka'b ibn-Sa'd ibn-Taim. 

The banu-'Amir ibn-Lu'ai dug an-Nak*. 

Jubair ibn-Mut'im had a well — the banu-Naufal well,^ 
which has lately been included in Dar al-Kawarir erected by 
Hammad al-Barbari in the caliphate of Harian ar-Rashid.* 

In the pre-Islamic period, 'Akil ibn-abi-Talib had dug a 
well which is now included in the house of ibn-Yusuf ." 

Al-Aswad ibn-abi-1-Bakhtari ibn-Hashim ibn-al-Harith 
ibn-Asad ibn-'Abd-al-'Uzza had at al-Aswad gate near by al- 

* Nawawi, p. 432. 2 Bakri, pp. 318, 437-438. 

' Azraki, p. 438. * Azraki, p. 437. 

» Azraki, p. 441. 


Hannatin [embalmers'] a well that was later added into the 

'Ikrimah well was named after Ikrimah ibn-Khalid ibn- 
al-'Asi ibn-Hashim ibn-al-Mughirah ; *Amr well, as well as 
'Amr water-course, after 'Amr ibn-'Abdallah ibn-Safwan 
ibn-Umaiyah ibn-Khalaf al-Jumahi. At-Talub, which lay 
in the lower part of Makkah, was the property of 'Abdallah 
ibn-^Safwan. Huwaitib well was named after Huwaitib 
ibn-'Abd-al-'Uzza ibn-abi-Kais of banu-'Amir ibn-Lu'ai, and 51 
it lay in the court of his house at the bottom of the valley. 
Abu-Miisa well belonged to abu-Musa-1-Ash'ari and lay at 
al-Ma'lat. Shaudhab well was named after Shaudhab, 
Mu'awiyah's freedman, and was later added to the Mosque. 
Some say that this Shaudhab was the freedman of Tarik 
ibn-'Alkamah ibn-'Uraij ibn-Jadhimah-1-Kinani, others that 
he was the freedman of Nafi' ibn-'Alkamah ibn-Safwan 
ibn-Umaiyah . . . ibn-Shikk al-Kinani, a maternal uncle of 
Marwan ibn-al-Hakam ibn-abi-l-'Asi ibn-Umaiyah. Bakkar 
well was named after a man from al-'Irak who lived in 
Makkah, and it lay in dhu-Tuwa; Wardan well after 
Wardan, a freedman of as-Sa'ib ^ ibn-abi-Wada'ah ibn- 
Dubairah as-Sahmi. Siraj drinking place lay in Fakh 
and belonged to Siraj, a freedman of the banu-Hashim. 
Al-Aswad well was named after al-Aswad ibn-Sufyan . . . 
ibn-Makhzum and lay near the well of Khalisah, a f reed- 
maid of al-Mahdi the " Commander of the Believers." Al- 
Barud which lay in Fakh belonged to Mukhtarish ^ al-Ka'bi 
of [the tribe of] Khuza*ah. 

Certain houses and gardens in Makkah. According to 
ibn-al-Kalbi, the owner of ibn-'Alkamah house in Makkah 
was Tarik ibn-'Alkamah ibn-'Uraij ibn-Jadhimah-1-Kinani. 

1 Azraki, p. 442, gives al-Muttalib ; cf. Hisham, p. 462. 

2 Azraki, p. 442, gives Khirash. 


According to abu-*Ubaidah Ma'mar ibn-al-Muthanna, 'Abd- 
al-Malik ibn-Kuraib al-Asma'i and others, ibn-'Amir garden 
was the property of 'Umar ibn-'Ubaidallah . . . ibn-Lu'ai 
and was by mistake called ibn-'Amir or the banu-'Amir 
garden. In reality, it is ibn-Ma'mar's garden. Others say 
that it was so called after ibn-'Amir al-Hadrami ; still others, 
after ibn-'Amir ibn-Kuraiz, and all that is mere guessing. 

I was told by Mus'ab ibn-*Abdallah az-Zubairi that 
Makkah in pre-Islamic times was called Salah. 

Ihn-Sihaf jail. The following was told to me by al-* Abbas 52 
ibn-Hisham al-Kalbi : — A certain Kindi inquired in writing 
from my father about the one after whom ibn-Siba' jail 
of al-Madinah was named, about the story of Dar an- 
Nadwah, Dar al-'Ajalah, and Dar al-Kawarir in Makkah. 
My father wrote back the following answer : "As for ibn- 
Siba' jail, it was a house for *Abdallah ibn-Siba' ibn-'Abd- 
al-*Uzza ibn-Nadlah ibn-'Amr ibn-Ghubshan al-Khuza*i. 
Siba' was surnamed abu-Niyar and his mother was a midwife 
in Makkah. In the battle of Uhud, he was challenged by 
Hamzah ibn-'Abd-al-Muttalib who cried, ' Come, thou son 
of the female circumciser ! ' ^ and killed him. As Hamzah 
stooped on his victim to take his armor, he was thrust with 
a spear by Wahshi. The mother of the poet Turaih ibn- 
Isma'il ath-Thakafi was the daughter of 'Abdallah ibn-Siba', 
an ally of the banu-Zuhrah. 

Dar an-Nadwah. As for an-Nadwah [council-chamber], 
it was built by Kusai ibn-Kilab, and people used to meet 
in it and have the cases decided.^ Later, Kuraisji used to 
assemble in it to consult about war and general affairs, to 
assign the standard-bearers and to contract marriages. This 
was the first house established in Makkah by Kuraish. 

^ " An expression of contumely used by the Arabs whether the mother 
is really a female circumciser or not." (Taj al-'Arus.) 

^ Azraki, pp. 65, 66; Diyarbakri, vol. i, p. 175; Tabari, vol, i, p. 1098; 
Istakhri, p. 16. 


Daral- Ajalah. Then comes Dar al-'Ajalah which belonged 
to Sa'id ibn-Sa'd ibn-Sahm. The banu-Sahm claim that 
it was built before an-Nadwah; but this is a false claim. 
An-Nadwah remained in the hands of the banu-*Abd-ad-Dar 
ibn-Kusai until it was sold by Tkrimah ibn-Hashim ibn- 
'Abd-Manaf ibn-'Abd-ad-Dar ibn-Kusai to Mu'awiyah ibn- 
abi-Sufyan, and the latter converted it into a governor's 

Ddr al-Kawdrir. Dar al-Kawarir belonged to *Utbah ibn- 
Rabi'ah ibn-'Abd-Shams ibn-'Abd-Manaf, then to al-' Ab- 
bas ibn-'Utbah ibn-'Abd- Shams ibn-'Abd-al-Muttalib, and 
later to Ja*far's mother, Zubaidah, daughter of abu-1-Fadl 
ibn-al-Mansur the " Commander of the Believers." Be- 
cause earthen jars were partly used in making its pavement 
and walls, the hall was called al-Kawarir [the jar build- 
ing]. It was built by Hammad al-Barbari in the caliphate 53 
of ar-Rashid. 

Ku'aikVdn and Ajydd. It was related by Hisham ibn- 
Muhammad al-Kalbi that 'Amr ibn-Mudad al-Jurhumi 
fought with another Jurhum man named as-Sumaida*. 
*Amr appeared carrying arms that were rattling. Hence 
Ku'aiki'an [rattling] the name of the place from which he 
appeared. As-Sumaida' appeared with bells covering his 
horses' necks. Hence Ajyad [necks] the name of the place 
whence he appeared. According to ibn-al-Kalbi, it was 
said that he appeared with horses that were marked, hence 
the name Ajyad [steeds]. The common people of Makkah, 
however, call it " Jiyad as-Saghir " and " Jiyad al-Kabir." 

Al-Walid ibn-Salih from Kathir ibn-'Abdallah's grand- 
father, who said : — "We accompanied 'Umar ibn-al-Khattib 
on his visit in the year 17, and on the way were met by the 
owners of the wells, who asked 'Umar for permission to build 
dwelling places between Makkah and al-Madinah where, up 
to that time, no houses stood. 'Umar granted them per- 
mission, but imposed the condition that the wayfarer should 
have the first claim on the water and shade." 


The Floods in Makkah 

Umm-Nahshal flood. A1-' Abbas ibn-Hisham from ibn- 
Kharrabudh al-Makki and others : — Makkah was visited by 
four floods. One was umm-Nahshal flood which took place 
in the days of 'Umar ibn-al-Khattab/ This flood rose so 
high that it penetrated into the Mpsque from the highest 
part of Makkah. 'Umar therefore made two dams, the 
higher of which extended between the house of Babbah 
(so called by its occupants, the house being that of 'Abdallah 
ibn-al-Harith ibn-'Abd-al-Muttalib ibn-'Abd-Manaf who 
ruled al-Basrah at the time of the insurrection of ibn-az- 
Zubair) and the house of Aban ibn-'Uthman ibn-'Affan. 
The lower dam lay at al-Hammarin ; and it is the one known 
as Al-Asid dam. Thus was the flood kept back from the 
Haram mosque. According to the same tradition umm- 
Nahshal, the daughter of 'Ubaidah ^ ibn-Sa'id ibn-al-'Asi 
ibn-Umaiyah, was carried away by the flood from the higher 
part of Makkah and therefore was the flood named after her. 

Al-Juhdf w-al-Jurdf. Another flood was that of al- 
Juhaf w-al-Juraf which took place in the year 80 in the time 
of *Abd-al-Malik ibn-Marwan. It overtook the pilgrims on 
a Monday morning and carried them away together with 
their baggage, and surrounded the Ka'bah. About this the 
poet said: 

^Azraki, pp. 394-398. 
» Azraki, pp. 394-395 : " 'Ubaid ". 



" Ghassan never saw a day like Monday, 

when so many were saddened and so many eyes wept; 

and when the flood carried away the people of al-Misrain^ 
and made the secluded women run astray climbing the mountains." 2 

On this occasion, 'Abd-al-Malik wrote to his 'dmil in 
Makkah, 'Abdallah ibn-Sufyan al-Makhzumi — others say 
that the poet al-Harith ibn-Khalid al-Makhzumi was his 
'dmil — ordering him to build walls without clay around the 
houses that bordered on the valley, and around the Mosque, 
and to erect dams at the openings of the roads, so that the 
houses should be secure. To this effect, he sent a Christian 
who made the walls and set up the dam known as the banu- 
Kurad's or banu-Jumah's. Other dams were constructed 
in lower Makkah. A poet says : 

" One drop of tears I shall keep, the other I shall pour forth, 
if I pass the dam of the banu-Kurad." 

Al-Mukhabbil. Another flood was the one called al- 
Mukhabbil. When it came, many were afflicted with a 
disease in their body and palsy in their tongues. Hence the 
name al-Mukhabbil [rendering some limb crippled]. 

Abu-Shdkir. Still another flood came later in the cali- 
phate of Hisham ibn-*Abd-al-Malik in the year 120. It is 
known as abu-Shakir flood after Maslamah ibn-Hisham, 
who in that year had charge of the fair [of the pilgrims]. 

Wddi-Makkah . The flood of Wadi-Makkah comes from 
a place known as Sidrat 'Attab ibn-Asid ibn-abi-1-ls. 

The Ho od in the caliphate of ar-Rashid. It was reported 
by 'Abbas ibn-Hisham that a great flood took place in the 
caliphate of al-Ma'miim 'Abdallah ibn-ar-Rashid ; and its 
water rose almost as high as the " stone." * 

1 Al-Basrah and al-Kufah. 

" Cf. Azraki, p. 396. 

» The "black stone" of al-Ka'bah; Azraki, p. 397- 


The limits of al-Haram. Al-*Abbas from 'Ikrimah : — A 
part of the limits set to al-Haram having been obliterated in 
the days of Mu'awiyah ibn-abi-Sufyan, he wrote to Marwan ^^ 
ibn-al-Hakam, his 'dmil in al-Madinah, ordering him to ask 
Kurz ibn-'Alkamah-l-Khuza'i, if he were still alive, to es- 
tablish the limits of al-Haram, since he was familiar with 
them. Kurz was still alive; and he established the limits 
which are today the marks of al-Haram. According to al- 
Kalbi, this was Kurz ibn-^Alkamah ibn-Hilal ibn-Juraibah 
ibn-'Abd-Nuhm ibn-Hulail ibn-Hubshiyah-1-Khuza'i, the one 
who followed the steps of the Prophet to the cave in which 
the Prophet, accompanied by abu-Bakr as-Siddik, had dis- 
appeared, when he wanted to take the Hegira to al- 
Madinah. Kurz saw on the cave a spider web, and below it, 
the Prophet's foot-print which he recognized saying, " This 
is the Prophet's foot, but here the track is lost." 


The Prophet lays siege to at-Tafif. When the Hawazin were 
defeated in the battle of Hunain, and Duraid ibn-as-Simmah 
was slain, the surviving remnant came to Awtas. The Pro- 
phet sent them abu-'Amir al-Ash'ari who was put to death. 
Then abu-Musa 'Abdallah ibn-Kais al-Ash'ari took the com- 
mand and the Moslems advanced on Awtas. Seeing that, 
the chief of the Hawazin at that time, Malik ibn-'Auf ibn- 
Sa*d of banu-Duhman ibn-Nasr ibn-Mu'awiyah ibn-Bakr ibn- 
Hawazin, fled to at-Ta'if, whose people he found ready for 
the siege with their fortress repaired and the provisions 
gathered therein. Here he settled. The Prophet led the 
Moslems until they got to at-Ta'if. Thakif hurled stones 
and arrows on the Moslems, and the Prophet set a ballista 
on the fortress. The Moslems had a mantelet ^ made of 
cows' skins on which Thakif threw hot iron bars and burnt 
it, killing the Moslems underneath. The siege of at-Ta'if 
by the Prophet lasted for fifteen days,^ the invasion having 
begun in Shauwal, in the year 8. 

Certain slaves surrender. Certain slaves from at-Ta'if 
presented themselves before the Prophet. Among them 
were abu-Bakrah ibn-Masruh, — [later] the Prophet's freed- ^5 

1 Ar. dabbdbah — a machine made of skins and wool, men enter into 
it and it is propelled to the lower part of a fortress where the men, 
protected from what is thrown upon them, try to make a breach. See 
Zaidan, Ta'rikh at-Tamaddun al-Islami, vol. i, p. 143. 

2 Cf. Hisham, p. 872. 



man, and whose [first] name was Nufai' — , and al-Azrak — 
after whom the Azarikah were named, who was a Greek 
blacksmith and slave, and whose [full] name was abu-Nafi' 
ibn-al-Azrak al-Khariji. For doing so, these slaves were 
set free/ It is claimed by others, however, that Nafi' ibn- 
Azrak al-Khariji was of the banu-Hanifah and that the al- 
Azrak who came from at-Ta'if was another man. 

The terms of capitulation. Then the Prophet left for al- 
Ji'ranah to divide the captives and the booty of Hunain.^ 
Thakif, fearing lest he should return, sent a deputation with 
whom he made terms stipulating that they become Moslem, 
and keep what they possess in the form of money or buried 
treasures.* The Prophet imposed a condition on them that 
they would neither practise usury nor drink wine. They 
were addicted to usury. To this end, he wrote them a 

The old name of at-Ta'if was Wajj. When it was for- 
tified and surrounded by a wall it was called at-Ta'if. 

The Jews in at-Tdfif. Al-Mada'ini from certain sheikhs 
from at-Ta'if : — In the district of at-Ta'if lived some Jews 
driven from al-Yaman and Yathrib, who had settled 
there for trade. On them poll-tax was imposed. It was 
from some of them that Mu'awiyah bought his possessions 
in at-Ta'if. 

The land of at-Taif is included in the district of Makkah. 
A1-' Abbas ibn-'Abd-al-Muttalib had a piece of land in 
at-Ta'if from which grapes were taken and made into the 
beverage used for the Pilgrims. The men of Kuraish 
had possessions in at-Ta'if to which they came from 

1 Cf. Hi sham, p. 874. 

2Tabari, vol. i, p. 1670; abu-1-Fida, al-Mukhtasar, vol. i, p. 147 
(CJro, 1325)- 

' Ar. ar-rikas, treasures buried in pre-Islamic days ; Bukhari, vol. i, p. 
381 ; Mawardi, p. 207. 

AT-TA'IF g- 

Makkah to repair. The conquest of Makkah and the con- 
version of its people to Islam made Thakif covet and lay 
hold on these possessions, but with the conquest of at-Ta'if , 
they were again put in the hands of the Makkans, and in 
fact all the land of at-Ta'if became one of the districts of 

Abu-Sufydn loses his eye . It was in the battle of at- 
Ta'if that abu-Sufyan ibn-Harb lost his eye.^ 

The zakdt from Thakif on grapes and dates. Al-Walid 
ibn-Salih from 'Attab ibn-Asid : — The Prophet ordered that 
the vine-trees of Thakif be estimated as in the case of dates 
and that the zakdt [legal alms] be taken in the form of 
raisins, as in the case of dates. 

According to al-Wakidi, abu-Hanifah says : " The vine- 
trees are not estimated, but when the produce, whether large 57 
or small, is gathered the zakdt is taken." 

According to Ya'kub : " If the produce is gathered and 
the weight of it is five wasks [loads] then its zakdt is one- 
tenth or half of one-tenth." The same view is held by 
Sufyan ibn-Sa'id ath-Thauri. The wask is equal to 60 sd's."^ 

Malik ibn-Anas and ibn-abi-Dhi'b state that according to 
the commended practice [Ar. sunnah] the zakdt on grape is 
taken by estimation as in the case of dates.^ 

The zakdt on honey. Shaiban ibn-abi-Shaibah from 
*Amr ibn-Shu'aib :— A 'dmil of 'Umar ibn-al-Khattab in at- 
Ta'if wrote to 'Umar, " Those who own honey fail to con- 
tribute to us what they used to contribute to the Prophet, 
i. e., one vase out of each ten." 'Umar wrote back to him, 
"If they would contribute, thou shouldst protect their val- 
leys, otherwise do not." 

1 Diyarbakri, vol. ii, p. 124. 

2 Yahya ibn-Adam, Kitdb al-Khardj, p. 100. 

'Malik ibn-Anas, al-Muwatta, pp. 116-117; and cf. Shafi'i, Kitdb al- 
Umm, vol. ii2, p. 27. 


'Amr ibn-Muhammad an-Nakid from 'Abd-ar-Rahman 
ibn-Ishak's grandfather: — 'Umar assessed one-tenth in the 
case of honey. 

Da'ud ibn-'Abd-al-Hamid the kadi of ar-Rakkah from 
Khasif : — *Umar ibn-*Abd-al-'Aziz wrote to his 'dmils in 
Makkah and at-Ta'if, " There is sadakah on the bee-hives. 
Therefore, take it thereof." According to al-Wakidi, it has 
been reported that ibn-'Umar said, " There is no sadakah on 
hives." According to MaHk and ath-Thauri, no sakdt is 
taken on honey though it may be in great quantities.^ The 
same is the view of ash-Shafi'i.^ According to abu-Hanifah, 
if the honey is raised in a tithe-land the tithe is taken whether 
the honey is much or Httle; but if it is raised in the khardj- 
land, nothing is to be taken, because both zakdt and khardj 
cannot be taken from one and the same man. 

Al-Wakidi states that he was told by al-Kasim ibn-Ma*n 
and Ya'kub that abu-Hanifah said : " If honey is raised in 
the land of a dhimmi there is no tithe on it, but there is 
khardj on the land. And if it is produced in the land of a 
Taghlabi ^ one-fifth is taken thereof." The same view is 
held by Zufar. According to abu-Yusuf,* if the honey is 
produced in the khardj-lsind, it is exempt of everything ; but 
if in the tithe land, one rati ^ is taken out of ten. 

According to Muhammad ibn-al-Hasan, no sadakah what- 58 
ever is taken on what is less than five faraks.^ The same 
view is held by ibn-abi-Dhi'b. 

1 Muzvatta, p. 121. 

2 Umm, vol. ii2, p. ^2. 

' Banu-Taghlib were Christian Arabs on whom 'Umar-ibn al-Klhattab 
doubled the tax. See abu-Yftsuf, Kitdb al-Khardj, p. 68. 

* Yusuf, p. 40. 

* A rati is about 5 pounds. 

* A farak is 16 ratls. Nihdyah, vol. iii, p. 196. 

AT-TA'IF 89 

It was reported by Khalid ibn-'Abdallah at-Tahhan that 
ibn-abi-Laila said, " Whether it is produced in the tithe- 
or khardjAsind, one rati is due on every ten. The same view 
is held by al-Hasan ibn-Sahh ibn-Hai. 

A tradition reported to me by abu-'Ubaid on the authority 
of az-Zuhri states that the latter held that one vase 
[Ar. sikk] ^ is due on every ten. 

The tithe on fruits and grains, Yahya ibn-Adam f roiji 
Bishr ibn-'Asim and 'Uthman ibn-*Abdallah ibn-Aus:-^ 
Sufyan ibn-'Abdallah ath-Thakafi wrote to *Umar ibn-al- 
Khattab, whose 'dmil he was in at-Ta'if, stating that before 
him was the case of a garden in which vine-trees grow, as 
well as plum and pomegranate trees and other things that 
are many folds more productive than vines, and soliciting 
'Umar's orders regarding the taking of its tithe. But 
'Umar wrote back, " No tithes on it." 

It was stated by Yahya ibn-Adam that he heard Sufyan 
ibn-Sa'id (whose view is the following) say: — "There is no 
sadakah except on four of the products of the soil, i. e., 
wheat, barley, dates and raisins, provided the product meas- 
ures five wasks.'' ^ But abu-Hanif ah's view is that whatever 
the tithe-land produces is subject to the tithe, though it be a 
bundle of vegetables. The same view is held by Zufar. 
But according to the view of Malik, ibn-abi-Dhi'b and 
Ya'kub, vegetables and the like are not subject to sadakah. 
Nor is there sadakah on what is less than five wasks of 
wheat, barley, maize, husked barley, tare, dates, raisins, rice, 
sesame, peas and the grains that can be measured and stored, 
including lentils, beans, Indian peas and millet. If any of 
these measure five wasks, then it is subject to sadakah. The 
same view, according to al-Wakidi, is held by Rabi'ah ibn- 

^ A receptacle of skin for holding wine and the like. 
2 Yahya ibn-'Adam, Kitdb al-Khardj, pp. 109- no. 



abi-'Abd-ar- Rahman. According to az-Zuhri all spices and 
pulse ^ is subject to zakdt. Malik holds that no sadakah 
is due on pears, plums, pomegranates or the rest of the fresh 
fruits. The same view is held by ibn-abi-Laila. Accord- 
ing to abu-Yusuf, there is no sadakah except on what can 59 
be measured by al-kafls.^ Abu-az-Zinad ibn-abi-Dhi'b and 
ibn-abi-Sabrah hold that no sadakah is taken on vegetables 
and fruits, but there is sadakah on their prices the moment 
they are sold. 

A tradition was communicated to me by 'Abbas ibn- 
Hisham on the authority of his grandfather to the effect 
that the Prophet assigned 'Uthman ibn-abi-l-*Asi ath-Thakafi 
as his 'dmil in at-Ta'if . 

^ Seed of a leguminous plant that is cooked. 
2 Adam, p. loi. 


Tabalah and Jurash 

Bakr ibn-al-Haitham from az-Zuhri : — The people of 
Tabalah and Jurash ^ accepted Islam without resistance.^ 
The Prophet left them on the terms agreed upon when they 
became Moslems, imposing on every adult of the " People 
of the book " * among them one dinar, and making it a 
condition on them to provide the Moslem wayfarers with 
board and lodging. Abu-Sufyan ibn-Harb was assigned 
by the Prophet as the governor of Jurash. 

1 Cities in al-Yaman; Bakri, pp. 191 and 238; Hamdani, Tazwat al- 
'Arab, p. 127, line 19; Yakut, vol. i, p. 817 and vol. ii, p. 60. 

2 Tabari, vol. i, p. 1730. 
• Jews and Christians. 


Tabuk, Ailah, Adhruh, Makna and al-Jarba' 

Tabuk makes terms. When in the year 9 the Prophet 
marched to Tabuk in Syria for the invasion of those of the 
Greeks, *Amilah, Lakhm, Judham and others whom he 
learnt had assembled against him, he met no resistance.^ 
So he spent a few days in Tabuk, whose inhabitants made 
terms with him agreeing to pay poll-tax. 

Ailah makes terms. During his stay at Tabuk, there came 
to him Yuhanna ibn-Ru'bah, the chief of Ailah, and made 
terms, agreeing to pay on every adult in his land one dtndr 
per annum making it 300 dinars in all. The Prophet made it 
a condition on them that they provide with board and lodg- 
ing whomsoever of the Moslems may pass by them. To 
this effect he wrote them a statement^ that they may be 
kept safe and protected. 

Muhammad ibn-Sa'd from Talhah-1-Aili : — *Umar ibn- 
'Abd-al-'Aziz never raised the tax of the people of Ailah 
above 300 dinars.^ 

Adhruh makes terms. The Prophet made terms with the 
people of Adhruh * stipulating that they pay 100 dinars in 
Rajab of every year. 

Al-Jarhd' m^kes terms. The people of al-Jarba' ^ made 

1 Ibn-Sa'd, vol. ii\ p. 118; Hisham, p. 893; Tabari, vol. i, p. 1692. 
' Hisham, p. 902. 

' Wellhausen, Das Arahische Reich, p. 173. 
* Yakut, vol. i, p. 174; Istakhri, p. 58; Mukaddasi, p. 54. 
^ Yakut, vol. ii, p. 46. 


terms and agreed to pay poll-tax. To this effect the Prophet 
wrote them a statement. 

Makna makes terms. The people of Makna made terms 60 
with the Prophet, agreeing to offer one-fourth of what they 
fish and spin, one-fourth of their horses and coats of mail, 
and one-fourth of their fruits. The inhabitants of Makna 
were Jews.^ An Egyptian told me that he saw with his 
own eye the statement that the Prophet wrote them on a red 
parchment, the writing on which was partly effaced, and 
which he copied and dictated to me as follows : 

" In the name of Allah, the compassionate, the merciful. 
From Muhammad, the Messenger of Allah, to the banu- 
Habibah and the inhabitants of Makna : peace be with you. 
It has been revealed unto me from above that ye are to 
return to your village. From the time this my letter reaches 
you, ye shall be safe ; and ye have the assurance of security 
from Allah and from his Messenger. Verily, the Messen- 
ger of Allah has forgiven you your sins and all blood for 
which ye have been pursued. In your village, ye shall have 
no partner but the Messenger of Allah or the Messenger's 
messenger. There shall be no oppression on you nor hostility 
against you. Against whatever the Prophet of Allah protects 
himself, he will protect you. Only to the Prophet of Allah 
shall belong your cloth-stuff, slaves, horses ^ and coats of 
mail, save what the Prophet or the Prophet's messenger shall 
exempt. Besides that, ye shall give one-fourth of what 
your palm-trees produce, one-fourth of the product of your 
nets, and one-fourth of what is spun by your women; but 
all else shall be your own ; and God's Prophet has exempted 
you from all further poll-tax or forced labor. Now, if ye 

^ Wakidi, tr. Wellhausen, p. 405. 

2 Ar. kura', see Nihdyah, vol. iv, p. 16; and Mutarrizi, vol. ii, p. 148; 
Margoliouth translates "camp-followers" in Zaidan's Umayyads and 
Abbasids, p. 121. 


hear and obey, it will be for the Prophet to do honor to the 
honorable among you and pardon those among you who do 
the wrong. Whosoever of the banu-Habibah and the in- 
habitants of Makna bethinks himself to do well to the 
Moslems, it shall be well for him; and whosoever means 
mischief to them, mischief shall befall him. Ye are to have 
no ruler save of your number of the family of the Prophet. 
Written by *Ali-ibn-abu-Talib ^ in the year 9." 

^ Sic! Being genitive, it should be "abi". See note in De Goeje's 
edition, p. 60. 



Khdlid ibn-al-Wa lid captures Ukaidir. The Prophet 6i 
sent KhaUd ibn-al-Walid ibn-al-Mughirah-1-Makhzumi to 
Ukaidir ibn-*Abd-al-Malik al-Kindi, later as-Sakuni, at 
Dumat al-Jandal/ Khalid took him captive, killed his 
brother, robbed him of a silk cloak ^ interwoven with gold, 
and brought Ukaidir before the Prophet. Ukaidir accepted 
Islam,® upon which the Prophet wrote for him and the 
people of Dumat the following statement : — 

" This is a statement from Muhammad, the Prophet of 
Allah, to Ukaidir as he accepted Islam and forsook the 
objects of worship and idols, and to the people of Dumat : — 
To us shall belong the water-places outside the city, the un- 
tilled lands, the deserts and waste lands, as well as the de- 
fensive and offensive weapons, the horses, and the fortress ; 
and to you shall belong the palm-trees within the city, and 
the running water. Your cattle which are pasturing shall 
not, for the purpose of taking the sadakah, be brought to- 
gether [but shall be numbered on the pasture-land], and 
what is above the fixed number of animals from which a 
sadakah is required shall not be taken into consideration.* 
Your herds shall graze wherever ye want, and ye shall ob- 

1 Yakut, vol. ii, p. 625. 

' Tabari, vol. i, pp. 1702-1703. 

» Diyarbakri, vol. ii, p. 142; Athir, vol. ii, p. 214. 

* Cf. Sprenger, Das Leben und die Lehre des Mohammad, vol. iii, 

p. 419. 



serve prayer in its time, and pay the zakdt as it is due. To 
this effect, I give you the covenant of Allah and his promise, 
and ye are entitled to our sincerity as regards the fulfillment 
of the terms. Witnessed by Allah and those of the Moslems 
who are present." 

Ukaidir violates the covenant. A1-* Abbas ibn-Hisham 62 
al-Kalbi from his grandfather: — The Prophet sent Khalid 
ibn-al-Walid to Ukaidir. Ukaidir was brought by Khalid 
before the Prophet; he became a Moslem, and the Prophet 
wrote him a statement. But no sooner had the Prophet 
been dead, than Ukaidir stopped the payment of the sadakah, 
violated the covenant and left Dumat al-Jandal for al-Hirah, 
where he erected a building and called it Dumat after 
Diamat al-Jandal. His brother, however, Huraith ^ ibn- 
'Abd-al-Malik embraced Islam and thereby entered into pos- 
session of the property held by his brother." 

HuraitWs daughter marries. Yazid ibn-Mu'awiyah 
married the daughter of Huraith, Ukaidir' s brother. 

Abu-Bakr sends Khalid against Ukaidir . A1-* Abbas from 
*Awanah ibn-al-Hakam : — Abu-Bakr wrote to Khalid ibn-al- 
Walid, when the latter was at *Ain at-Tamr, ordering him 
to go against Ukaidir, which he did, killing Ukaidir and 
capturing Dumat. After the death of the Prophet, Ukaidir 
left Dumat and then returned to it. Having killed him, 
Khalid went to Syria. 

Laila daughter of al-Judi a captive. According to al- 
Wakidi, on Khalid's way from al-Trak to Syria, he passed 
through Dumat al-Jandal, which he captured, carrying away 
many captives, among whom were Laila, the daughter of 
al-Judi -1-Ghassani. Others say Laila was carried away by 
Khalid's horsemen from a Ghassan settlement stationed by 63 

1 Ibn-Hajar, vol. i, p. 77Z, by mistake gives "iEJuraib". 
' One verse omitted. 


a watering-place [hddir]. It was this daughter of al-Jiidi 
whom 'Abd-ar-Rahman ibn-abi-Bakr as-Siddik had fallen 
in love with, and the one whom he meant when he said : 

" I thought of Laila with as-Samawah i intervening between ; 
and what has the daughter of al-Judi to do with me?" 

Thus did he win her hand and marry her. But such a hold 
had she on him that he gave up all his other wives. At 
last, however, she was affected with such a severe disease 
that her looks were changed and he no more liked her. He 
was advised to give her what is usually given at divorce^ 
and send her to her own people, which he did. 

Al-Wdkidi's version of the conquest. According to al- 
Wakidi, the Prophet led the invasion against Dumat al- 
Jandal in the year 5 and met no resistance. In Shauwal, 
year 9, he sent Khalid ibn-al-Walid to Ukaidir, twenty 
months after the former had embraced Islam. 

The reconstruction of Dumat al-Jandal. I heard it said 
by someone from al-Hirah that Ukaidir and his brothers 
used to go to Dumat al-Hirah and visit their uncles of the 
Kalb tribe and spend some time with them. One day as they 
were together on a hunting trip, there arose before their 
view a city in ruins with only few walls standing. The 
city was built of stones [ Ar. jandal] . This city they rebuilt, 
planted in it olive- and other trees, and called it Dumat 
al-Jandal in distinction from Dumat al-Hirah.^ 

Az -Zuhri's version of the conquest. *Amr ibn-Muham- 
mad an-Nakid from az-Zuhri :— The Prophet sent Khalid 
ibn-al-Walid ibn-al-Mughirah to the people of Dumat al- 
Jandal who were some of the Christians of al-Kufah. 
Khalid captured Ukaidir, their chief, and arranged to re- 
ceive poll-tax from him. 

1 A desert from Dumat to 'Ain at-Tamr ; Istakhri, p. 23. 

" Ar. mut'ah. Muwatta, p. 208. » Caetani, vol. ii, p. 263. 


The Capitulation of Najran 

The terms agreed upon. Bakr ibn-al-Haitham from az- 
Zuhri : — There came to the Prophet the mihtary chief and 
the civil chief/ delegated by the people of Najran in al- 
Yaman, and asked for terms which they made on behalf of 
the people of Najran, agreeing to offer two thousand robes 
— one thousand in Safar and one thousand in Rajab — each 
one of which should have the value of one oimce [aukiyah], 
the ounce weighing 40 dirhams. In case the price of the 
robe delivered should be more than one ounce, the surplus 
would be taken into consideration; and if it were less, the de- 
ficiency should be made up. And whatever weapons, horses, 
camels or goods they offered, should be accepted instead of 
the robes, if they are the same value. Another condition 
was made that they provide board and lodging for the Pro- 
phet's messengers for a month or less, and not detain them 
for more than a month. Still another condition was that 
in case of war in al-Yaman, they are bound to offer as loan 
thirty coats of mail, thirty mares and thirty camels, and 
whatever of these animals perish, the messengers [of the 
Prophet] guarantee to make up for them. To this effect, the 
Prophet gave them Allah's covenant and his promise. An- 
other condition was that they be not allured to change their 
religion or the rank they hold in it, nor should they be called 
upon for military service or made to pay the tithe.^ The 

1 Hisham, p. 401. 2 Cf. Yusuf, pp. 40-41. 



Prophet made it a condition on them that they neither take 
nor give usury. 

The two monks of Najrdn and the P rophet. Al-Husain 
ibn-al-Aswad from al-Hasan : — There came to the Prophet 
two monks from Najran/ The Prophet proposed Islam 
to them, and they repHed, "We embraced Islam before thou 
didst." To this the Prophet replied, " Ye have told a lie. 
Three things keep you from Islam : pork eating, cross-wor- 
ship and the claim that Allah has a son." " Well then," said 
they, " who is 'Isa's father?" Al-Hasan adds that the Pro- 
phet was never too quick but always waited for Allah's com- 
mand. Hence the text revealed by his Lord : ^ " These 
signs and this wise warning do we rehearse to thee. Verily, 
Jesus is as Adam in the sight of Allah. He created him of 
dust : He then said to him, ' Be ' — and he was," etc. to " on 
those who lie." 

This the Prophet repeated to them and then asked them 
to join with him in imprecating the curse of Allah upon 
whichever of them was wrong,* taking hold of the hands of 
Fatimah, al-Hasan and al-Husain. At this, one of the two 
monks said to the other, " Climb the mountain and do not 
join with him in imprecating the curse, for if thou shouldst, 
thou wouldst return with the curse on thee." " What shall 
we do then?" asked the other. " I believe," said the former, 
" we had better give him the khardj rather than join with 
him in imprecating the curse." * 

A statement of the treaty. Al-Husain from Yahya ibn- 
Adam who said : — " I copied the statement of the Prophet 65 
to the people of Najran from that of a man who took it from 
al-Hasan ibn-Salih. These are the words : 

1 Yakut, vol. iv, pp. 751-757- 

«Kor., 3:51. ^Cf' ^o^-' 3:54. 

^muhahalah. Bukhari, vol. iii, pp. 167-168; abu-1-Faraj, Aghani, vol. 
X, p. 144. 


' In the name of Allah, the compassionate, the merciful. 
The following is what the Messenger of Allah, Muhammad, 
wrote to Najran, at whose disposal ^ were all their fruits, 
their gold, silver and domestic utensils, and their slaves, but 
which he benevolently left for them, assessing on them two 
thousand robes each having the value of one aukiyah, one 
thousand to be delivered in Rajab of every year, and one 
thousand in Safar of every year. Each robe shall be one 
aukiyah; and whatever robes cost more or less than one 
aukiyah, their overcost or deficiency shall be taken into con- 
sideration; and whatever coats of mail, horses, camels or 
goods they substitute for the robes shall be taken into con- 
sideration. It is binding on Najran to provide board and 
lodging for my messengers ^ for one month or less, and 
never to detain them for more than a month. It is also 
binding on them to offer as loan thirty coats of mail, thirty 
mares and thirty camels, in case of war in al-Yaman due to 
their rebelling. Whatever perishes of the horses or camels, 
lent to my messengers, is guaranteed by my messengers and 
is returned by them. Najran and their followers * are en- 
titled to the protection of Allah and to the security of 
Muhammad the Prophet, the Messenger of Allah, which se- 
curity shall involve their persons, religion, lands and posses- 
sions, including those of them who are absent as well as those 
who are present, their camels, messengers and images/ The 
state they previously held shall not be changed, nor shall 
any of their religious services or images be changed. No 
attempt shall be made to turn a bishop from his office as 
a bishop, a monk from his office as a monk, nor the sexton 

* The text here is probably corrupt ; cf. Wellhausen, Skizzen und 
Vorarheiten, vol. iv, pp. 25 and 132; Yusuf, p. 41. 

2 Sent to bring the kharaj. 

» Ar. hashiyah=i'^tvfs. Sprenger, vol. iii, p. 502. 

* amthilah = crosses and pictures used in churches. 


of a church from his office, whether what is under the con- 
trol of each is great or Httle. They shall not be held re- 
sponsible for any wrong deed or blood shed in pre-Islamic 
time. They shall neither be called to military service nor 
compelled to pay the tithe. No army shall tread on their 
land. If some one demands of them some right, then the 
case is decided with equity without giving the people of 
Najran the advantage over the other party, or giving the 
other party the advantage over them. But whosoever of 
them has up till now ^ received usury, I am clear of the 
responsibility of his protection.^ None of them, however, 
shall be held responsible for the guilt of the other. And as 
a guarantee to what is recorded in this document, they are 
entitled to the right of protection from Allah, and to the 
security of Muhammad the Prophet, until Allah's order is 
issued, and so long as they give the right counsel [to Mos- 
lems] and render whatever dues are bound on them, pro- 
vided they are not asked to do anything unjust. Witnessed 
by abu-Sufyan ibn-Harb, Ghailan ibn-'Amr, Malik ibn-'Auf 66 
of banu-Nasr, al-Akra' ibn-Habis al-Hanzali and al-Mug- 
hirah. Written by — ' " * 

Yaha ibn-Adam adds, " I have seen in the hands of the 
people of Najran another statement whose reading is similar 
to that of this copy, but at the close of it the following 
words occur : Written by 'Ali ibn-abu-Talib.' * Concern- 
ing this I am at a loss to know what to say." 

'Umar expels them. When abu-Bakr as-Siddik became 
caliph he enforced the terms agreed upon and issued an- 
other statement similar to that given by the Prophet. When 

1 Ya'kubi, vol. ii, p. 62, has " after this year ". 

2 Caetani, vol. ii, p. 352; Sprenger, vol. iii, p. 502; Athir, vol. ii, p. 223. 
3'Abdallah ibn-abi-Bakr ; abu-Yusuf, p. 4; see H. Lammens' com- 
ment on this protocol, Melanges de la Faculte Orientale, vol. v2, p. 346. 

* And not " abi " as required by the rules of the Arabic grammar. 


*Umar ibn-al-Khattab became caliph, they began to practise 
usury, and became so numerous as to be considered by him 
a menace to Islam. He therefore expelled them and wrote 
to them the following statement : 

" Greetings ! Whomever of the people of Syria and al- 
*Irak they happen to come across, let him clear for them 
tillable land; and whatever land they work, becomes theirs 
in place of their land in al-Yaman." Thus the people of 
Najran were dispersed, some settling in Syria and others 
in an-Najraniyah in the district of al-Kufah, after whom it 
was so named. The Jews of Najran were included with 
the Christians in the terms and went with them as their 

The Najranites under 'Uthmdn. When 'Uthman ibn- 
'Affan became caliph, he wrote to his 'dmil in al-Ktifah, al- 
Wahd ibn-'Ukbah ibn-abi-Mu'ait, as follows: 

" Greetings ! The civil ruler, the bishop and the nobles 
of Najran have presented to me the written statement of 
the Prophet and showed me the recommendation ^ of *Umar. 
Having made inquiry regarding their case from 'Uthman 
ibn-Hunaif, I learned that he had investigated their state 
and found it injurious to the great landlords ^ whom 
they prevented from possessing their land. I have, there- 
fore, reduced their taxation by 200 robes — for the sake of 
Allah and in place of their old lands. I recommend them 
to thee as they are included among the people entitled to 
our protection." 

Another source for 'U mar's statement. I heard it said 
by one of the learned that 'Umar wrote them the following 
statement : — " Greetings ! Whomsoever of the people of 
Syria or al-'Irak they pass by, let him clear for them tillable 
land ". Another I heard say, " waste land ". 

* Lammens, MFO, vol. v^, p. 677. 
-dihkdns; Adam, pp. 42-43. 


One reason for their expulsion. 'Abd-al-A'la ibn-Ham- 
mad an-Narsi from 'Umar ibn-'Abd-al-'Aziz : — The Pro- 
phet said during his illness, '' There shall not remain two 
religions in the land of Arabia." Consequently, when 
'Umar ibn-al-Khattab became caliph, he expelled the people 
of Najran to an-Najraniyah and bought their properties and 67 

A1-' Abbas ibn-Hisham al-Kalbi from his grandfather: — 
The Najran of al-Yaman received their name from Najran 
ibn-Zaid ibn-Saba ibn-Yashjub ibn-Ya'rub ibn-Kahtan. 

' Umar and 'AH reftise to reinstate them in the land. Al- 
Husain ibn-al-Aswad from Salim ibn-abi-1-Ja'd : — The peo- 
ple of Najran having increased in number to 40,000, became 
jealous of one another and came to *Umar ibn-al-Khattab 
saying, " Transplant us from the land ". *Umar had con- 
sidered them a menace to the Moslems, so he took this op- 
portunity and expelled them from the land. Later, how- 
ever, they repented, and returning to *Umar said, " Rein- 
state us in the land ", but 'Umar refused. When 'AH ibn- 
abi-Talib became caliph, they came to him and said, " We 
plead with thee by thy right-hand writing and thy inter- 
mediacy on our behalf with thy Prophet that thou mayst 
reinstate us in the land." To this 'Ali replied : " 'Umar was 
a man of sound judgment, and I hate to act differently." ^ 

The number of robes received by Mu'dwiyah. Abu- 
Mas'ud al-Kufi from al-Kalbi : — The chief of an-Najrani- 
yah at al-Kuf ah used to send his messengers to all the people 
of Najran who were in Syria and other districts and to 
gather money assessed evenly on them for raising the required 
robes. When Mu'awiyah (or Yazid ibn-Mu'awiyah) came 
to power, they complained to him because of their dispersion, 
the death of some of them, and the conversion to Islam of 

1 Adam, p. 9. 



others. They also presented the statement issued by 
'Uthman ibn-'Affan for the reduction of the number of 
robes. To this they added, ''And now we have still more 
decreased, and become weaker." He then reduced the num- 
ber by another 200 robes, thus reducing the original number 
by four hundred. 

Al-Hajjdj restores the number. When al-Hajjaj ibn- 
Yusuf was made governor of al-Trak and ibn-al-Ash'ath 
revolted against him, the former charged the non-Arab 
landlords and the people of Najran with siding with the 
latter, and, therefore, he raised the number to 1,800 robes, 
and ordered that the robes be of the kind adorned with 

'Umar ihn-Ahd-aWAziz reduces the number. When 
'Umar ibn-'Abd-al-'Aziz came to power, they complained to 
him that they were in danger of extinction, that they were 
decreasing in number, that the continuous raids of the Arabs 
overburdened them with heavy taxes for revictualling them, 
and that they suffered from the unjust treatment of al- 
Hajjaj. By 'Umar's orders their census was taken, and it 
was found that they were reduced to one-tenth of their 
original number, upon which 'Umar said, " I consider that 
the terms of this capitulation impose a tax on their heads 
and not on their lands. The poll-tax of the dead and the 
Moslems, however, is annulled." He therefore held them 
responsible for 200 robes of the value of 8,000 dirhams. 

Yusuf ibn-Umar restores the original tax. In the time 
of al-Walid ibn-Yazid, when Yusuf ibn-'Umar was made 68 
governor of al-Trak, he [Yusuf], moved with partisanship 
to al-Hajjaj, charged them the original tax. 

Abu-l- Abbas r educes the number of robes. When abu- 
1-' Abbas was proclaimed caliph, they met him on the way 
as he appeared in al-Kufah and strewed myrtle branches on 
the road and threw some on him as he was going home from 


the mosque. With this the caHph was greatly pleased. 
Later they brought their case before him and told him of 
their paucity in number and of their treatment by 'Umar 
ibn-'Abd-al-'Aziz and Yusuf ibn-'Umar. To this they 
added, "We are somehow related to thy uncles (on the 
mother's side), the banu-1-Harith ibn-Ka'b." 'Abdallah ibn- 
ar-Rabi' al-Harithi spoke in their favor; and al-Hajjaj ibn- 
Artat confirmed what they claimed. Therefore, abu-1- 
* Abbas held them responsible only for the 200 robes pre- 
viously given by them, having a value of 8,000 dirhams. 

Ar-Rashid writes them a favorable statement. Abu- 
Mas'ud said, " When ar-Rashid Harun became caHph and 
started for al-Kufah on his way to the Pilgrimage, they 
brought their case before him and complained of the harsh 
treatment of the 'dmils. By the caliph's orders there was 
written to them a statement fixing the number at 200 robes. 
The statement I myself saw. Moreover the caliph ordered 
that they be freed from dealing with the 'dmils, and that 
they pay the dues directly to the treasury." 

*Amr an-Nakid from ibn-Shihab az-Zuhri : — The following 
text was revealed against the unbelievers among the Kuraish 
and the Arabs,^ " Fight therefore against them until there 
is no more civil discord, and the only worship be that of 
Allah," and the following against the "People of the Book."^ 
" Make war upon such of those to whom the Book has been 
given as believe not in Allah, or in the last day, and who 
forbid not that which Allah and his Messenger have for- 
bidden, and who profess not the profession of the truth," 
etc. to " humbled." Thus the first among the "People of the 
Book" to pay poll-tax, so far as we know, were the people 
of Najran who were Christian. Then, the people of Ailah, 
Adhruh and Adhri'at paid it in the battle of Tabuk. 

iRor., 2:189. «Kor., 9:29. 


The people of al-Yaman embrace Islam. When the news 
of the rise of the Prophet and the success of his righteous 
cause reached the people of al-Yaman, they sent their envoys, 
and the Prophet gave them a written statement confirming 69 
them in the possession of whatever property, lands, and 
buried treasures were included in their terms when they be- 
came Moslems. Thus they accepted Islam ; and the Prophet 
sent them his messengers and 'dmils to acquaint them with 
the laws of Islam and its institutes and to receive their 
sadakah and the poll-tax of those among them who still held 
to Christianity, Judaism or Magianism. 

The Prophet's letter. Al-Husain ibn-al-Aswad from al- 
Hasan: — The Prophet wrote to the people of al-Yaman, 
^' Whosoever repeats our prayer, turns his face to the 
kiblah as we do,^ and eat what we slaughter, such a one is a 
Moslem and has the security of Allah and the security of his 
Prophet. But whosoever refuses to do so, tax is binding 
upon him." 

A similar tradition was communicated to me by Hudbah 
on the authority of al-Hasan. 

The governor of San'd\ It is reported by al-Wakidi 
that the Prophet sent Khalid ibn-Sa'id ibn-al-'Asi as a com- 
mander over San*a' and its land. Al-Wakidi adds that 
some say that the Prophet assigned al-Muhajir ibn-abi- 
Umaiyah ibn-al-Mughirah-l-Makhziimi to be governor of 
San'a, in which position he died. Still others say, according 

1 Turning the face towards Makkah during prayer. 


to al-Wakidi, that the one who made al-Muhajir governor 
over San'a' was abu-Bakr as-Siddik, who also assigned 
Khalid ibn-Sald over the provinces of upper al-Yaman. 

Al-Muhdjir as governor of Kindah and as-Sadi f. Ac- 
cording to Hisham ibn-al-Kalbi and Haitham ibn-'Adi the 
Prophet assigned al-Muhajir over Kindah and as-Sadif. 
On the death of the Prophet, abu-Bakr wrote to Ziyad ibn- 
Labid al-Bayadi-1-Ansari assigning to him the governorship 
of Kindah, as-Sadif and other places in addition to what he 
already ruled over in Hadramaut. Al-Muhajir he assigned 
over San'a' and later asked him in writing to reinforce 
Ziyad ibn-Labid, without dismissing him from the governor- 
ship of San*a'. 

Ziyad, governor of Hadramaut. It is agreed by all that 
the Prophet assigned Ziyad ibn-Labid to Hadramaut. 

The governors of Zahid, Rima', 'A dan, al-Janad and 
Najrdn appointed. The Prophet assigned abu-Musa-1- 
Ash'ari to Zabid, Rima*, *Adan and the coast region, and 
assigned Mu'adh ibn-Jabal to al-Janad, made him kadi and 
charged him with collecting sadakah in al-Yaman. He then 
assigned to Najran 'Amr ibn-Hazm al-Ansari; and, accord- 
ing to other reports, he assigned abu-Sufyan ibn-Harb to 
Najran after *Amr ibn-Hazm. 

The letter of the Prophet t o Zur'ah sent with Mu'ddh. 
*Abdallah ibn-Salih al-Mukri' from 'Urwah ibn-az-Zubair : 
— The Prophet wrote to Zur'ah ibn-dhi-Yazan as follows : 7^ 

" Greetings ! On the arrival of my messenger Mu'adh 
ibn-Jabal and his companions, gather all your sadakah and 
poll-tax and deliver them to him. Mu'adh is the chief of 
my messengers, and one of the righteous among my im- 
mediate companions. I have been informed by Malik 
ibn-Murarah ' ar-Rahawi that thou wert the first to desert 

1 Hisham, p. 956, gives " Murrah " ; and Nawawi, p. 539, "Mararah ". 


Himyar and embrace Islam. Therefore, good times lie be- 
fore thee. And I order you, all Himyar,^ not to exhibit 
perfidy or deviation, for verily is the Prophet of Allah the 
lord of both the rich and the poor among you. As for the 
sadakah, it is not legal for Muhammad or any of his rela- 
tives to take; it is rather jsakdt through which ye are 
purified, and which goes to the poor among the Moslems 
and the Believers. It was Malik that conveyed the infor- 
mation and kept the secret. As for Mu'adh, he is one of 
the righteous among my immediate companions and one of 
their coreligionists. I, therefore, order you to treat him 
well, for he is highly esteemed. And peace be unto you !" ^ 

The Prophet orders M u'ddh to take the tithe. Al-Husain 
ibn-al-Aswad from Musa ibn-Talhah: — The Prophet sent 
Mu'adh ibn-Jabal ^ to collect the sadakah of al-Yaman or- 
dering him to take on dates, wheat, barley and grapes 
(perhaps he said raisins) one-tenth and one-half of a 

Instructions to 'Amr ihn-Hazm. Al-Husain from 
Muhammad ibn-Ishak: — ^The Prophet wrote the following 
to 'Amr ibn-Hazm when he sent him to al-Yaman : 

" In the name of Allah, the compassionate, the merciful. 
This is a declaration from Allah and his Prophet. All ye 
that have believed ! be faithful to your compacts : * this 
is an ordinance from the Prophet Muhammad, the Mes- 
senger of Allah, to 'Amr ibn-Hazm when he delegated him to 
al-Yaman. He ordered him to fear Allah in whatever he 
performs, and to take from the spoils the fifth that belongs 
to Allah as well as what is prescribed as sadakah on the 
property of the Believers which is one-tenth in case it is 

1 Hisham, p. 957. 

" Cf. Tabari, vol. i, p. 1719. 

' Bukhari, vol. iii, p. 156; Diyarbakri, vol. ii, p. 158. 

* Kor., 5 : I. 


watered by flowing water or rain, and one-half of a tenth 
if it is watered by means of the bucket/' ^ 

The Prophet's lette r to the kings of Himyar. Al-Husain 
from Muhammad ibn-Ishak: — The following is what the 
Prophet wrote to the kings of Himyar : 

" In the name of Allah, the compassionate, the merciful. 
From the Prophet Muhammad, the Messenger of Allah, to 71 
al-Harith ibn-'Abd-Kulal, Nu'aim ibn-'Abd-Kulal, and 
Sharh ibn-'Abd-Kulal, to an-Nu'man Kail dhi-Ru'ain, 
Ma^afir and Hamdan. Greetings! Allah will guide you 
by his own guidance, if ye act well, obey Allah and his 
Prophet, observe the prayer, pay the zakdt, give out of the 
spoils the fifth that belongs to Allah, the share of his Pro- 
phet, and the portion which belongs to him as chief exclusive 
of his companions, and deliver what is prescribed by Allah 
to the Believers in the form of sadakah on the property, 
which is one-tenth, in case the land is watered by spring, 
or rain water, and half of the tenth if watered by means of 
the bucket." " 

According to Hisham ibn-Muhammad al-Kalbi the letter 
of the Prophet was addressed to 'Arib and al-Harith, the 
sons of *Abd-Kulal ibn-'Arib ibn-Liyashrah.^ 

The Pro phet's let ter to Mu'ddh. Yusuf ibn-Musa-1- 
Kattan from al-Hakam :— The Prophet wrote to Mu'adh 
ibn-Jabal, when the latter was in al-Yaman, stating that one- 
tenth is to be assessed on what is watered by rain or flowing 
water, and half of a tenth on what is watered by means 
of the bucket and water-wheel; that on every adult one 
dinar or its equivalent in clothes is to be assessed ; and that 
no Jew is to be enticed to leave Judaism.* 

1 Cf, Tabari, vol. i, p. 1727. 
^ Cf. Tabari, vol. i, p. 1718. 

' Ibn-Duraid, al-Ishtikak, p. 308 : " Yalyashrah "; see ZDMG, vol. 
XX, p. 237. 
* Here is omitted the explanation of certain words in the tradition. 


The instructions given to Mu'ddh. Abu-'Ubaid from 
Masruk : — The Prophet delegated Mu'adh to al-Yaman giv- 
ing him orders to take a one-year-old cow out of every 
thirty cows; one full-grown cow, of every forty; and one 
dinar, or its equivalent in clothes, from every adult. 

The Magians taxe d. Al-Husain ibn-al-Aswad from al- 
Hasan : — ^The Prophet collected poll-tax from the Magians 
of Hajar and the Magians of al-Yaman, and assessed one 
dinar or its equivalent in clothes on every adult or female 
from the Magians of al-Yaman. 

The people of al-Yaman taxed. *Amr an-Nakid from y^ 
'Amr ibn-Shu'aib's grandfather: — The Prophet assessed 
one dinar as tax on every adult among the people of 

Shaiban ibn-abi-Shaibah-1-Ubulli from Yahya ibn-Saifi 
or from ibn-' Abbas : — When the Prophet delegated Mu'adh 
ibn-Jabal to al-Yaman he said, " When thou comest to any 
of the ' People of the Book,' tell them, 'Allah made it 
obligatory on you to pray five times per day and night'. 
If they obey, tell them, 'Allah made it obligatory on you 
to fast during the month of Ramadan of every year '. If 
they obey, tell them, 'Allah made it obligatory on him of 
you who can afford it to undertake a pilgrimage to Makkah '. 
If they obey, tell them, 'Allah has made it obligatory on 
you to offer sadakah on your possessions to be taken from 
the rich among you and turned over to the poor among 
you.' If they obey, then avoid their choice possessions 
and beware of the imprecation of the oppressed, for between 
his imprecation and Allah there is no veil or screen." ^ 

Products subjec t to sadakah. Shaiban from al-Mughirah 
ibn-'Abdallah : — Al-Haj jaj said, " Give sadakah on every 
leguminous plant." Regarding this abu-Burdah ibn-abi- 

* Bukhari, vol. iii, p. 157. 


Musa said, " He is right ", which made Musa ibn-Talhah 
say to abu-Burdah, " This man [al-Hajjaj ?] now claims 
that his father was among the Prophet's Companions. The 
Prophet sent Mu'adh ibn-Jabal to al-Yaman and gave him 
instructions to collect sadakah on dates, wheat, barley and 

'Amr an-Nakid from Miisa ibn-Talhah ibn-'Ubaidallah 
who said : — ** I have read the letter of Mu'adh ibn-Jabal 
when the Prophet sent him to al-Yaman, and there oc- 
curred in it the following statement, * Take sadakah on 
wheat, barley, dates and corn.' " 73 

Why more tax on the Syrians. *Ali ibn-*Abdallah al- 
Madini from ibn-abi-Najih who said, " I once asked 
Mujahid, ' Why did 'Umar levy on the people of Syria 
a heavier poll-tax than on the people of al-Yaman?' and he 
replied, ' Because they were people of means.' " 

Nothing on al-awkds. Al-Husain ibn-*Ali ibn-al-Aswad 
from Ta'us: — When Mu'adh arrived in al-Yaman, there 
was brought before him a medial number of cows and a 
medial amount ^ of honey, on which he said, *' I have no 
instructions to take anything on this." 

The salt of MaWih. Al-Husain ibn-al-Aswad from Abyad 
ibn-Hammal: — The latter asked the Prophet to give him 
as fief the salt in Ma' rib ; but hearing someone say, "It is 
like perennial water," ^ the Prophet refused to assign it. 

A tradition to the same effect was communicated to me 
by al-Kasim ibn-Sallam and others on the authority of 
Abyad ibn-Hammal. 

The Prophet gives a iief in Hadramaut . According to a 

1 Ar. awkds = what is between one faridah and the next ; as, for in- 
stance when camels amount in number to five, one sheep or goat is to 
be given for them ; and nothing is to be given for such as exceed that 
number until they amount to ten ; thus what is between the five and ten 
is termed waks, pi. awkds. 

2 Having an unfailing and continuous output. 


tradition communicated to me by Ahmad ibn-Ibrahim ad- 
Dauraki on the authority of *Alkamah ibn-Wa'il al- 
Hadrami's father, the Prophet gave out as fief to the latter 
['Alkamah's father] a piece of land in Hadramaut. 

Muhammad ibn-Yusuf severe on al-Yaman. *Ali ibn- 
Muhammad ibn-*Abdallah ibn-abi-Saif, a freedman of 
Kuraish, from Maslamah ibn-Muharib: — When Muham- 
mad ibn-Yusuf, the brother of al-Hajjaj ibn-Yusuf, was the 
governor of al-Yaman, he misbehaved, oppressed the people 
and took pieces of land from certain men without paying 
their prices. Among the lands he thus wrested was al- 
Harajah. Morever he levied on the people of al-Yaman 
a khardj which he gave the form of an assessed rate of 
land-tax. When 'Umar ibn-'Abd-al-'Aziz came to power, 
he wrote to his 'dmil instructing him to abolish that assessed 
land-tax and take nothing more than the tithe saying, 
" Though I may not get from al-Yaman more than a hand- 
ful of katam,^ I would rather have that than the passing 
of such a tax." However, when Yazid ibn-^Abd-al-Malik 
came to power he reinstated it. 

Sadakah on plants, grains and vegetables. Al-Husain 
ibn-Muhammad az-Za'farani from abu-'Abd-ar-Rahman 
Hisham ibn-Yusuf, the kadi of San'a' : — The people of 74 
Khufash presented a statement from abu-Bakr as-Siddik on 
a parchment ordering them to pay sadakah on a piece of 
land planted with wars.^ 

According to Malik, ibn-abi-Dhi'b, all the canonists of 
al-Hijaz, Sufyan ath-Thauri and abu-Yusuf there is no 
zakdt on wars, wasmah,^ kirt,^ katam, hinna '^ and roses. 

* A plant product used for dyeing the hair black. 

' A certain plant like sesame existing in al-Yaman only, used for 

' A plant with the leaves of which one tinges or dyes. 

* A kind of leek. * A plant used for dyeing the hands and feet. 


Abu-Hani f ah, however, holds that there is sakat on these, 
whether in large or small quantities. Malik holds that the 
sakdt on saffron is five dirhams, if its price amounts to 200 
dirhams and if it is sold. The same is the view of abu-az- 
Zinad who is reported by others to have said, '' Nothing on 
saffron." According to abu-Hanifah and Zufar there is 
^akdt on it whether it is in large or small quantities. Abu- 
Yusuf and Muhammad ibn-al-Hasan claim, " If its price 
amounts to the lowest price for which five wasks of dates, 
wheat, barley, corn or any other kind of grains sell, then 
there is sadakah on it." According to ibn-abi-Laila, there is 
nothing on vegetables. The same view is held by ash-Sha'bi.^ 
According to 'Ata' and Ibrahim an-Nakha'i, whatever the 
tithe-land produces, be it in great or small quantities, is 
subject to the tithe or half the tithe. 

Al-Husain ibn-al-Aswad from ibn-abi-Raja' al-'Utaridi 
who said : — " In al-Basrah, ibn-al-' Abbas used to collect our 
sadakahs even from the bundles of leek." 

Al-Husain from Taus and Tkrimah: — The latter as- 
serted that there is no ^akdt on wars and cotton. 

The tax on the dhimmis. The following is the view of 
abu-Hanifah and Bishr : — In case of the dhimmis who are 
in possession of lands included in the tithe-land, like for 
instance al-Yaman whose people accepted Islam and made 
terms on their lands, al-Basrah which was cultivated by the 
Moslems, and other lands given out as fiefs by the caliphs 
to which no Moslem or " man of the covenant " has claim, 
it is binding on these people to pay tax on their person 
and khardj on their lands according to what their lands can 
bear. Whatever is received from them follows the course 
of the money received as khardj. If, however, any one of 
them becomes Moslem, he is exempt from the poll-tax but 

1 Yahya ibn-Adam, p. 107. 



remains always subject to the khardj on his land, as it is 
the case in as-Sawad. The same view is held by ibn-abi- 
Laila. According to ibn-Shubrumah and abu-Yusuf , tax is 75 
levied on their heads, and they should pay double what the 
Moslems pay on their lands, which would be a fifth or 
a tenth. This they said on the analogy of the case of the 
Christian banu-Taghlib. Abu-Yusuf added that whatever 
is taken from them should follow the course of the money 
received as khardj. In case a dhimmi becomes Moslem 
or his land goes to a Moslem, then it becomes tithe-land. 
The same view is reported to have been held by 'Ata' and 

According to ibn-abi-Dhi'b, ibn-abi-Sabrah, Sharik ibn- 
'Abdallah an-Nakha'i, and ash-Shaii'i, there is tax on their 
heads, but no khardj or tithe on their land, because they are 
not included in those on whom zakdt is binding, nor is their 
land a khardj-lsind. The same opinion is held by al-Hasan 
ibn-Salih ibn-Hai-1-Mamdani. 

According to Sufyan ath-Thauri and Muhammad ibn-al- 
Hasan, there is tithe on them but not in a doubled form, 
because that which counts is the land, and the possessor is 
not to be taken into consideration. According to al-Auza'i 
and Sharik ibn-*Abdallah, if they are dhimmis like the 
Jews of al-Yaman, whose people became Moslem while they 
were still in the land, then nothing is taken but the poll-tax, 
and you should not let the dhimmi buy the tithe-land or 
possess it. 

The case of a Jew who holds tithe-land. Al-Wakidi said, 
" I once asked Malik about the case of a Jew from al-Hijaz 
who buys land in al-Jurf and plants it. Malik said, ' The 
tithe is taken from him '. I then replied, ' Didst thou not 
claim that there is no tithe on the land of a dhimmi if he 
acquires it from the tithe-land ?' ' That \ said Malik, * holds 


true, if he stays in his own country ; but in case he leaves his 
country, then that becomes a question of trade.' " ^ 

A man of the banu-Taghlib who ttses a tithe-land. Abu- 
az-Zinad, MaHk ibn-Anas, ibn-abi-Dhi'b, ath-Thauri, abu- 
Hanifah and Ya^kub said regarding the case of one of the 
banu-TaghUb who plants a piece of the tithe-land that he 
should pay a double-tithe. If he rents a tithe-farm then — 
according to Malik, ath-Thauri, ibn-abi-Dhi'b and Ya'kub — 
the one who plants the farms should pay the tithe. Abu- 
Hani f ah, however, maintains that the owner of the land 
should pay it; and Zufar shares the same view. 

The case of one who is behind in payment of the tithe. 
According to abu-Hanifah, in case a man fails to pay the 
tithe for two years, then the authorities [Ar. sultan] take 
only one tithe as he begins again to pay. The same is true 
of the khardj-\2ind. But abu-Shimr holds that the authori- 
ties take the arrears, because it is justly due to them. 

» C/. abu-Yusuf, p. 69. 



The Prophet sends ahu-Zaid al-Ansdri to 'Umdn. The al- y6 
Azd were in ascendency in 'Uman/ although it had in its 
deserts ^ many other peoples. In the early part of the year 
8, the Prophet delegated to them abu-Zaid al-Ansari of al- 
Khazraj, who was one of those who compiled the Koran 
in the time of the Prophet. His [full] name, according to 
al-Kalbi, was Kais ibn-Sakan ibn-Zaid ^ ibn-Haram ; ac- 
cording to some Basrah philologists, his name was *Amr ibn- 
Akhtab, the grandfather of 'Urwah ibn-Thabit ibn-'Amr ibn- 
Akhtab; and according to Sa'id ibn-x^us al-Ansari, it was 
Thabit ibn-Zaid. The Prophet also sent *Amr ibn-al-'Asi 
as-Sahmi with a letter to 'Abd * and Jaifar, the two sons of 
al-Julanda, calling them to Islam. ^ The Prophet said, " If 
these people accept the witness of truth and pledge obedi- 
ence to Allah and his Prophet, 'Amr will be the commander 
and abu-Zaid will officiate in prayer, propagate Islam, and 
teach the Koran and the institutes of the Prophet." 

On the arrival of abu-Zaid and 'Amr at 'Uman, they 
found that *Abd and Jaifar were at Suhar on the sea-coast. 
They carried the letter of the Prophet to them, and they 

* Yakut, vol. iii, p. 717. 

*Ar. bddiyah; see MFO, vol. iv, p. 98. 

* Hisham, p. 504, gives " Kais ibn-Za'ura " for Zaid. 

* Hisham, p. 971 : " 'lykdh" ; adh-Dhahabi, al-Mushtabih, p. 133 : " *Ab- 
bad"; cf. Athir, vol. ii, p. 177. 

5 Ya'kubi, vol. ii, p. 85 ; Sprenger, vol. iii, p. 382. 


'UMAN jj^ 

both accepted Islam and invited the Arabs to it. The Arabs 
then responded and showed special interest in it. *Amr 
and abu-Zaid stayed in 'Uman until the death of the Pro- 
phet. It is said by some, however, that abu-Zaid returned 
to al-Madinah before that. 

Al-Azd and other tribes apostatize. Consequent upon the 
death of the Prophet, al-Azd apostatized from Islam under 
the leadership of Lakit ibn-Malik dhu-at-Taj and left for 
Dabba ' (some say for Damma in Dabba), Abu-Bakr, there- 
upon, dispatched against them Hudhaifah ibn-Mihsan al- 
Makhzumi, who in a battle with Lakit and his companions 
killed him and took from the people of Dabba many captives 
whom they sent to abu-Bakr. At this, al-Azd returned to 
Islam. Other clans from 'Uman, however, apostatized and yy 
went as far as ash-Shihr. These Tkrimah followed and 
overpowered, carrying away a large booty and killing many 
of their number. Then some of the tribe of Mahrah ibn- 
Haidan ibn-'Amr ibn al-Hafi ibn-Kuda'ah massed a body 
of men, against whom Ikrimah came; but they offered no 
resistance and paid sadakah. 

Hudhaifah made governor. Abu-Bakr assigned Hu- 
dhaifah ibn-Mihsan as governor over 'Uman. When abu- 
Bakr died, Hudhaifah was still over it; but he was later 
dismissed and sent to al-Yaman. 

'!sa ibn-JaJar abuses the people. The state of 'Urnan 
continued in a fair way, its people paying sadakah on their 
property, and poll-tax being taken from those among them 
who were dhimmis until the caliphate of ar-Rashid who 
made Isa ibn-Ja'far ibn-Sulaiman ibn-'Ali ibn-'Abdallah 
ibn-al-'xA.bbas its ruler. The latter left for 'Uman with some 
troops from al-Basrah, who began to violate women, and rob 

1 Tabari, vol. i, p. 1981 : " Daba ". 


the people, and make public use of musical instruments/ 
The people of 'Uman, who were mostly Shurat,^ having 
learned that, fought against him and held him back from 
entering the city. Finally, they succeeded in killing and 
crucifying him. Then they broke with the caliph ^ and 
refused to do him homage, making one of their own their 

Some assert that the Prophet sent abu-Zaid carrying his 
letter to 'Abd and Jaifar, the two sons of al-Julanda of al- 
Azd, in the year 6, and sent *Amr in the year 8, a short time 
after his conversion to Islam, which took place, together 
with the conversion of Khalid ibn-al-Walid and 'Uthman 
ibn-Talhah-l-'Abdi in Safar, year 8. 'Amr had come from 
Abyssinia to the Prophet.* The Prophet said to abu-Zaid, 
" From the Moslems, take sadakah; but from the Magians, 
take poll-tax." 

The letter of 'Umar ihn- Ahd-al- Aziz to 'Adi. Abu-1- 
Hasan al-Mada'ini from al-Mubarak ibn-Fudalah : — The 
following is what *Umar ibn-*Abd-al-*Aziz wrote to *Adi 
ibn-Artat al-Fazari, his 'dmil in al-Basrah : 

" Greetings ! I have previously written to 'Amr ibn- 
'Abdallah asking him to distribute whatever he received in 
*Uman as date or grain tithes among the poor of its in- 
habitants, the nomadic people who may descend on it and 
those whom need, poverty, or obstruction of the way may 
compel to stay in it. Regarding this, he wrote to me that 
having asked thy representative who came before him to 
'Uman about those articles of food and dates, he was told 78 

^ Cf. Salil ibn-Razik, History of Imams and Seyyids of Oman, tr. 
Badger, p. 11. 

* Schismatics commonly known as Khawdrij. They say that they 
owe their name to Koran, 2 : 203. 

^ The word used is sultan. 

* Hisham, pp. 716-717. 

'UMAN 11^ 

that thy representative had sold them and delivered the price 
to thee. Return to 'Amr, therefore, what thy representative 
in *Uman had carried to thee as the price of dates and 
grains, that *Amr may invest it where I instructed him, and 
spend it as I told him. May this be the will of Allah, 
and peace be unto thee!" 


Al-Mundhir ihn-Sdwa, governor of al-Bahrain. The 
land of al-Bahrain formed a part of the Persian kingdom. 
In its desert lived a great many Arabs from the tribes of 
*Abd-al-Kais, Bakr ibn-Wa'il and Tamim. At the time of 
the Prophet, the one who ruled the Arabs in it in the name 
of the Persians was al-Mundhir ibn-Sawa ^ one of the sons 
of 'Abdallah ibn-Zaid ibn-'Abdallah ibn-Darim ibn-MaJik 
ibn-Hanzalah. This 'Abdallah ibn-Zaid was surnamed al- 
Asbadhi after a village in Hajar called al-Asbadh. Others 
claim that he was named after the al-Asbadhi people, who 
were worshippers of horses in al-Bahrain. 

Al-Ald' delegated by the Prophet. At the beginning of 
the year 8, the Prophet delegated al-*Ala ibn-'Abdallah ibn- 
Tmad al-Hadrami, an ally of the banu-^Abd- Shams, to al- 
Bahrain, giving its people the choice between following 
Islam or paying tax. With him, the Prophet sent a letter 
to al-Mundhir ibn-Sawa and Sibukht the satrap ^ of Hajar, ^ 
giving them the choice between following Islam or paying 
tax. They both were converted and, together with them, 
all the Arabs living there and a few Persians. The rest 
of the population, however, including Magians, Jews and 

^ ^lajar, vol. iii, p. 943. 

' marzubdn; Ibn-Hajar, vol. i, p. 213, in quoting al-Baladhuri gives 
his name thus: " Usaikhit (Usaikhib) "; cf. Ibn-Sa'd in Wellhausen, 
Skiszen, vol. iv, p. 15; Yakut, vol. i, p. 508. 
' Another name for Bahrain, hence the Greek : Gerrha ; Caetani, 
vol. ii, p. 194. 


Christians made terms with al-'Ala' and this is a copy of the 
statement written between the two parties : 

" In the name of Allah, the compassionate, the merciful. 
These are the terms agreed upon between al-'Ala' ibn-al- 
Hadrami and the people of al-Bahrain. It is agreed that 
they will save us [the Moslems] the trouble of work, and 
divide with us the dates; and whosoever of them fails to 
keep this may the curse of Allah, the angels, and the world 
altogether be upon him." As for the poll-tax, al-'Ala' 
assessed one dinar on every adult. 

The letter of the Prophet. *Abbas ibn-Hisham from 
ibn-'Abbas : — This is what the Prophet wrote to the people 
of al-Bahrain : 

''Greetings ! If ye observe prayer, give sakdt, remain loyal 
to Allah and his Prophet, pay the tithe of the dates and half 
the tithe of the grains, and do not bring up your children 
as Magians, then ye will be treated according to the terms 
agreed upon when ye became Moslem, with the exception 
of the fire-temple that is to be delivered to Allah and his 
Prophet. If, however, ye refuse, then tax will be incumbent 
on you." 

The Magians and Jews prefer tax. The Magians and 
Jews, however, refused Islam and preferred the payment 
of poll-tax. Upon this, the hypocrites among the Arabs re- 
marked, " The Prophet pretended that he would accept poll- 
tax from none outside the ' People of the Book ', but, here 
he is accepting it from the Magians of Ha jar who are not 
'People of the Book.' " On this occasion the text was 
revealed — " O ye that have believed ! take heed to yourselves. 
He who erreth shall not hurt you when ye have the guid- 
ance." ^ According to certain reports, the Prophet sent 
al-'Ala' at the time he sent his envoys to the kings in the 
year 6.^ 

1 Kor., 5 : 104. ^ Ya'kubi, vol. ii, p. 84. 


Al-Alaf as a wall between them. Muhammad ibn- 
Musaffa al-Himsi from al-*Ala' ibn-al-Hadrami who said : 
" The Prophet sent me to al-Bahrain (or perhaps he said 
* Hajar ') and I used to come as a wall between brothers 
[i. e. try to create discord] some of whom have been con- 
verted. From the Moslem among them, I would take the 
tithe, and from the ' polytheist/ khardj/' ^ 

The Prophet's letter. Al-Kasim ibn-Sallam from 'Urwah 
ibn-az-Zubair : — The Prophet wrote to the people of Hajar 
as follows : — ^ 

" In the name of Allah, the compassionate, the merciful. 
From Muhammad the Prophet to the people of Hajar : ye 
are in peace. I praise Allah on your behalf, beside whom 
there is no god. Then I admonish you by Allah and by 
yourselves that ye do not go astray after having been guided, 
nor be misled after having the right pointed out to you. 
What ye have done has reached me, and now the offense of 
the guilty shall not be charged to him among you who 
behaves himself. When my commanders come to you obey 
them, reinforce them and help them in carrying out Allah's 80 
plan and his cause, for whosoever among you does the 
good deed, his deed shall not be lost before Allah or before 
me. Your delegation has come to me, and I did nothing for 
them but what was pleasing to them; although if I were to 
enforce all my right on you, I would expel you from Hajar. 
Thus did I accept intercession for the absent among you, 
and bestow favor on the present. Remember the grace of 
Allah upon you." 

The tax imposed on al-Bahrain. Al-Husain ibn-al-Aswad 
from Katadah : — In the time of the Prophet, no fight took 
place in al-Bahrain, for some of the people accepted Islam, 

* Yakut, vol. i, p. 509; ^ajar, vol. iii, p. 943; Caetani, vol. iii, p. 202. 
' Wellhausen, Skiszen, vol. iv, pp. 15-16. 


and others made terms with al-'Ala', agreeing to give half 
the grains and dates. 

Al-Husain from az-Zuhri : — The Prophet took poll-tax 
from the Magians of Hajar. 

What the Prophet wr ote to the Magians. Al-Husain 
from al-Hasan ibn-Muhammad :- — The Prophet wrote to the 
Magians of Hajar, inviting them to Islam and providing that 
if they are converted, they will have the rights we have, 
and be under the obligations we are under; but those who 
refuse Islam will have to pay the tax, and we will not eat 
what they slaughter nor marry their women. 

Al-Husain from Sa'id ibn-al-Musaiyib : ^ — The Prophet 
exacted tax from the Magians of Hajar, 'Umar exacted it 
from those of Persia, and Uthman from the Berbers. 

A similar tradition was communicated by al-Husain on the 
authority of az-Zuhri. 

'Amr an-Nakid from Musa ibn-'Ukbah: — The Prophet 
wrote to Mundhir ibn-Sawa as follows : — 

" From Muhammad the Prophet to Mundhir ibn-Sawa : 
— thou art at peace. I praise Allah in thy behalf, beside 
whom there is no god. Thy letter I received, and its con- 
tents I heard. Whosoever repeats our prayer, faces the 81 
kiblah as we do [in prayer] and eats what we slaughter, 
such one is a Moslem; but whosoever refuses will have to 
pay tax." 

'Abbas ibn-Hisham al-Kalbi from ibn-' Abbas: — The 
Prophet having written to al-Mundhir ibn-Sawa, the latter 
accepted Islam and called the people of Hajar to it, some 
of whom accepted and others did not. As for the Arabs, 
they became Moslems, but the Magians and Jews accepted 
the tax and it was exacted from them. 

Al-Ald' sends 80,000 dirhams. Shaiban ibn-Farrukh 
from Humaid ibn-Hilal: — Al-*Ala' ibn-al-Hadrami sent 

1 Duraid, p. 62 : " Musaiyab ". 


from al-Bahrain to the Prophet a sum of money amounting 
to 80,000 [dirhams], more than which sum the Prophet 
never received either before or after. The Prophet gave a 
part of it to his uncle al-' Abbas. 

Hisham ibn-'Ammar from 'Abd-al-*Aziz ibn-'Ubaidallah : 
— The Prophet communicated with those in Ha jar whom 
Kisra had settled there as hostages [wadai'], but they re- 
fused Islam and tax was laid on them, one dinar on every 

Abdn ibn-Sa'id made governor and succeeded by abu- 
Hurairah. The Prophet dismissed al-'Ala' and assigned to 
al-Bahrain x\ban ibn-Sa'id ibn-al-'Asi ibn-Umaiyah. Ac- 
cording to other reports, al-'Ala' was assigned to one district 
of al-Bahrain, a part of which was al-Katif, and Aban to 
another in which lay al-Khatt. The former report, how- 
ever, is the more authentic. On the death of the Prophet, 
Aban left al-Bahrain and came to al-Madinah. The people 
of al-Bahrain, thereupon, asked abu-Bakr to send al-'Ala' 
back to them. This he did. Thus, according to this re- 
port, al-'Ala' held the governorship of al-Bahrain until he 
died in the year 20. Then 'Umar assigned to his place abu- 
Hurairah ad-Dausi. Others say that 'Umar assigned abu- 
Hurairah before the death of al-'Ala', who, thereupon, left 
for Tauwaj in Persia, intending to settle in it. Later, how- 
ever, he returned to al-Bahrain where he died. Abu- 
Hurairah often repeated, "After we buried al-'Ala', we 
wanted to lift a brick from the tomb. On lifting it we 
found al-'Ala' missing from the coffin." 

'Uthmdn ibn-abi-l-'Asi made governor. Abu-Mikhnaf 
asserted that 'Umar ibn-al-Khattab wrote to al-'Ala' ibn- 
al-Hadrami, his 'dmil in al-Bahrain, calling him back, and 
assigned 'Uthman ibn-abi-l-'Asi ath-Thakafi to al-Bahrain 
and 'Uman. On the arrival of al-'Ala' in al-Madinah, he 
was assigned by 'Umar to the governorship of al-Basrah, in 


the place of 'Utbah ibn-Ghazwan. No sooner had he ar- 
rived there, than he died. This took place in the year 14, 
or the beginning of 15. Then 'Umar assigned Kudamah 
ibn-Maz'un al-Jumahi for the collection of taxes from al- 
Bahrain, and gave abu-Hurairah authority over the military 
guard and charge of the conduct of prayer. Later he dis- 
missed Kudamah, inflicted on him the legal punishment for 
drinking wine,^ and gave abu-Hurairah authority over the 
military guard and charged him with the conduct of prayer. 
At last, he dismissed abu-Hurairah and confiscated a part 
of his wealth. Then he assigned Uthman ibn-abi-l-*Asi 
to al-Bahrain and 'Uman. 

Abu-Hurairah made governor after Kudamah. Al- 
'Umari ^ from al-Haitham : — Kudamah ibn-Maz'iin had 
charge of tax-collecting and the military guard, and abu- 
Hurairah acted as leader of prayer and kadi. The latter 
gave witness against Kudamah, and 'Umar assigned him 
to al-Bahrain after Kudamah. Later 'Umar dismissed him, 
confiscated a part of what he possessed and ordered him 
to return. This he refused to do. 'Umar, thereupon, as- 
signed 'Uthman ibn-abi-l-'Asi as governor, who still held 
the office at the death of 'Umar. When 'Uthman was in 
Persia, his substitute over 'Uman and al-Bahrain was his 
brother, Mughirah ibn-abi-l-'Asi, others say Hafs ibn-abi- 

'Umar confiscates abu-Hurairah' s wealth. Shaiban ibn- 
Farriikh from abu-Hurairah who said : — " 'Umar made me 
his 'dmil over al-Bahrain. There I gathered 12,000 [dir- 
hams] . On my return to 'Umar, he addressed me saying : 
' O thou the enemy of Allah and of the Moslems (he may 
have said ' and of his Book '), thou hast stolen the money 
of Allah !' To this I replied, ' Neither am I the enemy of 

^ Flogging with 80 stripes ; see Muwatta, p. 357. 
^ i. e., abu-'Umar Hafs ibn-'Umar ad-Duri. 


Allah, nor of the Moslems, (he may have said ' nor of his 
Book ' ) ; rather am I the enemy of him who has enmity 
against them. The money, I have got from horses that 
multiplied in number and from different shares that mounted 
up/ 'Umar then took from me 12,000. In my morning 
prayer I repeated, ' Lord forgive 'Umar.' After this, *Umar 
used to take from the people of al-Bahrain and give them 
back more than what he would take. At last 'Umar asked 
me, * Wouldst thou not act as 'dmil, abu-Hurairah ?' and I 
replied ' No,' to which he answered, 'And why not ? Better 
men than thou were made 'dmils, for instance Joseph,^ 
who said, " Set me over the granaries of the land." ' To 
this I replied, * Joseph was a prophet and the son of a 
prophet, whereas I am abu-Hurairah, son of Umaimah, 
and I am afraid of three things and of two things that 
thou mayest bring upon me.' *And why,' said *Umar, ' didst 
thou not say five ?' ' I fear that thou dost whip my back, 
defame my honor, and take my money ; and I hate to speak 
without meekness and to rule without knowledge.' " 

Al-Kasim ibn-Sallam and Rauh ibn-'Abd-al-Mu'min from 
abu-Hurairah : — When abu-Hurairah returned from al- 
Bahrain, 'Umar said to him, " O thou enemy of Allah and 
enemy of his Book; hast thou stolen the money of Allah?" 
''Neither am I", replied abu-Hurairah, "the enemy of Allah, 
nor of his Book; rather am I the enemy of him who has 
enmity against them. I did not steal the money of Allah." 
" How then," said *Umar, " did 10,000 dirhams come to 
thee?" "Through horses" said abu-Hurairah, "that re- 
produced and stipends that came in successions and shares 
that mounted up." 'Umar took the money from him. The 
rest of the tradition is similar to what is reported by abu- 

» Kor., 12 : 55. 

' One of the intermediate authorities of the preceding tradition whose 
final authority is abu-Hurairah himself. 

AL-BA^RAIN 1 27 

The apostasy of al-Hutam . On the death of al-Mundhir 
ibn-Sawa, a little after the death of the Prophet, those in 
al-Bahrain descended from Kais ibn-Tha'labah ibn-'Ukabah 
apostatized under al-Hutam from Islam. This al-Hutam 
was Shuraih ibn-Dubai'ah ibn-'Amr ibn-Marthad, one of 
the sons of Kais ibn-Tha'labah. He was nicknamed Hutam 
for saying, 

" The night found her in the company of a strong driver who does not 
drive gently [Ar. hutam] ". ^ 

Together with these there apostatized from Islam in al- 
Bahrain all the Rabi'ah tribe with the exception of al- 
Jarud, i. e. Bishr ibn-*Amr al-*Abdi ^ and those of his people 
who followed him. For a leader, they chose a son of an- 
Nu*man ibn-al-Mundhir, named al-Mundhir. Al-Hutam 
followed the Rabi'ah and joined them with his men. Having 
received this information, al-'Ala' ibn-al-Hadrami marched 
at the head of the Moslems until he came to Juwatha, which 
was the fortification of al-Bahrain. As Rabi'ah advanced 
towards him, he set out towards them with his Arabs and 
non- Arabs and led a heavy fight against them. Then the 
Moslems took refuge in the fortification where they were 
besieged by the enemy. It was in reference to this occasion 
that 'Abdallah ibn-Hadhaf al-Kilabi said : 

" Wilt thou carry this message g^^ 

to abu-Bakr and all the youths of al-Madinah? 

Hasten to the aid of some young men of your number, 
who are invested as captives in Juwatha." ^ 

At last al-'Ala' made a sally with the Moslems and fell 
upon the Rabi'ah during the night. A fierce battle ensued 
in which al-Hutam was killed. 

* Tabrizi, Hatndsah, vol. i, p. i73- 

« Hisham, p. 944; Duraid, pp. 186 and 197. 

' Tabari, vol. i, p. 1962. 


According to other authorities, al-Hutam came to the 
Rabi'ah as they were in Juwatha, whose inhabitants had 
all forsaken Islam, and had chosen for leader al-Mundhir 
ibn-an-Nu'man. Al-Hutam took up his abode with them. 
Al-'Ala' pressed the siege until he reduced Juwatha and dis- 
persed the crowd, killing al-Hutam. Of the two reports, 
however, the former is more authentic. Describing the 
death of al-Hutam, Malik ibn-Tha'labah-l-'Abdi says : 

" We left Shuraih with the blood covering him 
like the fringe of a spotted Yamanite garment. 

It was we that deprived unum-Ghadban of her son, 
and broke our lance in IJabtar's eye. 

It was we that left Misma' prostrate on the ground, 
at the mercy of hyenas and eagles that will attack him." 

Al-Mundhir ibn-an-Nu'mdn. It is reported that al- 
Mundhir ibn-an-Nu*man was nicknamed al-Ghariar, but 
when the Moslems won the victory he said, ^' I am not al- 
Gharur ^ [the deceitful] but al-Maghrur [the deceited]." 
This al-Mundhir went with the remnant of Rabi'ah as far as 
al-Khatt, which al-'Ala' moved against and conquered, kill- 
ing al-Mundhir and those in his company. According to 
others, al-Mundhir escaped, entered al-Mushakkar and 
let in the water around him, making it impossible to be 
reached. Finally he made terms, agreeing to leave the city, 
which he did. He then joined Musailimah with whom he 
was killed. Some claim that al-Mundhir was killed in the 
battle of Juwatha ; others that he surrendered and then fled 
away but was pursued and put to death. Al-'Ala' having 
written to abu-Bakr for reinforcement, the latter wrote to 
Khalid ibn-al-Walid ordering him to hasten from al- 
Yamamah to the reinforcement of al-'Ala'. Al-Hutam, 

^ Hisham, p. 945; Tabari, vol. i, p. 1970; Hajar, vol. iii, p. 385; Athir, 
vol. ii. p. 281. 


however, was killed ' before the arrival of Khalid. So 
Khalid with al-'Ala' laid siege to al-Khatt. Later, KhaUd 
received a letter from abu-Bakr ordering him to leave for 
al-*Irak, to which he started from al-Bahrain, in the year 12. 

Al-Wakidi says, ''According to our companions, Khalid 
came first to al-Madinah, whence he started for al-'Irak." 

'Ahdalldh ihn-Suhail suffe rs martyrdom. 'Abdallah ibn- 85 
Suhail ibn-'Amr of the banu-'Amir ibn-Lu'ai, whose 
surname was abu- Suhail and whose mother was Fakhitah 
daughter of 'Amir ibn-Naufal ibn-'Abd-Manaf, suffered 
martyrdom at Juwatha. This 'Abdallah was one of 
those who came with the " infidels " to the battle 
of Badr, but then he joined the Moslem side and em- 
braced Islam. He took part with the Prophet in the 
battle of Badr. On the receipt of the news of his 
death, his father, Suhail ibn-'Amr, said, " I expect Allah's 
renumeration for his loss." On a pilgrimage to Makkah 
Suhail was met by abu-Bakr who consoled him, and Suhail 
replied, " I am informed that the Prophet said, 'A martyr 
can intercede for seventy of his relatives,' and it is my hope 
that my son will begin with no one before me." When 
'Abdallah suffered martyrdom, he was 38 years of age. 

'Abdalldh ihn-Ahdalldh suffers martyrdom. Another 
martyr of the battle of Juwatha was 'Abdallah ibn-Abdallah 
ibn-Ubai. According to others than al-Wakidi, his martyr- 
dom took place during the battle of al-Yamamah. 

Al-Ald' reduces az-Zdrah, as-Sdhun and Ddrm. Al- 
Muka'bar al-Farisi,^ who was the friend of Kisra and was 
once sent by him to annihilate the banu-Tamim for interfer- 
ing with his camels (and whose full name was Fairuz ibn- 
Jushaish^), fortified himself in az-Zarah. There, many 

1 Aghdni, vol. xiv, p. 48. 

2 Noldeke, Geschichte der Perser und Araber, pp. 259 seq. 

3 Perhaps Jushnas, see Skizzen, vol. vi, p. ZZ, note 2; Noldeke, Per- 
ser, p. no, note 3; Athir, vol. ii, p. 256. 


Magians who had assembled in al-Katif ^ and had refused 
to pay tax joined him. Al-'Ala' invested az-Zarah but failed 
to reduce it in the caliphate of abu-Bakr. In the early part 
of the caliphate of 'Umar, however, he reduced it. In the 
course of the caliphate of 'Umar, al-'Ala' conquered by 
force as-Sabun ^ and Darin where there is [today] a spot 
known as Khandak al-'Ala' [the trench of al-'Ala']. 

According to Ma'mar ibn-al-Muthanna, al-'Ala' with 
'Abd-al-Kais invaded, in the caliphate of 'Umar ibn-al- 
Khattab, certain villages in as-Sabun and reduced them. 
He then invaded the city of al-Ghabah and killed those in it 
who were Persians. Thence he moved to az-Zarah in which ^ 
al-Muka'bar stayed, and besieged him. The satrap of az- 
Zarah challenged him to a duel, and Bara' ibn-Malik ac- 
cepted the challenge and killed him, taking spoils from 
him which amounted to 40,000 [dirhams] . Under safe con- 
duct, one of the people of az-Zarah came forth to point out 
the drinking water, and showed al-'Ala' the spring that 
issues from az-Zarah. This spring al-'Ala' filled up. The 
people seeing that, came to terms, agreeing to offer him 
one-third of the city and one-third of the gold and silver 86 
in it, together with one-half of what they owned outside 
the city. Then came al-Akhnas al-'Amiri to al-*Ala' and 
said, " They have not made terms regarding their children 
who are now in Darin." Karraz an-Nukri pointed out to 
al-*Ala' the ford by which he could cross over to them. 
Thus did al-'Ala' with a band of Moslems plunge into the 
sea ; and the first thing the people of Darin knew of was the 
exclamation, "Allah is great !" The people of Darin sallied 
forth and attacked them from three sides, but the Moslems 
killed their fighters and gained possession of the children 

* Yakut, vol. iv, p. 143. 

* Yakut gives " as-Sabur ". 


and captives. Seeing that, al-Muka*bar became Moslem. 
On this occasion Karraz said : 

" Al-*Ala' feared the basin of the sea as he plunged into it, 
but I have of old crossed it over to the * unbelievers ' of Darin." 

Khalaf al-Bazzar and 'Affan from Muhammad ibn-Sirin : 
— In the duel between Bara' ibn-Malik and the satrap of 
az-Zarah, the former stabbed the latter above his spine, 
and he fell dead. Then Bara' went down and cut off his 
hands and took his bracelets, a furred coat he had on, and 
a belt. This booty, being so large, *Umar took one-fifth 
of it. It was the first booty in Islam of which the fifth 
was taken. 


The origin of the name. Al-Yamamah was first called 
Jau but was later named after a woman, al-Yamamah, 
daughter of Murr [from the tribe] of Jadi, who was cruci- 
fied at its gate. Allah knows whether this is true. 

The envoys to the Prophet. When the Prophet wrote to 
the kings of the world in the year 7 (or 6 as it is said), 
he wrote to Haudhah ibn-'Ali-l-Hanafi and the people of al- 
Yamamah summoning them to Islam. His letter to this effect 
he forwarded with Salit ibn-Kais ibn-*Amr al-Ansari ^ (later 
al-Khazraji). The people of al-Yamamah, thereupon, sent 
to the Prophet their delegation, one of whom was Mujja^ah 87 
ibn-Murarah. To Mujja*ah and in accordance with his re- 
quest, the Prophet gave out as fief a piece of unutilized land. 
Another delegate was ar-Rajjal ^ ibn-'Unfuwah who be- 
came Moslem and read the " Surah of the Cow " and other 
Surahs of the Koran. He, however, apostatized from Islam 
after a time. Among the delegates was one, Musailimah, the 
false Prophet,* Thumamah ibn-Kabir ibn-Habib,* who said 
to the Prophet, " If it be thy will, we will leave all author- 
ity in thy hand and swear allegiance to thee, with the un- 
derstanding that after thee, all will return to us [Musaili- 

* Cf. Hisham, p. 971. 

' Rahhal, see ibn-Sa'd in Skiszen, vol. iv, p. 46. 

' Bukhari, vol. iii, p. 167. ' 

* Ibn-Duraid, p. 209; Nawawi, p. 554; Hisham, p. 945. 



mah]." " No," said the Prophet, " by no means, and may 
Allah smite thee!" Previous to this, Haudhah ibn-*Ali-l- 
Hanafi had written to the Prophet asking that after the 
Prophet, the authority might be delegated to himself, and 
promising to become Moslem and come to the reinforce- 
ment of the Prophet. " No; nor anything else," answered 
the Prophet, " and may Allah let me get rid of him !" 
Before long Haudhah was dead. 

Musailimah, th e false Prophet. When the delegation of 
the banu-Hanifah returned to al-Yamamah, Musailimah, the 
false Prophet,^ asserted his claim as a prophet, and ar- 
Rajjal ibn-*Unfuwah testified that the Prophet gave him 
[Musailimah] a share in the authority with him.^ Banu- 
Hanifah and others in al-Yamamah followed him. He then 
wrote the following message to the Prophet and forwarded 
it through 'Ubadah ibn-al-Harith of the banu-*Amir ibn- 
JHLanifah, whose surname was ibn-an-Nauwahah,^ and who 
was [later] killed in al-Kufah by 'Abdallah ibn-Mas'ud who 
heard that he and his companions believed in the false claims 
of Musailimah: 

" From Musailimah, the Messenger of Allah, to Muham- 
mad, the Messenger of Allah. Greetings ! To us half the 
land belongs, and to Kuraish the other half, but Kuraish 
do not act equitably; and peace be unto thee. Written by 
*Amr ibn-al-Jarud al-Hanafi." 

To this the Prophet replied : 

" In the name of Allah, the compassionate, the merciful. 
From Muhammad, the Prophet, to Musailimah, the false 
Prophet. Greetings ! ' For the earth is Allah's : to such 
of his servants as he pleaseth doth he give it as a heritage' * ; 

^ Ar. al-Kadhdhdb, the impostor. 

' Diyarbakri, vol. ii, p. 175' 

» Nawawi, p. 374- * Kor., 7 : 125. 



and peace be to those who follow the true guidance! 
Written by Ubai ibn-Ka^." ^ 

Khdlid ibn-al-Walid goes against Musailimah. When, at 
the death of the Prophet, abu-Bakr was proclaimed caliph 
and, in a few months, destroyed those of the people of Najd 
and its environs who apostatized from Islam, abu-Bakr 
sent Khalid ibn-al-Walid ibn-al-Mughirah-1-Makhzumi to al- 
Yamamah giving him orders to fight against Musailimah, the 
false Prophet. As Khalid came within sight of al-Yamamah, 
he met a group of the banu-Hanifah among whom 
was Mujja^ah ibn-Murarah ibn-Sulmi.^ He killed them 
and spfared Muj ja'ah whom he carried off in chains. Khalid 
put up his camp one mile from al-Yamamah. Banu-Hanifah 
came out to him, and among them were ar-Rajjal and 
Muhakkim ibn-at-Tufail ibn-Subai', nicknamed the Mukak- 
kim al-Yamamah. Khalid, seeing something glittering 
among them, turned to his men and said, "Know ye Moslems 
that Allah has spared you the trouble of your enemy. Do ye 
not see how they have drawn the swords one against the 
other? I suppose there is discord among them, and their 
force will be used on themselves." Mujja'ah, fettered in 
his chains, shouted, " No, these are Indian swords which 
they, for fear of being broken, hold up to the sun in order 
to render the blades flexible." They then met. The first 
to meet the Moslems was ar-Rajjal ibn-*Unfuwah, who was 
immediately killed by Allah's help. Many of the distin- 
guished men and " Koran-readers " among the Moslems fell 
martyrs. The Moslems then returned and went back, but 
Allah favored them with a victory and made the people of 
al-Yamamah take to flight. The Moslems pursued them, 

^ Cf. Ya'kubi, vol. ii, p. 146; ibn-Sa'd in Skizzen, vol. iv, pp. 13-14; 
Athir, vol. ii, pp. 228-229; Sprenger, vol. iii, p. 306. 

" Cf. Ibn-Duraid, p. 23. 


inflicting horrible death on them. Muhakkim was hit by 
an arrow shot by *Abd-ar-Rahman ibn-abi-Bakr as-Siddik, 
the brother of 'A'ishah through her father, and he fell dead. 
The " infidels " took refuge in al-Hadikah which was since 
that day called " Hadikat al-Maut." ' In al-Hadikah, 
Musailimah was killed by Allah's help. Banu-'Amr ibn- 
Lu'ai ibn-Ghalib said that he was killed by Khidash ibn- 
Bashir ibn-al-Asamm of the banu-Ma'is ibn-'Amir ibn-Lu'ai ; 
but certain Ansdr say that he was killed by 'Abdallah ibn- 
Zaid ibn-Tha'labah of the banu-1-Harith ibn-al-Khazraj, who 
was shown a vision of the call for prayer.^ Still others 
assert that he was killed by abu-Dujanah Simak ibn- 
Kharashah who later fell as martyr; and others, by *Abd- 
allah ibn-Zaid ibn-'Asim, a brother of Habib ibn-Zaid of the 89 
banu-Mabdhul of the banu-an-Najjar. This Habib had his 
hands and feet once cut off by Musailimah. Wahshi ibn- 
Harb al-Habashi, the murderer of Hamzah, claimed that he 
was the one who killed Musailimah, and used to say, " I 
killed the best of all people and the worst of all people." 
Some believe that all those mentioned above took part in 
killing Musailimah. Among those who claimed having 
killed Musailimah, was Mu'awiyah ibn-abi-Sufyan and the 
banu-Umaiyah credited him for it. 

Abu-Haf s ad-Dimashki quotes from one who was present 
when 'Abd-al-Malik ibn-Marwan asked a man of the banu- 
Hanifah who witnessed the battle of al-Yamamah as to who 
was the one who killed Musailimah, to which the latter replied, 
" He was killed by one whose description is as follows : — " 
" By Allah ", exclaimed 'Abd-al-Malik, " thou hast decided 
the question of his killing in favor of Mu*awiyah." 

According to a report, when the false Prophet was seized 

1 " The park of death." 

2 Hisham, p. 308 ; ibn-Duraid, pp. 268-269. 


by the throat, he shouted, " O banu-Hanifah, fight for your 
relatives!" which he repeated until Allah brought about 
his death. 

'Abd-al-Wahid ibn-Ghiyath from Hisham ibn-*Urwah's 
father: — The Arabs forsook the true faith, and abu-Bakr 
sent Khalid ibn-al-Walid who met them and said, " By 
Allah, I shall never cease until I come face to face with 
Musailimah!" The Ansdr objected saying, "This idea is 
of your own and was not given out by abu-Bakr; take us 
back to al-Madinah that we may give rest to our horses." 
" I shall, by Allah, never cease," repeated Khalid," until 
I come face to face with Musailimah !" Consequently, the 
Ansdr left him. They then said to themselves, " What is 
this that we have done? If our friends win the victory, 
we will be reviled ; and if they are defeated, we would be the 
cause of their defeat." Thus they returned and joined 
Khalid. The Moslems and the " polythesists " met, and 
the former took to flight until they got to their place of 
abode where as-Sa'ib ibn-al-*Auwam stood up and addressed 
them saying, " Ye have reached, O people, your place of 
abode ; and after his own place of abode, man has no place 
to flee to !" ^ Finally, Allah caused the defeat of the 
'* polytheists," and Musailimah was killed. Their watch- 
word on that occasion was " O people of the 'Surah of the 
Cow ' ! " 

I was told by one of the inhabitants of al-Yamamah that 
some one, who was under the protection of the banu- 
Hanifah, repeated the following verse when Muhakkim was 
killed : 

" If I escape from it, I escape from that which is a calamity; qq 

otherwise out of the same vessel I shall drink." 

Mujjd'ah makes terms. By this time, the Moslems were 
* An Arabic proverb. 


worn out by war and entirely exhausted. But Mujja'ah 
said to Khalid, " Most of the people of al-Yamamah did not 
go out to fight you, and what ye have killed is only the 
small minority. In spite of that they have exhausted your 
utmost effort as I see. Nevertheless I am ready to make 
terms with you on their behalf." Accordingly, he made 
terms with Khalid, agreeing to give one-half of the captives, 
gold, silver, coats of mail and horses. Having trusted him, 
Khalid sent him back to his men. As soon as he entered 
al-Yamamah he ordered the boys, women and aged men of 
al-Yamamah to put on their arms and hold the forts. As 
Khalid and the Moslems looked toward them, they enter- 
tained no doubt that they were fighters, and they said, 
"Mujja*ah has told us the truth." Then Mujja'ah came 
out to the Moslems' camp and said, " The people refused 
the terms which I made with you, and there are the forti- 
fications of al-^Ird manned to their fullest capacity. But 
I kept urging them until they agreed to make terms on one- 
fourth of the captives and one-half of the gold, silver, coats 
of mail and horses." Both parties agreed on these terms, 
and Khalid accepted them and signed his name. Mujja'ah 
then came with Khalid to al-Yamamah. Seeing those left 
in it, Khalid turned to Mujja*ah and said, " Thou hast 
cheated me, Mujja*ah." The people of al-Yamamah at last 
accepted Islam, and the sadakah was taken from them. 

Khalid reinforces al-Ald\ Khalid received the message 
of abu-Bakr directing him to reinforce al-*AIa' ibn-al- 
Hadrami. Accordingly, he started for al-Bahrain and left 
in his place over al-Yamamah Samurah ibn-*Amr al-'Anbari. 
The conquest of al-Yamamah was effected in the year 12. 

A description of Musailimah. I was told by abu-Rabah 
al-Yamami, on the authority of certain sheikhs from al- 
Yamamah, that Musailimah, the false Prophet, was short, 
exceedingly pale, with a camois and flat nose. He was 


nicknamed abu-Thumamah, and according to others, abu- 
Thumalah. His muezzin ^ was one, Hujair, who in calHng 
to prayer used to chant, " I testify that MusaiHmah claims 
to be the Prophet of Allah." Remarking on this, some one 
said, " Hujair has expressed it eloquently," which phrase 
has since become a proverb. 

Those who fell martyrs in al-Yamdmah. Among those 
who suffered martyrdom in al-Yamamah were abu-Hu- 
dhaifah ibn-*Utbah ibn-Rabi'ah ibn-'Abd-Shams, whose first 
name was Hushaim, and some say Mihsham ; ^ Salim, a 
freedman of abu-Hudhaifah surnamed abu-Abdallah, and 
who was a freedman^ of Thubaitah daughter of Ya'ar* of 
the Ansdr (and others say Nubaithah who was a woman) ; 
Khalid ibn-Asid ibn-abi-l-*ls ibn-Umaiyah; 'Abdallah, i. e., 
Al-Hakam ibn-Sa*id ibn-al-'Asi ibn-Umaiyah, who, accord- 
ing to others, was killed in the battle of Mu'tah; Shuja* 
ibn-Wahb al-Asadi, an ally of the banu-Umaiyah, whose sur- 
name was abu-Wahb ; at-Tuf ail ibn-'Amr ad-Dausi of al- Azd ; 
Yazid ibn-Rukaish al-Asadi, an ally of the banu-Umaiyah; 
Makhramah ibn-Shuraih al-Hadrami, an ally of the banu- 
Umaiyah, as-Sa'ib ibn-al-'Auwam, a brother of az-Zubair 
ibn-al-'Auwam ; al-Walid ibn-*Abd-Shams ibn-al-Mughirah- 
1-Makhzumi; as-Sa'ib ibn-'Uthman ibn-Maz'un al-Jumahi; 
and Zaid ibn-al-Khattab ibn-Nufail, a brother of *Umar ibn- 
al-Khattab, who, according to some, was killed by abu- 
Maryam al-Hanafi whose proper name was Subaih ibn- 
Muharrish. According to ibn-al-Kalbi, Zaid was killed by 
Labid ibn-Burghuth al-*Ijli, who later came to *Umar and 
*Umar said to him, '' Thou art the sacks " (his name, Labid, 

* The chanter who calls to prayer from the minaret. 

' Hisham, p. 165. 

' Hisham, pp. 422 and 486. 

*■ Ibid., p. 322. 


meaning sacks). The surname of Zaid was abu-*Abd-ar- 
Rahman, and he was the senior of 'Umar. According to 
some, the proper name of abu-Maryam was lyas ibn-Subaih, 
and he was the first in the time of *Umar to hold the 
position of kadi in al-Basrah. He died in Sanbil which hes 
in al-Ahwaz. Other martyrs were abu-Kais ibn-al-Harith 
ibn-*Adi ibn-Sahm; *Abdallah ibn-al-Harith ibn-Kais; 
Salit ibn-'Amr, a brother of Suhail ibn-'Amr of the banu- 
^Amr ibn-Lu'ai ; and lyas ibn-al-Bukair al-Kinani. Among 
the Ansdr, the following suffered martyrdom : 'Abbad ibn- 
al-Harith ibn-'Adi of the banu-Jahjaba of al-Aus; *Abbad 
ibn-Bishr ibn-Waksh al-Ashhali of al-Aus, surnamed abu-ar- 
Rabi*, and according to others, abu-Bishr; Malik ibn-Aus 
ibn-'Atik al-Ashhali; abu-'Akil ibn-'Abdallah ibn-Tha'labah 
ibn-Baihan al-Balawi, an ally of the banu-Jahjaba, and 
whose proper name was *Abd-al-'Uzza, but who was called 
by the Prophet " *Abd-ar-Rahman the enemy of the idols '* ; 92 
Surakah ibn-Ka'b ibn-'Abd-al-*Uzza an-Najjari of al- 
Khazraj; 'Umarah ibn-Hazm ibn-Zaid ibn-Laudhan an- 
Najjari (who is supposed by others to have died in the time 
of Mu'awiyah); Habib ibn-'Amr ibn-Mihsan an-Najjari; 
Ma'n ibn-'Adi ibn-al-Jadd ibn-al-*Ajlan al-Balawi of the 
Kuda'ah, and an ally of the Ansdr; Thabit ibn-Kais ibn- 
Shammas ibn-abi-Zuhair the khatib of the Prophet and who 
was of the banu-1-Harith ibn-al-Khazraj (whose surname was 
abu-Muhammad, and who at that time was the commander 
of the Ansdr) ; abu-Hannah ibn-Ghuzaiyah ibn-'Amr one 
of the banu-Mazin ibn-an-Najjar; al-*Asi ibn-Tha'labah ad- 
Dausi of al-Azd, an ally of the Ansdr; abu-Dujanah Simak 
ibn-Aus ibn-Kharashah ibn-Laudhan as-Sa*idi of al- 
Khazraj ; abu-Usaid Malik ibn-Rabi'ah as-Sa'idi (others say 
he died in al-Madinah, year 60) ; *Abdallah ibn-'Abdallah 
ibn-Ubai ibn-Malik (whose first name was al-Hubab but 
who was given by the Prophet his father's name. His 


father played the hypocrite in religion. He is the one called 
ibn-Ubai ibn-Salul, Saliil being the mother of Ubai and of 
[the clan of] Khuza'ah, and he bears her name. His father 
was Malik ibn-al-Harith of the banu-1-Khazraj (others say he 
suffered martyrdom in the battle of Juwatha at al-Bahrain) ; 
^Ukbah ibn-'Amir ibn-Nabi' of the banu-Salimah of al- 
Khazraj ; and al-Harith ibn-Ka'b ibn-*Amr of the banu-an- 
Najjar. The Prophet had sent Habib ibn-Zaid ibn-Asim of 
the banu-Mabdhul ibn-'Amr ibn-Ghanm ibn-Mazin ibn-an- 
Najjar, together with 'Abdallah ibn-Wahb al-Aslami to 
Musailimah. Musailimah did not molest 'Abdallah, but cut 
off the hands and feet of Habib. The mother of Habib was 
Nusaibah, daughter of Ka'b. According to al-Wakidi, the 
two men [sent by the Prophet] came from 'Uman in the 
company of *Amr ibn-al-'Asi. Musailimah drove them back. 
'Amr and all those in his company escaped, with the excep- 
tion of these two who were captured. In the battle of al- 
Yamamah, Nusaibah took part in the fight and returned with 
a number of wounds inflicted on her. She is the mother of 
Habib and 'Abdallah, the sons of Zaid. She also took part in 
the battle of Uhud, and was one of the two women who 93 
" swore allegiance " in the day of al-*Akabah.^ Other 
martyrs of the battle of al-Yamamah were *A'idh ibn-Ma*is 
az-Zuraki of al-Khazraj and Yazid ibn-Thabit al-Khazraji, 
a brother of Zaid ibn-Thabit, the authority on " The Laws 
of Heritage." ' 

Regarding the number of those that fell as martyrs in 
al-Yamamah, there is no agreement. The minimum esti- 
mate mentioned is 700, the maximum 1,700, while others 
assert that they were 1,200. 

* Hisham, pp. 312 seq. 

' yajar, vol. ii, pp. 40 seq.; Ibn-Khallikan, Wafayat al-A'ydn, vol. i, 
p. zy2, note 2. 


Mujjd'ah is assigned al-Ghurah and other fiefs. Al- 
Kasim ibn-Sallam from Hisham ibn-Isma'il : — There came 
to the Prophet Mujja'ah-1-Yamami to whom the Prophet 
gave a fief and wrote the following statement : " In the name 
of Allah, the compassionate, the merciful. This statement 
is written by Muhammad, the Messenger of Allah, to 
Mujja'ah ibn-Murarah ibn-Sulmi. I give thee as fief al- 
Ghurah, Ghurabah,^ and al-Hubal. If any one objects, re- 
fer him to me." (Al-Ghiirah is the chief village of al- 
Ghurabat and is close to Karat). After the death of the 
Prophet, Mujja^ah came to abu-Bakr, who assigned him as 
fief al-Khidrimah. Later he came to 'Umar, who assigned 
to him ar-Raiya. After that he came to 'Uthman, who as- 
signed to him another fief " the name of which," says al- 
Harith,^ " I do not remember." 

Furdt ibn-Haiydn gets a Uef. Al-Kasim ibn-Sallam 
from ' Adi ibn-Hatim : — The Prophet assigned to Furat ibn- 
Haiyan al-*Ijli a piece of land in al-Yamamah. 

The "park of death" Muhammad ibn-Thumal al- 
Yamami from certain sheikhs: — The Hadikah was called 
Hadikat al-Maut [the park of death] because of the great 
number of people that were slain in it. In the time of al- 
Ma'mun, Ishak ibn-abi-Khamisah, a f reedman of Kais, built 
in it a cathedral mosque. The Hadikah before that time 
was known as Ubad. 

According to Muhammad ibn-Thumal, the Kasr al-Ward "" 
was named after al-Ward ibn-as-Samin ibn-*Ubaid al- 
Hanafi. According to another, the fortification was called 
Mu'tik [i. e., emancipator] because of its strength, indicat- 94 

» Bakri, vol. ii, p. 703 : " 'Awanah ". 

» Ibn-Murrah-l-^anafi, one of the intermediary reporters of this tra- 
' Yakut, Marasid, under Ward. 


ing thereby that he who takes refuge in it is safe from his 

Ar-Raiya spring. Ar-Raiya was a spring from which 
the as-Sa*fukah, as well as al-Khuyaibah and al-Khidrimah, 
got their drinking water, as-Sa'fukah ^ being a crown-land 
thus called after one of the agents over it, whose name was 

* Bakri, p. 607. 

The Apostasy of the Arabs in the Caliphate of 


Ahu-Bakr threatens those who withhold sadakah. When 
abu-Bakr was proclaimed caliph, certain Arab tribes apos- 
tatized from Islam and withheld the sadakah. Some of 
them, however, said, " We shall observe prayer but not pay 
sakdt." In reference to that abu-Bakr said, " If they refuse 
me a one-year sadakah,^ I shall surely fight against them." 
According to other reports he said, '* If they refuse me a 
two-year sadakah.'' 

'Abdallah ibn-Salih al-*Ijli from ash-Sha^i :— ^Abdallah 
ibn-Mas'ud said, "After the death of the Prophet we found 
ourselves in a state in which we would have perished had not 
Allah favored us with abu-Bakr. By the consensus of 
opinion, we agreed not to fight on a female camel that 
had entered on its second year or a male camel that had 
entered on its third year, but appropriate for ourselves 
the income of Kura 'Arabiyah ^ and worship Allah un- 
til the right course is revealed unto us." Allah gave 
orders to abu-Bakr to fight them. Then, by Allah, abu- 
Bakr was not satisfied by anything but one of two : — 
a humiliating plan or an evacuating war. As for the humi- 
liating plan, it was that they acknowledge that those of their 
number who were killed went to hell, and that our property 
that fell into their hands should be returned to us ; and the 
evacuating war was that they leave their homes. 

* Ar. Hkdl, see an-Nasa'i, Sunan, vol. i, p. 335- 
» Yahya ibn-Adam, p. 122 ; Bakri, p. 657. 



The delegation of Buzdkhah . Ibrahim ibn-Muhammad 
from Tarik ibn-Shihab : — A delegation from Buzakhali 
came to abu-Bakr and he gave them their choice between 
*' the evacuating war " or " the humihating peace ". To 
this they replied, '' * The evacuating war ' we have known 
what it is, what is then ' the humihating peace?' " '' It is," 
said abu-Bakr, '' that we deprive you of the coats of mail 
and horses, and keep the booty we took from you ; and that 
ye return the booty ye took from us, pay bloodwit for those 
of us who were slain and consider those of you who were 
slain to be in hell-fire." 

Shuja* ibn-Mukhallad al-Fallas from 'A'ishah the "mother 
of the Believers " : — The latter said, "After the death of the 
Prophet, what befell my father ^ would have softened the 
firm mountains if it had befallen them. Hypocrisy in al- 
Madinah exalted itself, and the Arabs apostatized from their 
faith. By Allah, not a point they disagreed upon, which my 
father did not cause to disappear as something without 
which Islam could do [ ?] ." 

Abu-Bakr dispatches an army. Abu-Bakr set out to al- 
Kassah ^ in the land which belongs to Muharib in order to 
direct the armies marching against the apostates. He was 
accompanied by the Moslems. Those who went against 
the Moslems were Khar ij ah ibn-Hisn ibn-Hudhaifah ibn- 
Badr al-Fazari * and Manzur ibn-Zabban ibn-Saiyar al- 
Fazari of the banu-l-'Ushara', who were joined with the 
tribe of Ghatafan. The fight raged fiercely but the " poly- 
theists " were put to flight, and abu-Bakr sent Talhah ibn- 
'Ubaidallah at-Taimi in their pursuit. Talhah fell upon 
them at the lower part of Thanaya 'Ausajah where he killed 

' Abu-Bakr. 

' Tabari, vol. i, p. 1870 : " dhu-1-Kassah." 

' Ibn-Sa'd, vol. iii^, p. 37. 


only one of them, all the rest having fled away, and he could 
not catch up with them. This made Kharijah ibn-Hisn 
repeat, " Woe to the Arabs because of ibn-abi-Kuliafah [i. 
e. abu-Bakr]." 

While abu-Bakr was at al-Kassah, he set Khalid ibn-al- 
Walid ibn-al-Mughirah al-Makhzumi in command over the 
people,^ and sent over the Ansdr Thabit ibn-Kais ibn- 
Shammas al-Ansari, who was one of those that [later] 
suffered martyrdom in the battle of al-Yamamah. Thabit, 
however, was subordinate to Khalid. Abu-Bakr ordered 
Khalid to direct his course towards Tulaihah ibn-Khuwailid 
al-Asadi, who had claimed to be a prophet ^ and was then at 
Buzakhah. This Buzakhah is a spring belonging to the 
banu-Asad ibn-Khuzaimah. Khalid set out against him and 
sent before him ^Ukkashah ibn-Mihsan al-Asadi, an ally of 96 
the banu-'Abd-Shams, together with Thabit ibn-Akram al- 
Balawi, an ally of the Ansdr. Hibal ibn-Khuwailid * met 
them and was slain by them. Having heard the news, 
Tulaihah with his brother, Salamah, set out and, meeting 
'Ukkashah and Thabit, slew them both. Regarding this 
event Tulaihah sang : 

" As I saw their faces I thought of my brother l}iha.\ 
and was sure that I was going to avenge his death. 

It was on the evening of that day that I left ibn-Akram in his grave, 
together with 'Ukkashah al-Ghanmi, by the battlefield." 

The Moslems and their enemy at last met and a fierce 
battle was fought. With Tulaihah in the fight was 'Uyainah 
ibn-Hisn ibn-Hudhaifah ibn-Badr at the head of 700 men 
of the banu-Fazarah. When 'Uyainah saw the swords of the 

1 Ya'kubi, vol. ii, p. 145- 

2 He imitated Muhammad by composing saj' or rhyming prose, see 
Tabari, vol. i, p. 1738; and Goldziher, Muhammedanische Studkn, 
vol. ii, p. 4CX)i. 

' Hisham, p. 453. 


Moslems butchering the " polytheists," he came to Tulaihah 
asking, " Canst thou not see what the army of abu-1-Fasil ^ 
is doing, and did not Gabriel bring thee any message?" 
" Yes " said Tulaihah, " Gabriel came to me and said ' Thou 
wilt have a grinding stone as he has, and a day that thou 
wilt never forget !' " ^ '' By Allah," cried ^Uyainah, '' I be- 
lieve that thou wilt have a day which thou wilt never forget. 
O banu-Fazarah, this is a false prophet." Saying this, he 
left Tulaihah's army which was soon after defeated. The 
Moslems were victorious. 'Uyainah ibn-Hisn was taken 
captive and brought to al-Madinah. Abu-Bakr spared his 
life and set him free. Tulaihah ibn-Khuwailid took to 
flight and entered a tent of his, where he took a bath and 
went out. Then he rode on his horse, intending to visit 
the sacred places, and came to Makkah, then to al-Madinah 
professing Islam. According to others, he came to Syria, 
was taken hold of by those of the Moslems who were on a 
campaign, and sent to abu-Bakr in al-Madinah, where he 
became Moslem. Later, he distinguished himself in the 
conquest of al-Trak and Nihawand. One day, 'IJmar said 
to him, " Didst thou kill the faithful servant 'Ukkashah 
ibn-Mihsan?" And he rephed, '' I have been the means of 
bringing about the welfare of 'Ukkashah ibn-Mihsan; and 
he has been the means of bringing about * my misery. I 
beg Allah's pardon upon me." 

Da'vid ibn-Hibal al-Asadi told me on the authority of 
certain sheikhs among his people that 'Umar ibn-al- 
Khattab said to Tulaihah, " Thou didst lie before Allah 
when thou didst claim that he revealed to thee the text, 
' Allah has nothing to do with the dust on your faces and 

1 Khalid's surname was abu-'Sulaiman, see Nawawi, p. 224; and ibn- 
Kutaibah, Kitdb al-Ma'arif, p. 90. 
' Tabari, vol. i, p. 1897; Athir, vol. ii, p. 264. 
» Cf. Tabari, vol. i, p. 1898. 


the Ugliness of your hinder parts. When ye therefore 
mention Allah, be abstemious and stand upright, for, verily, 
froth is on the surface of what is pure/ " ^ " ' Commander 
of the Believers'", repHed Tulaihah, " this is one of the 
corruptions of unbelief which has altogether been destroyed 
by Islam. I am not, therefore, to be scolded for holding a 
part of it." 'Umar remained silent. 

Khdlid in Rammdn and Ahdnain. Khalid ibn-al-Walid 
came to Ramman ^ and Abanain ^ where the remnant of the 
army of Buzakhah stood. They refrained from fighting 
against him and swore allegiance before him to abu-Bakr. 

Banu-'Amir ihn-Sasa'ah embrace Islam. Khalid ibn-al- 
Walid sent Hisham ibn-al-'Asi ibn-Wa'il as-Sahmi, a brother 
of *Amr ibn-al-*Asi, one of the early Moslems and one of the 
Emigrants to Abyssinia, to the banu-'Amir ibn Sa'sa'ah. 
Banu-^Amir did not resist him and professed Islam and 
practised the call to prayer. So he left them. 

Kurrah's life spared. Kurrah ibn-Hubairah-1-Kushairi, 
having refused to pay sadakah and reinforced Tulaihah, 
was taken by Hisham ibn-al-'Asi to Khalid. The latter 
carried him to abu-Bakr to whom Kurrah said, " By Allah 
I never forsook my faith since I became a believer. As 
'Amr ibn-al-'Asi on his way back from 'Uman passed 
by me, I treated him hospitably and was loyal to him." 
*Amr was questioned by abu-Bakr regarding that, and he 
corroborated the statement. Consequently, abu-Bakr spared 
Kurrah's Hfe. 

Others assert that Khalid advanced to the land of the 
banu-'Amir, took Kurrah captive and sent him to abu-Bakr. 

The battle of al-Ghamr. Then Khalid ibn-al-Walid ad- 

* Freytag, Prov., vol. i, p. I74, no. 80, and p. 731, no. 63. 

« Yakut, vol. ii, p. 815 ; Bakri, p. 412. 

' or Abanan ; Yakut, vol. i, p. 75 ; Bakri, p. 63. 


vanced to al-Ghamr ^ where a band of the banu-Asad, 
Ghatafan and others had gathered under the leadership of 
Khar ij ah ibn-Hisn ibn-Hudhaifah. According to others, 
they had on different days different leaders, and each party 
had its own leader drawn from its own ranks. They fought 
against Khalid and the Moslems, with the result that some 
of them were killed and the others took to flight. With re- 
ference to the battle of al-Ghamr says al-Hutai'ah-l-*Absi : 

" Yea, may all short and humble lances be sacrificed, 
in favor of the horsemen's lances at al-Ghamr ! " ^ 

Khdlid meets abu-Shajarah. Thence Khalid moved to 
Jau Kurakir.^ Others say he moved to an-Nukrah. There 
a crowd was gathered by the banu-Sulaim and put under the 
leadership of abu-Shajarah *Amr ibn-*Abd-al-'Uzza as- 
Sulami whose mother was al-Khansa'. They fought against 
Khalid, and one of the Moslems fell a martyr. By Allah's 
help at last, the " polytheists' " troops were dispersed, and 
Khalid had on that day the apostates burned. When abu- 
Bakr was told about it, he said, " I shall not sheathe a sword 
that Allah had imsheathed against the ' unbelievers.' " Abu- 
Shajarah accepted Islam, and coming to *Umar found him 
distributing alms among the poor, so he begged for some. 
*Umar asked him, "Art thou not the one who said : 

' I quenched my lance's thirst on Khalid's troops, 
and I hope after this that my life will be prolonged'?" 

Saying this, he lashed him with the whip.* " Islam, O 
* Commander of the Believers,' " replied abu-Shajarah, " has 
blotted all this out." 

^ Skizzen, vol, vi, p. 11, note i. 
' Bakri, p. 696, and p. 718, line 12. 
» Cf. Yakut, vol. ii, p. 161, lines 12-13. 
* Tabari, vol. i, p. 1907. 


Al-Fujafah put to death by fir e. There came to abu-Bakr 
one, al-Fuja'ah, whose proper name was Bujair ibn-Iyas 
ibn-'Abdallah as-Sulami, and said to him, " Give me horse 
and' arms that I may fight against the apostates." Abu- 
Bakr gave him horse and arms. Al-Fuja'ah began to molest 
the people, killing both Moslems and apostates. He, more- 
over, gathered a large body of men. Abu-Bakr wrote to 
Turaifah ibn-Hajizah, a brother of Ma'n ibn-Hajizah, 
ordering him to go against him. This, ibn-Hajizah did 
and captured him. He then sent him to abu-Bakr, who or- 
dered him burned in the neighborhood of al-Musalla [place 
of prayer] . Others say that abu-Bakr wrote to Ma'n con- 
cerning al-Fuja'ah, and Ma'n directed against him his 
brother, Turaifah, who captured him. 

Khdlid in al-Butdh and al-Ba'udah. Later, Khalid set 
out against those of the banu-Tamim who were in al-Butah ^ 
and al-Ba*udah. They fought against him, but he dis- 
persed them ^ killing Malik ibn-Nuwairah, a brother of 
Mutammam ibn-Nuwairah. This Malik was the Prophet's 
'dmil for the sadakahs of the banu-Hanzalah. When the 
Prophet died Malik held whatever was in his keeping and 
said to banu-Hanzalah, " Keep your own money." 

Malik beheaded . According to other reports, Khalid 
met nobody in either al-Butah or al-Ba*udah, but he sent 
detachments among the banu-Tamim, one of which was under 
Dirar ibn-al-Azwar al-Asadi. Dirar met Mahk and, as a 
result of the conflict which ensued, Dirar took Malik and 
some others captive, and brought them before Khalid. 
In accordance with Khalid's orders, their heads were cut off,* 
Dirar with his own hand cutting off that of Malik. Ac- 

1 Yakut, vol. i, p. 66i. 
» Tabari, vol. i, p. 1924. 

' Cf. ^ajai, vol. iii, p. 722', abu-1-Fida, al-Mukhtasar, vol. i, p. 158, 
(Cairo, 1325). 



cording to certain reports, Malik said to Khalid, " By- 
Allah, I did not apostatize!" And abu-Katadah-1-Ansari 
gave witness that the banu-Hanzalah had laid down their 
arms and made the public call to prayer. Hearing this, 'Umar 99 
ibn-al-Khattab said to abu-Bakr, " Thou hast sent a man 
who kills Moslems and tortures by fire!" 

It is reported that Mutammam ibn-Nuwairah once came 
to 'Umar ibn-al-Khattab who asked him, " How far did thy 
sorrow over they brother, Malik, carry thee?" ''I wept 
over him for one year," said Mutammam, " until my sound 
eye envied the one that had gone; and never did I see fire 
without feeling as if my grief was strong enough to kill 
me, because he always left his fire burning till the morning, 
lest a guest should come and fail to locate his place." 
*Umar then asked for a description of him, and Muttamam 
said, " He used to ride a restive steed and lead a slow-paced 
camel, while he would be between two water bags exuding 
water in the chilly night, wrapped up in a loose garment, 
and armed with a long lance. Thus would he go through 
the night until the morn. His face was a fragment of a 
moon." ^ " Sing me," said 'Umar, " some of what thou 
hast composed regarding him." And Mutammam repeated 
the elegy in which he said : 

" For a long time we were boon companions like the two fellow-drink- 
ers of Jadhimah, 
that people said, * They will never be separated !' " 2 

" If I could write good poetry " remarked 'Umar, " I would 
have written an elegy on my brother, Zaid." " It is not a 
parallel case, ' Commander of the Believers ' ", answered 
Mutammam, " had my brother met the same death that thy 
brother has met, I would not have mourned over him." 

1 Cf. De Slane, Ibn-Khallikan, vol. iii, pp. 651-652. 
' Aghdni, vol. xiv, pp. 70-71. 


'' Nobody did ever console me," said 'Umar, " as well as 
thou didst." ' 

Sajdh the Prophetess. Umm-Sadir Sajah, daughter of 
Aus ibn-Hikk ibn-Usamah ibn-al-Ghaniz ibn-Yarbu' ibn- 
Hanzalah ibn-Malik ibn-Zaid Manat ijDn-Tamim (others 
say she was Sajah, daughter of al-Harith ibn-'Ukfan ibn- 
Suwaid ibn-Khalid ibn-Usamah), claimed to be a prophetess 
and a soothsayer.^ She was followed by some of the banu- 
Tamim and some of her uncles on her mother's side of the 
banu-Taghlib. One day she composed the following rhyming 
sentences : '' The Lord of heavens orders you to carry out 
against ar-Ribab ^ invasions." She invaded them but was 
defeated by them, they being the only ones who fought 
against her.* She then came to Musailimah-1-Kadhdhab 
[the false Prophet] at Hajar and married him,^ making her 
religion one with his. When he was killed, she returned loo 
to her brethren and there she died. According to ibn-al- 
Kalbi, however, Sajah accepted Islam and emigrated to 
al-Basrah and remained a good Moslem. 'Abd-al-A'la ibn- 
Hammad an-Narsi heard it said by certain sheikhs of al- 
Basrah that Samurah ibn-Jundab al-Fazari led her funeral 
service as he was the governor of al-Basrah under 
Mu'awiyah before the arrival of 'Abdallah ibn-Ziyad from 
Khurasan to assume the office of governor of al-Basrah. 
Ibn-al-Kalbi added that the muezzin of Sajah was al- 
Janabah^ ibn-Tarik ibn-'Amr ibn-Haut ar-Riyahi, and 
others say ^ it was Shabath ibn-Rib'i ar-Riyahi. 

1 Ibn-Kutaibah, Kitdh ash-Shi'r, pp. I93-I94- 

' Ar. kdhin; see Skiszen, vol. iii, p. 130; Goldziher, Ahhandlungen 
2ur Arabischen Philologie, vol. i, pp. 107-108; Zaidan, vol. iii, pp. 16-18; 
J. G. Frazer, Golden Bough, vol. i, p. 230. 

« The confederate tribes of Tai, 'Adi and 'Ukl. 

* Skizzen, vol. vi, p. 14. 

^ Aghani, vol. xii, p. 157; abu-1-Fida, vol. i, p. i57 (Cairo, 1325). 

« Dhahabi, MushtaUh, p. 141. '^ Duraid, p. 137. 


The insurrection of Khauldn. Khaulan in al-Yaman hav- 
ing apostatized, *Umar sent against them Ya'la ibn-Munyah 
(Munyah, his mother, was of the banu-Mazin ibn-Mansur 
ibn-lkrimah ibn-Khasafah ibn-Kais ibn-'Ailan ibn-Mudar, 
and his father was Umaiyah ibn-abi-'Ubaidah, one of the sons 
of MaHk ibn-Hanzalah ibn-Malik, an ally of the banu-Nauf al 
ibn-'Abd-Manaf ) who won a great victory over them and 
carried away booty and captives. According to others, 
however, he met no resistance, and all of them returned to 


The Apostasy of the banu-Wali'ah and al-Ash'ath 
ibn-Ma'dikarib ibn-Mu'awiyah-l-Kindi 

The cause of the insurrection of Kindah. The Prophet 
sent Ziyad ibn-Labid al-Bayadi of the Ansdr as governor to 
Hadramaut; later extending his power over the Kindah. 
According to others, it was abu-Bakr as-Siddik who ex- 
tended his power over the Kindah. This Ziyad ibn-Labid 
was a resolute and sturdy man, and took young she-camels 
as sadakah from a certain man of the banu-Kindah. The 
Kindah man asked him to return them and take something 
else, but having marked them with the sadakah brand, Labid 
refused his request. Labid was approached by al-Ash*ath 
ibn-Kais, but still he refused saying, " Never will I return a 
thing that has been branded with the mark." This caused 
an uprising of all Kindah against him with the exception of 
as-Sakun who still adhered to his side. Hence the verse of 
their poet : 

" It was we that came to the rescue of the faith, 
when our people miserably went astray and we supported ibn-umm- 

From the right claim of al-Bayadi we sought not to deviate, 
and the piety of Allah was our best provision." 

Banu-Amr gathered against Labid. Against Labid 
were assembled the banu-'Amr ibn-Mu'awiyah ibn-al-Harith 
al-Kindi. Labid, at the head of the Moslems, attacked them 
during the night time and killed many, among whom were 
Mikhwas, Mishrah, Jamad and Abda'ah the sons of Ma'di- 
karib ibn-Wah'ah ibn-Shurahbil ibn-Mu'awiyah ibn-Hujr 




al-Karid (Karid in their dialect means horse) ibn-al- 
Harith al-Walladah ibn-'Amr ibn-Mu*awiyah ibn-al-Harith. 
These four brothers were in possession of so many valleys 
that they were called the " four kings." Previous to this, 
they had presented themselves before the Prophet, but later 
on they apostatized. Their sister, al-'Amarradah, was killed 
by one who mistook her for a man. 

Ziydd -fights against al-Ashfath. As Ziyad returned with 
captives and booty, he passed by al-Ash'ath ibn-Kais and 
his people. Seeing him, the women and children began to 
cry ^ which made al-Ash'ath burn with indignation, and set 
out with a band of his men.^ He fell upon Ziyad and his 
companions, and many Moslems were lost. The Moslems 
were then defeated, and all the great men of Kindah rallied 
to the support of al-Ash'ath ibn-Kais. Seeing this, Ziyad 
wrote to abu-Bakr asking for reinforcement. Abu-Bakr 
wrote to al-Muhajir ibn-abi-Umaiyah, ordering him to rein- 
force Ziyad. Ziyad and al-Muhajir, at the head of the Mos- 
lems, met al-Ash'ath and dispelled his men, and attacking 
his companions, made a fearful slaughter among them. 
Thence al-Ash'ath's men took refuge in a fortification of 
theirs, an-Nujair, where the Moslems besieged them. The 
siege was pressed until they were exhausted and al-Ash'ath 
sought safety for a certain number of his men. He did not 
include himself in that number because al-Jif shish ^ al-Kindi, 
whose name was Ma'dan ibn-al-Aswad ibn-Ma'dikarib, 
holding him by the waist, said, " Include me in that num- 
ber." * Thus al-Ash'ath excluded himself in favor of al- 
Jifshish. Al-Ash*ath presented himself before Ziyad ibn- 

* Tabari, vol. i, p. 2005. 

^ Ya'kubi, vol. ii, p. 149. 

' Jafshish in Fairuzabadi, al-Kamus, vol. ii, p. 276. 

* Cf. Tabari, vol. i, p. 2009. 


Labid and al-Muhajir who sent him to abu-Bakr. The 
latter favored him by giving to him in marriage his sister 
umm-Farwah/ daughter of abu-Kuhafah, who later gave 
birth to Muhammad, Ishak, Kuraibah, Hubabah and 
Ja'dah. According to others, abu-Bakr gave him in mar- 
riage his sister Kuraibah ; and when he married her, he came 
to the market, and every slaughtered camel he saw, he cut 
its two heel-tendons, paid its price and gave it to the people 
to eat. After living in al-Madinah, he set out on a razzia to 
Syria and al-'Irak. His death took place at al-Kuf ah where 
his funeral service was conducted by al-Hasan ibn-*Ali ibn- 
abi-Talib, after the latter had been reconciled with 
Mu'awiyah. This al-Ash'ath was surnamed abu-Muham- 
mad and nicknamed " 'Urf an-Nar " [the fire-crest]. 

The insurrection of the banu-Wa Wah and al-AsKath . Ac- 
cording to other reports, the banu-Wali'ah apostatized before 
the Prophet's death. When Ziyad ibn-Labid heard of his 
death, he called the people to swear allegiance to abu-Bakr, 
which they all did with the exception of the banu-Wali'ah. 
Ziyad fell upon them in the night time and killed them. 
Al-Ash'ath apostatized and fortified himself in an-Nujair 
where he was besieged by Ziyad ibn-Labid and al-Muhajir 
who joined hands against him. Abu-Bakr sent Tkrimah 
ibn-abi-Jahl, after his departure from 'Uman, to reinforce 
them; but on his arrival, an-Nujair was already reduced. 
Abu-Bakr requested the Moslems to share the booty with 
him, which they did. 

Ath- Thahja and Hind severely punished. It is reported 
that certain women at an-Nujair having rejoiced at the 
death of the Prophet, abu-Bakr wrote ordering that their 
hands and feet be cut off. Among these women were ath- 
Thabja' al-Hadramiyah, and Hind, daughter of Yamin, 
the Jewess. 

1 Cf. Tabari, vol. i, p. 2012. 



The Prophet assigns governors to San'a , Kindah, Hadror 
maut and as-Sadif. Bakr ibn-al-Haitham from certain 
sheikhs of al-Yaman: — The Prophet made Khalid ibn- 
Sa'id ibn-al-'Asi governor of San'a', but he was driven out 
of it by al-'Ansi, the false Prophet. Over the Kindah, he as- 
signed al-Muhajir ibn-abi-Umaiyah ; over Hadramaut and 
as-Sadif, Ziyad ibn-Labid al-Ansari. As-Sadif were the 
descendants of MaHk ibn-Muratti' ibn-Mu'awiyah ibn- 
Kindah/ They were called Sadif because Muratti' married 
a woman from Hadramaut and made it a condition that she 
would take up her abode with him, and in case she bore a 
child he would not force her to remain away from her 
people's home. She did bear a child, Malik, and the judge 
decided that Murratti' should send her back to her people. 
When Malik left him with her, Murratti* said, " MaHk 
turned away \_Av.-sadafa'\ from me." Hence the name as- 

The insurrection of the banu-'Amr. *Abd-ar-Razzak said 
that he was told by certain sheikhs from al-Yaman that 103 
abu-Bakr wrote to Ziyad ibn-Labid and to al-Muhajir ibn- 
abi-Umaiyah-1-Makhzumi who was then over Kindah, order- 
ing them to come together and work hand in hand and 
with one accord in order to secure for him the caliphate 
and fight against him who refrains from paying sadakah, 
and that they should get the help of the Believers against 
the Unbelievers and of the obedient against the disobedient 
and transgressors. Once they took as sadakah from a 
Kindah man a youthful she-camel. He asked them to 
change it for another. Al-Muhajir allowed it, but Ziyad 
insisted on keeping the camel saying, " Never will I return 
it after being stamped with the sadakah brand." Therefore, 
the banu-*Amr ibn-Mu'awiyah gathered a large body of men. 

1 Khallikan, vol. iv, pp. 595-596. 


Then said Ziyad ibn-Labid to al-Muhajir, " Thou dost see 
this crowd. It is not wise to have us all leave our position. 
Separate, therefore, thyself with a band of men from the 
main army, and that will keep our plans concealed. Then 
I will attack these ' unbelievers ' in their homes at night." 
Ziyad was resolute and sturdy. He went against the banu- 
'Amr and, under the cover of the night, fell upon them and 
some of them began to kill the others. At last Ziyad and 
al-Muhajir met accompanied by the captives and prisoners. 
They were intercepted by al-Ash*ath ibn-Kais and the lead- 
ing men of Kindah, who fought a fierce battle against them. 
At last the Kindis fortified themselves in an-Nujair, where 
the siege was pressed against them until they were exhausted 
and greatly damaged and al-Ash'ath surrendered. Some 
say that the Hadramaut had come to reinforce the Kindah 
but were met by Ziyad and al-Muhajir who defeated them. 

The apostasy of Khauldn. Now Khaulan apostatized, 
and abu-Bakr directed against them Ya*la ibn-Munyah 
who fought against them until they yielded and agreed to 
give sadakah. Then al-Muhajir received abu-Bakr's letter 
conferring on him the governorship of San'a' and its ad- 
joining districts, making his province border on what Ziyad 
already held.^ Thus was al-Yaman divided among three: 
al-Muhajir, Ziyad and Ya'la. The land between the ex- 
treme limit of al-Hijaz and the extreme limit of Najran 
was assigned to abu-Sufyan ibn-Harb. 

The story of al-Ash'ath. Abu-Nasr at-Tammar from 
Ibrahim an-Nakha'i : — Al-Ash'ath ibn-Kais al-Kindi, to- 
gether with some of the Kindah tribe, apostatized and were 
besieged. Al-Ash*ath secured safety for 70 of his men but 
did not include himself among them. He was therefore 
brought before abu-Bakr who said to him, " We shall cer- 

1 Caetani, vol. ii, p. 804. 


tainly kill thee, as thou art under no safe conduct, having 
excluded thyself from that group." " Nay," answered al- 
Ash'ath, '' Thou, successor of the Messenger of Allah, wilt 
rather favor me with a wife." This abu-Bakr did, giving 
him his own sister in marriage. 

Three things abu-Bak r wished he had done. Al-Kasim 
ibn-Sallam abu-'Ubaid ^ from abu-Bakr as-Siddik : — The 
latter said, '' I wish I had done three things that I did not do : 
— I wish I had cut off the head of al-Ash'ath ibn-Kais when 
he was brought before me, because it seemed to me there was 
no sort of evil to be done which he would not attempt to do 
or help to bring about ; I wish I had killed rather than burnt 
al-Fuja'ah whenhe was brought before me; and I wish I had 
directed *Umar ibn-al-Khattab to al-Trak as I had directed 
Khalid to Syria, and thus would have extended both my 
right and left arms in the cause of Allah." ^ 

The captives of an-Nujair ransomed. ^Abdallah ibn- 
Salih al-Tjli from ash-Sha'bi : — Abu-Bakr returned the 
captives of an-Nujair by ransom receiving 400 dirhams for 
each head. In order to pay for them, al-Ash'ath ibn-Kais 
had to borrow from the merchants of al-Madinah. After 
paying the ransom of the captives, he returned the loan. 
Al-Ash'ath ibn-Kais wrote the following elegy for Bashir 
ibn-al-Audah, who was one of the delegates to the Prophet 
and who later apostatized, Yazid ibn-Amanat and those slain 
in the battle of an-Nujair : — 

" By my life — and life is not an insignificant thing to me — 

I had the greatest right to hold tenaciously to those who fell dead. 
There is no wonder except when they divide their captives ; 

and the world after them is not safe for me. 
1 am like the camel that lost her young and her milk flows, 

when she longs for them and comes to the bag, stuffed with straw. 
Let the tears of my eyes, therefore, flow 

for the loss of the noble ibn-Amanat and the generous Bashir." 

» Bakri, p. 747, line 14. 

* Ya'kubi, vol. ii, pp. 155-156; Mas'udi, vol. iv, pp. 184-185. 


Al-Aswad al-*Ansi and those in al-Yaman who 105 
apostatized with him 

Al-Aswad al-Ansi claims to he a prophet. Al-Aswad 
ibn-Ka'b ibn-'Auf al-*Ansi played the soothsayer [Ar. 
kdhin] and claimed to be a prophet. He was followed by 
the *Ans tribe which was named after Zaid ibn-Malik ibn- 
Udad ibn-Yashjub ibn-'Arib ^ ibn-Zaid ibn-Kahlan ibn- 
Saba, who was the brother of Murad ibn-Malik, Khalid 
ibn-Malik and Sa'd al-'Ashirah ibn-Malik, together with 
others outside the 'Ans tribe. Al-Aswad took for himself 
the name of " Rahman [the merciful of] al-Yaman," as 
Musailimah had taken the name of " Rahman al- 
Yamamah." ^ He had a trained donkey that would bow on 
hearing his injunction, " Bow before thy Lord," and that 
would kneel on hearing " Kneel ". Therefore, al-Aswad 
was called "dhu-1-Himar^ [he of the donkey]. Others say he 
was called " dhu-1-Khimar " [the veiled one] because he 
always appeared with a veil and turban.* I was told by 
others from al-Yaman that he was called al-Aswad because 
the color of his face was black, his proper name being 

The Prophet invites him to Islam. In the year in which 
the Prophet died, he sent Jarir ibn-'Abdallah al-Bajali, who 

1 Wiistenfeld, Register, p. 86. 

2 Hisham, p. 200, line 3. 

' Mas'udi, at-Tanbth, pp. 276-277. 
* Diyarbakri, vol. ii, p. 173. 



had in that same year accepted Islam, against al-Aswad, in- 
viting him to Islam. But al-Aswad refused. Other reports 
deny that the Prophet sent Jarir to al-Yaman. 

Al-Aswad as governor of San'd\ Al-Aswad moved 
against San'a' and reduced it, driving Khalid ibn-Sa'id ibn- 
al-*Asi from it. Others say he rather drove al-Muhajir ibn- 
abi-Umaiyah, and took quarters with Ziyad ibn-Labid al- 
Bayadi, with whom he remained until he received a message 
from abu-Bakr ordering him to go to the aid of Ziyad. 
When the work of Ziyad and al-Aswad was done, abu- 
Bakr conferred on the latter the governorship of San'a' and 
its provinces. Al-Aswad, however, was haughty and he 
oppressed al-Abna', i. e., the descendants of the Persians who 
were originally sent to al-Yaman by Kisra in the company 
of ibn-dhi-Yazan and under the leadership of Wahriz. Al- 
Aswad made them serve him and compelled them to do 
things against their will. Moreover, he married al-Marzu- 
banah, the wife of Badham their king, who was their gov- 
ernor imder Abarwiz.^ This made the Prophet direct 
against him Kais ibn-Hubairah-1-Makshuh al-Muradi 
(called al-Makshuh because he was cauterized on his side on 
account of a disease) instructing him to win over to his side 
al-Abna\ With al-Makshiih, the Prophet sent Farwah ibn- 
Musaik al-Muradi. No sooner had they arrived at al- 
Yaman, than the news of the death of the Prophet reached 
them. Kais left on al-Aswad the impression that he con- 
corded with his opinion, and so he got his consent to enter 
San'a'. Accordingly, Kais entered San*a' with a group of 
men including among others men of [the clan of] Madhhij 
and some from Hamdan. He then won over to his side one 
of al-Abna', Fairuz ibn-ad-Dailami, who had accepted Islam. 
Kais and Fairuz then brought the chief of al-Abna' (whose 

1 " Barwiz " in Caetani, vol. iv, p. 490. 


name according to some was Badham, and according to 
others, Badham was dead by this time and his successor 
was one Dadhawaih/ The latter view is more authentic). 
Dadhawaih accepted Islam. 

Al-Aswad slain. Kais met That ibn-dhi-1-Hirrah ^-1- 
Himyari and won him over to his side. Many missionaries 
were sent by Dadhawaih among al-Abna' who accepted 
Islam and conspired to take al-Aswad unawares and slay 
him. They plotted with his wife who hated him, and she 
pointed out a gutter leading to his place. Through this 
they entered before daybreak. Some say they dug a hole 
through the wall of his house, through a crack,^ and found 
him sleeping under the influence of drink. Kais slew him 
and he began to bellow like a bull, so much so that his guard 
scared by the noise asked, " What is the matter with 
Rahman al-Yaman? ' " "The inspiration," answered 
his wife, '' is upon him." Thus they were quieted. Kais 
severed his head, and, early in the morning, climbed the city 
wall and shouted, ''Allah is great! Allah is great! I 
testify that there is no god but Allah and that Muhammad 
is the Prophet of Allah, and that al-Aswad, the false Pro- 
phet, is the enemy of Allah !" As the followers of al-Aswad 
gathered, Kais cast the head to them and they dispersed with 
the exception of a few. At this the men of Kais opened the 
door and put the rest of the followers of al-'Ansi to the 
sword, and none escaped except those who accepted Islam. 

According to some reports, however, it was Fairuz ibn- 
ad-Dailami who killed al-Aswad, Kais only giving the last 
stroke and severing his head. Certain scholars assert that 

* " Dadhuwaih " in Nawawi, p. 2^. 
2Hajar, vol. i, p. 345 : "Bab ibn-dhi-1-Jirrah". 

^Caetani, vol. ii, p. 683; Tabari, vol. i, p. 1865; Fida, vol. i, p. i55; 
Diyarbakri, vol. ii, p. 173. 


the death of Kais took place five days before the expiration 
of the Prophet, who on his death-bed said: "Allah has 
brought about the death of al-Aswad al-*Ansi through 
the righteous man Fairuz ibn-ad-Dailami," and that the 
news of the conquest came to abu-Bakr ten days after 
he had been proclaimed caliph. 

Bakr ibn-al-Haitham from an-Nu*man ibn-Burzuj, one 
of al-Abna' : — The Prophet's 'dmil, whom al-Aswad drove 
out of San'a', was Aban ibn-Sa'id ibn-al-*Asi ; and the one 
who killed al-Aswad was Fairuz ibn-ad-Dailami/ When 
both Kais and Fairuz at al-Madinah claimed having killed 
him, 'Umar pointed to Fairuz saying, " It was this lion who 
killed him!" 

Kais suspected of the murder of Dddhawaih. Kais was 
charged with having killed Dadhawaih, and abu-Bakr re- 
ceived the information that he was intent on expelling 
al-Abna' from San'a'. Abu-Bakr's anger was thereby 
aroused, and he wrote to al-Muhajir ibn-abi-Umaiyah at 
his entry to San'a' as abu-Bakr's 'dmil, instructing him to 
bring Kais before him. When Kais was brought before 
abu-Bakr, he was requested by him to swear fifty oaths near 
the Prophet's pulpit that he did not kill Dadhawaih. This 
he did, and was consequently set free by abu-Bakr, who 
directed him to Syria with those of the Moslems summoned 
for the invasion of the Greeks.^ 

^ Mirkhondi, Raudat as-Safa, vol. ii, p. 679. 

2 Ar. ar-Rum = the Ji^ast Romans, the Byzantines. 



The Conquest of Syria 

The " tying of the three banners." When abu-Bakr was 
done with the case of those who apostatized, he saw fit ^ 
to direct his troops against Syria. To this effect he wrote 
to the people of Makkah, at-Ta'if, al-Yaman, and all the 
Arabs in Najd and al-Hijaz calling them for a " holy war " 
and arousing their desire in it and in the obtainable booty 
from the Greeks. Accordingly, people, including those ac- 
tuated by greed as well as those actuated by the hope of 
divine remuneration, hastened to abu-Bakr from all quarters, 
and flocked to al-Madinah. Abu-Bakr gave three banners ^ 
to three men [appointed them commanders] namely: 
Khalid ibn-Sa'id ibn-al-'Asi ibn-Umaiyah, Shurahbil ibn- 
Hasanah, an ally of the banu-Jumah and *Amr ibn-al-'Asi 
ibn-Wa'il as-Sahmi. (Shurahbil, according to al-Wakidi, 
was the son of 'Abdallah ibn-al-Muta' al-Kindi, Hasanah 
being his mother and a freedmaid of Ma'mar ibn-Habib 
ibn-Wahb ibn-Hudhafah ibn-Jumah. But according to al- 
Kalbi, Shurahbil was the son of Rabi'ah ibn-al-Muta* 
descended from Sufah, i. e., al-Ghauth ibn-Murr ibn-Udd 
ibn-Tabikhah.)^ The tying of these banners took place on 
Thursday the first of Safar, year 13, after the troops 
had camped at al-Jurf throughout the month of Muharram 
with abu-*Ubaidah ibn-al-Jarrah leading their prayers. Abu- 

1 Cf. Ya'kubi, vol. ii, p. 149. 
3 Zaidan, vol. i, pp. 135-136. 
• Tabari, vol. i, p. 2079. 



Bakr wanted to give a banner to abu-'Ubaidah ; but the latter 
begged to be relieved. Others claim that he did give one 
to him, but that report is not confirmed. The fact is that 
when 'Umar became caliph, he conferred on him the gov- 
ernorship of all Syria. 

Ahu-Uhaidah commander-in-chief. Abu-Mikhnaf states 
that ^Umar said to the commanders, " If ye altogether are 
to lead a fight, your commander will be abu-'Ubaidah 'Amir 
ibn-*Abdallah ibn-al-Jarrah al-Fihri, otherwise Yazid ibn- 
abi-Sufyan." ^ Others assert that *Amr ibn-al-'Asi acted 
only as a reinforcement for the Moslems and commanded 
only those who joined him. 

Ahu-Bakr replaces Khdlid by Arwa. The assignment of 
Khalid ibn-Sa'id by abu-Bakr to the leadership displeased 
*Umar who approached abu-Bakr with a view to dismissing 
him, charging him with being " a vain-seeking man who 
tries to make his way through dispute and bigotry." ^ Ac- 
cordingly abu-Bakr dismissed Khalid and directed abu- 
Arwa ad-Dausi to take the banner from his hand. Abu- 
Arwa met him at dhu-1-Marwah where he received the 
banner from him and carried it back to abu-Bakr. Abu- 
Bakr handed it to Yazid ibn-abi-Suf yan ^ who left, with his 
brother Mu'awiyah carrying the banner before him. Others 
say that the banner was delivered to Yazid at dhu-1-Marwah 
whence he started at the head of Khalid's army. Khalid 
went with the army of Shurahbil for the divine re- 

Abu-Bakr gives instructions to the commanders. Abu- 
Bakr instructed *Amr ibn-al-'Asi to follow the way of Ailah 

1 Abu-Isma'il al-B^sri, Futuh ash-Sham, p. 5; Hajar, vol. iii, pp. 

* Skizzen, vol. vi, p. 62, note i ; Ya'kubi, vol. ii, p. 149. 

* Mas'udi, vol. iv, pp. 186-187. 

* As a volunteer. 


with Palestine ^ for objective. Yazid he instructed to fol- 
low the way of Tabuk. To Shurahbil, he wrote to follow 
the way of Tabuk, too. At the outset each one of the com- 
manders had three thousand men under his leadership, but 
abu-Bakr kept on sending reinforcements until each one had 
7,500. Later the total was increased to 24,000. 

It is reported on the authority of al-Wakidi that abu- 
Bakr assigned 'Amr to Palestine, Shurahbil to the Jordan, 
and Yazid to Damascus saying, " When ye all fight together, 
your commander is the one in whose province ye are fight- 
ing." It is also reported that to *Amr he gave oral instruc- 
tions to lead the prayers in case the armies are united, and 
to have each commander lead the prayer of his own army 
when the armies are separate. Abu-Bakr ordered the com- 
manders to see that each tribe flies a banner of its own. 

Abu-Bakr directs Khdlid ihn-al-W alid to Syria. On 
his arrival in the first district of Palestine, 'Amr ibn-al- 
*Asi sent a message to abu-Bakr informing him of the great 
number of the enemy, their great armament, the wide ex- 
tent of their land and the enthusiasm of their troops. Abu- 
Bakr, thereupon, wrote to Khalid ibn-al-Walid ibn-al- 
Mughirah-1-Makhziami — who was at that time in al-*Irak — 
directing him to go to Syria. According to some, he thereby 
made him a commander over the commanders in the war. 
According to others, Khalid only commanded his men who 
accompanied him; but whenever the Moslems met for a 
battle, the commanders would choose him as their chief for 
his valor and strategy and the auspiciousness of his counsel. 
The battle of Ddthin. The first conflict between the 
Moslems and the enemy took place in Dathin,^ one of the 

1 Ar. Philastin. For a description of these provinces see al-Ya*kubi 
Kitdb al-Buldan, p. 325 seq.\ Yakiit, vol. iii, p. 913. 

2 Tabari, vol. i, p. 2108 : " ad-Dathinah, and some say ad-Dathin " ; cf. 
Caetani, vol. ii, pp. 1138-1139. 


villages of Ghazzah, which lay on the way between the 
Moslems and the residence of the patrician ^ of Ghazzah. 
Here the battle raged furiously, but at last Allah gave 
victory to his friends and defeat to his enemies whom he 
dispersed. All this took place before the arrival of Khalid 
ibn-al-Walid in Syria. 

The battle of al- Arab ah . Thence Yazid ibn-abi-Sufyan 
went in quest of the partrician, but hearing that a large 
host of Greeks were gathered in al-*Arabah, which lay in 
Palestine, he directed against them abu-Umamah as-Sudai 
ibn-*Ajlan al-Bahili, who, falling upon them, put most of 
them to the sword and went his way. Regarding this 
battle of al-'Arabah, abu-Mikhnaf reports that six of the 
Greek leaders at the head of 3,000 men camped at al- 
'Arabah when abu-Umamah with a body of Moslems ad- 
vanced against them and defeated them, killing one of their 
leaders. Thence he pursued them to ad-Dubbiyah (i. e. 
ad-Dabiyah) ^ where he inflicted another defeat on them, 
and the Moslems carried off a large booty. 

According to a tradition communicated by abu-Haf s ash- 
Shami on the authority of certain sheikhs from Syria, the 
first conflict of the Moslems was the Battle of al-*Arabah 
before which no fighting at all took place since they left 
al-Hijaz. In no place between al-Hijaz and al-*Arabah did 
they pass without establishing their authority and taking 
possession of it without resistance. 

^ A leader of an army, from the Latin " patricius ". 
2De Goeje, Mimoire sur la Conquete de la Syrie, p. 31. 


The Advance of Khalid ibn-al-Walid on Syria and iio 
THE Places he reduced on his Way 

Khalid takes 'Ain at-Tamr and Sandaudd' by force. 
When Khalid ibn-al-Walid received abu-Bakr's letter at al- 
Hirah, he left in his place al-Muthanna ibn-Harithah ash- 
Shaibani over the district of al-Kufah, and set out at the 
head of 800 men in Rabi' II, year 13. (Some give 600 and 
others 500 as the number of men.) On his way, he passed 
through *Ain at-Tamr and reduced it by force. (Accord- 
ing to others, he received abu-Bakr's message in *Ain at- 
Tamr after having subdued it.) From 'Ain at-Tamr 
Khalid made his way to Sandauda' ^ in which lived some 
of the Kindah and lyad tribes and non- Arabs. ^ These 
people fought against him ; but Khalid won the victory and 
left in the city Sa'd ibn-'Amr ibn-Haram al-Ansari whose 
descendants still live in it. Khalid, having learnt that a 
body of the banu-Taghlib ibn-Wa'il at al-Mudaiyah and al- 
Husaid had apostatized and were led by Rabi'ah ibn-Bujair, 
made his way to them. They fought against him; but he 
put them to flight and took captives and booty. The cap- 
tives he sent to abu-Bakr, and among them was umm- 
Habib as-Sahba', daughter of Habib ibn-Bujair, and [later] 
the mother of *Umar ibn-*Ali ibn-abi-Talib. 

Khalid crosses the desert to Suwa. Then Khalid made 
an incursion on Kurakir which was a spring belonging to the 

1 Basri, p. 59 : " Sandawa " ; Tabari, vol. i, p. 2109. 
' Ar. 'A jam ; see Muh. Stud., p. loi seq. 



Kalb tribe, and thence crossed the desert to Suwa^ which was 
also a spring held conjointly by the Kalb and some men of 
the Bahra'. Here Khalid killed Hurkus ibn-an-Nu'man 
al-Bahrani of the Kuda'ah tribe and swept off all their pos- 
sessions. When Khalid wanted to cross the desert, he gave 
the camels all the water they could drink and then thrust into 
the camels' lips spears, which he left for them to drag,^ lest 
they should ruminate and get thirsty again. The quantity 
of water he carried along, though big, was exhausted on 
the way. So Khalid had to slay the camels one after the 
other and drink with his men the water from their bellies. 
Khalid had a guide named Rafi' ibn-'Umair at-Ta'i whom 
the poet meant when he said : 

" How wonderful has Rafi' been, 
who succeeded in finding the way from Kurakir to :Suwa, 

to the water from which the coward who attempts to reach it re- 
turns before attaining it. 
No human being before thee ever did that!" 

When the Moslems arrived in Suwa they found Hurkus 
and a band of men drinking and singing. Hurkus himself 
was saying : 

"Again give me to drink before abu-Bakr's army is on, 
our death may be at hand while we are unaware." ^ 

As the Moslems killed him, his blood flowed into the basin 
from which he had been drinking ; and some report that his 
head, too, fell therein. It is claimed by others,* however, that 
the one who sang this verse was one of those of the banu- 
Taghlib whom Khalid had attacked with Rabi'ah ibn-Bujair. 

» Basri, p. 63 : " Shuwa ". 

2Tabari, vol. i, p. 2123: "He muzzled their mouths", and so Diyar- 
bakri, vol. ii, p. 257; Caetani, vol. ii, p. 1196. 

3 Cf. Tabari, vol. i, p. 2124 ; Memoire, p. 46 ; Diyarbakri, vol. ii, p. 25. 
* Basri, p. 62 seq. 


Khdlid in Karkisiya. According to al-Wakidi, Khalid 
started from Suwa to al-Kawathil thence to Karkisiya 
whose chief met him with a large host. KhaHd left him 
alone, turned to the mainland and went his way. 

Arakah makes terms. Another place to which Khalid 
came was Arakah ^ (i. e. Arak) whose people he attacked 
and besieged. The city surrendered and made terms, offer- 
ing a certain sum for the Moslems. 

Dumat al-Jandal, Kusam, Tadmur and al-Karyatain 
taken. Diimat al-Jandal ^ he then reached and conquered. 
Then he came to Kusam in which the banu-Mashja'ah ibn-at- 
Taim ibn-an-Namir ibn-Wabarah ibn-Taghlib ibn-Hulwan 
ibn-'Imran ibn-al-Hafi ibn-Kuda'ah came to terms with him. 
Khalid wrote them a promise of security and advanced to 
Tadmur* [Palmyra]. Tadmur's inhabitants held out 
against him and took to their fortifications. At last they 
sought to surrender and he wrote them a statement guaran- 
teeing their safety on condition that they be considered 
dhimmah people,* that they entertain Moslems and that they 
submit to them. Khalid then pushed to al-Karyatain, 112 
whose people resisted him but were defeated, losing a large 

Huwdnn reduced. Khalid proceeded to Hiiwarin ^ in 
Sanir and made a raid on its cattle. Its inhabitants, having 
been reinforced by the inhabitants of Ba'labakk and of 
Busra (the capital of Hauran) stood out against him. The 
victory was won by Khalid who took some as captives and 
killed others. 

* Basri, p. 67; Tabari, vol. i, p. 2109; Yakut, vol. i, p. 21. 
2 Baladhuri, part I, chap. XIII. 

' Guy Le Strange, Palestine under the Moslems, pp. 540-542. 

* 'Christians, Jews and Sabians with whom a covenant has been made, 
who pay a poll tax and for whose security Moslems are responsible. 

5 Basri, p. 68. 


Ghassdn attacked. Thence he came to Marj Rahit and 
led an incursion against Ghassan on their Easter day — they 
being Christians. He took some captive and killed others. 

Thantyat al-Ukdh. Khalid then directed Busr ibn-abi- 
Artat al-'Amiri of the Kuraish and Habib ibn-Maslamah-1- 
Fihri to the Ghutah ^ of Damascus where they attacked 
many villages. Khalid arrived at Thaniyat in Damascus, the 
Thaniyat al-'Ukab of to-day, and stood there for one hour, 
spreading his banner. This banner was the one the Prophet 
used, and was black in color; and because the Arabs call a 
banner '' 'ukdb," the Thaniyat was known since as Thaniyat 
al-'Ukab. Others say that it was thus called because a vul- 
ture [Ar. 'ukdb] happened to descend on it at that time. 
But the first explanation is more reliable. I heard it said 
by some that at that place stood a stone image of a vulture. 
But there is no truth in that statement. 

Khdlid meets abu-Uhaidah. Khalid camped at the East 
[Sharki] gate of Damascus; and according to others, at the 
Jabiyah gate. The bishop of Damascus offered him gifts 
and homage and said to Khalid, " Keep this covenant ^ for 
me." Khalid promised to do so. Then Khalid went until 
he met the Moslems who were at Kanat Busra. According 
to others, however, he came to the Jabiyah where abu- 
^Ubaidah was with a band of Moslems. Here they met and 
went together to Busra. 

1 A place in Damascus noted for its oxchards ; ibn-Jubair, Rihlah, p. 
261; Le Strange, p. 33. 

' What covenant is meant is not clear. This tradition may have been 
confused with one that comes later and speaks of the agreement be- 
tween Khalid and the bishop. Cf. Caetani, vol. ii, pp. 1204- 1205. 

The Conquest of Busra 

Busra comes to terms. When Khalid ibn-al-Walid at 
the head of the Moslems arrived in Busra/ all the Moslems 
gathered against it and put Khalid in chief command. 113 
They drew close to it and fought its patrician until he was 
driven with his armed men inside the town. Others assert 
that since Busra lay within the district of Damascus and, 
consequently under the rule and commandership of Yazid 
ibn-abi-Sufyan, it was he who held the chief command. At 
last its people came to terms stipulating that their lives, 
property and children be safe, and agreeing to pay the poll- 
tax. According to some reporters, the inhabitants of 
Busra made terms agreeing to pay for each adult one dinar 
and one jartb ^ of wheat. 

Thus the Moslems conquered all the region of Hauran 
[Auranitis] and subdued it. 

Ma'db surrenders. Abu-'Ubaidah ibn-al-Jarrah, at the 
head of a heavy detachment composed of the commanders' 
troops that had joined him, led the way to Ma'ab [Moab] 
in the district of al-Balka' where the enemy was massed. 
Ma'ab surrendered and made terms similar to those made by 
Busra. According to others, however, the conquest of 
Ma'ab was effected before that of Busra. Still others assert 
that abu-'Ubaidah conquered Ma'ab when he was the com- 
mander of all the Moslem forces in Syria in the days of 

1 Eski-Sham or Old Damascus ; Baedeker, Palestine and Syria, p. 201 
(ed. 1894). 

2 Mawardi, p. 265, says that al-jarib is a measure of land 10 x 10 rods. 
It is also a measure of wheat that varies in different localities. 


The Battle of Ajnadin (or Ajnadain) 

The enemy routed. The battle of Ajnadin ^ ensued. In 
this battle about 100,000 Greeks took part, the majority of 
whom were massed one band after the other by Heraclius 
[Hirakl], the rest having come from the neighboring dis- 
tricts. On that day, HeracHus was in Hims [Emesa]. 
Against this army, the Moslems fought a violent battle, and 
KhaHd ibn-al-Walid particularly distinguished himself. At 
last, by Allah's help, the enemies of Allah were routed and 
shattered into pieces, a great many being slaughtered. 

The martyrs. Those who suffered martyrdom on that 
day were 'Abdallah ibn-az-Zubair ibn-*Abd-al-Muttalib ibn- 
Hashim, 'Amr ibn-Sa'id ibn-al-'Asi ibn-Umaiyah, his 
brother Aban ibn-Sa'id (according to the most authentic re- 
port. Others, however, claim that Aban died in the year 
29), Tulaib ibn-'Umair ibn-Wahb ibn-'Abd ibn-Kusai (who 
fought a duel with an " unbeliever " who gave him a blow 
that severed his right hand making his sword fall down with 
the palm. In this condition he was surrounded and killed 
by the Greeks. His mother Arwa, daughter of 'Abd-al- 
Muttalib, was the Prophet's aunt. His surname was abu- 
*Adi), and Salamah ibn-Hisham ibn-al-Mughirah. Accord- 
ing to others, Salamah was killed at Marj as-Suffar. Other 
martyrs were: Tkrimah ibn-abi-Jahl ibn-Hisham al-Makh- 
zumi, Habbar ibn-Sufyan ibn-*Abd-al-Asad al-Makhzumi 
(who, according to others, was killed in the battle of 

1 Memoire, p. 50 seq. ; Skiszen, vol. vi, p. 54. 


Mu'tah), Nu'aim ibn-'Abdallah an-Nahham al-'Adawi 
(who, according to others, was killed in the battle of al- 
Yarmuk), Hisham ibn-al-*Asi ibn-Wa'il as-Sahmi (who is 
also supposed by others to have been slain in the battle of 
al-Yarmuk), Jundub ibn-'Amr ad-Dausi, Sa'id ibn-al- 
Harith, al-Harith ibn-al-Harith, and al-Hajjaj ibn-al- 
Harith ibn-Kais ibn-*Adi as-Sahmi. According to Hisham 
ibn-Muhammad al-Kalbi, an-Nahham was killed in the battle 
of Mu'tah. 

Sa'id ibn-al-Harith ibn-Kais was slain in the battle of al- 
Yarmuk; Tamim ibn-al-Harith, in the battle of Ajnadin; his 
brother, 'Ubaidallah ibn 'Abd-al-Asad, in al-Yarmuk; and 
al-Harith ibn-Hisham ibn-al-Mughirah, in Ajnadin. 

Heracliiis flees to Antioch. When the news of this battle 
came to Heraclius, his heart was filled with cowardice and he 
was confounded. Consequently, he took to flight to Antioch 
[Antakiyah] from Hims [Emesa]. It was mentioned by 
someone that his flight from Hims to Antioch coincided with 
the advance of the Moslems to Syria. This battle of 
Ajnadin took place on Monday twelve days before the end 
of Jumada I, year 13. Some, however, say two days after 
the beginning of Jumada II, and others two days before 
its end. 

After that, the Greeks massed an army at Yakusah which 
was a valley with al-Fauwarah at its mouth. There the 
Moslems met them, dispelled them and put them to flight 
with a great slaughter. Their remnants fled to the cities of 
Syria. The death of abu-Bakr took place in Jumada H, 
year 13, and the Moslems received the news in al- Yakusah.^ 

1 Mhnoire, p. 64. 

The Battle of Fihl in the Province of the Jordan 

Ahu-Uhaidah commander-in-chief . The battle of Fihl ^ 
in the province of the Jordan was fought two days before 
the end of dhu-1-Ka^dah and five months after the proclama- 
tion of 'Umar ibn-al-Khattab as caliph. The commander- 
in-chief was abu-'Ubaidah ibn-al-Jarrah, to whom 'Umar had 
sent a letter with 'Amir ibn-abi-Wakkas, a brother of Sa'd 
ibn-abi-Wakkas, conferring on him the governorship of 
Syria and the chief command.^ 

Some say that the appointment of abu-'Ubaidah to the 
governorship of Syria was received when Damascus was 
under siege. Khalid being the chief commander in time 
of war, abu-'Ubaidah concealed the appointment from him 
for many days.^ When asked by Khalid for the reason, 
abu-'Ubaidah said, " I hated to dishearten thee and weaken 
thy position as thou stoodst facing an enemy." 

Terms made after the victory. The way this battle came 
about was that when Heraclius came to Antioch he sum- 
moned the Greeks and the inhabitants of Mesopotamia to 
go forth to war, putting them under the command of one 
of his men in whom he trusted. These met the Moslems at 
Fihl in the province of the Jordan and a most fierce and 
bloody battle ensued, which ended, by Allah's help, in the 
victory of the Moslems. The Greek patrician with about 

1 Fahl or Fihil, ancient Pella ; Memoire, p. 73. 
' Ibid., p. 106. 

» Tabari, vol. i, pp. 2146 and 2147. 


10,000 men was slaughtered, and the rest of the army dis- 
tributed themselves in the cities of Syria, some of them join- 
ing Heraclius. The inhabitants of Fihl took to the forti- 
fications where they were besieged by the Moslems until they 
sought to surrender, agreeing to pay tax on their heads and 
khardj on their lands. The Moslems promised them the 
security of life and property, agreeing not to demolish their 
walls. The contract was made by abu-'Ubaidah ibn-al- 
Jarrah, but according to others, by Shurahbil ibn-Hasanah. 

The Province of the Jordan 

Tiberias makes terms. Hafs ibn-^Umar al-*Umari from 
al-Haitham ibn-'Adi : — Shurahbil conquered all the province 
of the Jordan [al-Urdunn] by force, with the exception of 
Tiberias, whose inhabitants came to terms, agreeing to give 
up one-half of their homes and churches/ 

^Amr ihn-al-Asi and then ahu-Uhaidah in chief command. 
Abu-Hafs ad-Dimashki from abu-Bishr — the muezzin of 
the mosque at Damascus — and others: — When the Mos- 
lems arrived in Damascus, each commander used to direct 
his forces to a special region which he would make the 
object of his incursions. Thus 'Amr ibn-al-'Asi used to go 
against Palestine, Shurahbil against the Jordan province and 
Yazid ibn-abi-Sufyan against the province of Damascus. 
In case the enemy was massed in one group, they would all 
combine against him, each [commander] hastening to the 
support and the reinforcement of the other. In the early 
days of abu-Bakr, when they would join forces, the com- 
mander-in-chief would be 'Amr ibn-al-'Asi. This was the 
case until the arrival of Khalid ibn-al-Walid, who became 
the commander of the Moslems in every battle. Abu- 
*Ubaidah ibn-al-Jarrah later assumed the chief command in 
the whole of Syria, and the commanders acknowledged him 
as their chief for war and peace in behalf of 'Umar ibn- 
al-Khattab. This was brought about when 'Umar was 

^ Tabari, vol. i, p. 2159. 



proclaimed caliph and wrote to Khalid dismissing him and 
assigning abu-*Ubaidah. 

ShurahbU and then 'Amr seiz es Tiberias. Shurahbil 
ibn-Hasanah took Tiberias [Tabaraiyah] by capitulation 
after a siege of some days. He guaranteed for the inhabi- 
tants the safety of their lives, possessions, children, churches 
and houses with the exception of what they should evacuate 
and desert, setting aside a special spot for a Moslem mosque. 
Later, in the caliphate of *Umar, the people of Tiberias vio- 
lated the covenant and were joined by many Greeks and 
others. Abu-'Ubaidah ordered 'Amr ibn-al-'Asi to attack 
them, so he marched against them at the head of 4,000 men. 
*Amr took the city by capitulation, the terms being similar 
to those of Shurahbil. According to others, however, it was 
Shurahbil also who conquered it the second time. 

Shurahbil subdues all the Jordan province. In addition to 
that, Shurahbil took easy possession of all the cities of the 
Jordan with their fortifications, which, with no resistance, 
capitulated on terms similar to those of Tiberias. Thus did 
he take possession of Baisan, [Bethshean, Scythopolis] 
Susiyah, Afik, Jarash, Bait-Ras, Kadas, and al-Jaulan, and 
subdue the district of the Jordan and all its land. 

According to abu-Hafs on the authority of al-Wadin 
ibn-'Ata', Shurahbil conquered Acre, Tyre and Saffuriyah. 

The sea-coasts reduced. It is stated by abu-Bishr, the 
muezzin, that abu-'Ubaidah directed *Amr ibn-al-*Asi to 
the sea-coasts of the province of the Jordan. There the 
Greeks became too numerous for him being recruited by men 
from the district under Heraclius who was then at Constan- 
tinople. *Amr, therefore, wrote to abu-'Ubaidah asking for 
reinforcements. The latter sent Yazid ibn-abi-Sufyan who 
went forth, having his brother, Mu'awiyah, in the van of the 
army. The littoral of the Jordan was conquered by Yazid 
and 'Amr to whom abu-'Ubaidah wrote regarding its con- 


quest. In that campaign Mu'awiyah distinguished himself 
and left a great impression. 

Mu'dwiyah transplants people. Abu-Alyasa* al-Antaki 
from certain sheikhs from Antioch and the Jordan: — A 
body of Persians were transplanted in the year 42 by 
Mu'awiyah from Ba'labakk, Hims and Antioch to the sea- 
coasts of the Jordan, i. e., Tyre, Acre and other places; and 
he transplanted in the same year, or one year before or after, 
certain Asawirah ^ from al-Basrah and al-Kiif ah and certain 
Persians from Ba'labakk and Hims to Antioch. One of 
the Persian leaders was Muslim ibn-'Abdallah, grandfather 
of 'Abdallah ibn-Habib ibn-an-Nu'man ibn-Muslim al-An- 

Mu'dwiyah makes repairs in Acre and Tyre. Accord- 
ing to a tradition communicated to me by Muhammad ibn- 
Sa'd on the authority of al-Wakidi, and by Hisham ibn- 
al-Laith as-Suri on the authority of certain sheikhs from 
Syria, when Mu'awiyah came to sail from Acre to Cyprus 
he made repairs in Acre [*Akka] and in Tyre [Star] . Later 
both cities were rebuilt by *Abd-al-Malik ibn-Marwan, after 
having fallen into ruins. 

Hisham ibn-al-Laith from our sheikhs who said, " When 
we took up our abode in Tyre and the littoral, there were 
Arab troops and many Greeks already there. Later, people 
from other regions came and settled with us, and that was 
the case with all the sea-coast of Syria." 

Artisans settled along the sea-coast. Muhammad ibn- 
Sahm al-Antaki from contemporaneous sheikhs: — In the 
year 49 the Greeks left for the sea-coast. Industry at that 
time was confined to Egypt. Consequently, and in accord- 
ance with Mu'awiyah ibn-abi-Sufyan's orders, certain 
artisans and carpenters were gathered and settled along 
the coast. As for the industry of the Jordan province it was 
all confined to Acre. 

1 Persian armed cavalry. 


Hishdm moves the industry to Tyre. Abu-1-Khattab 
al-Azdi mentioned the case of a descendant of abu-Mu*ait 
who Hved in Acre and ran mills and workshops. Hisham 
ibn-*Abd-al-Malik wanted him to sell them to him; but the 
man refused. Hisham therefore moved the industry ^ to 
Tyre where he ran an inn and a workshop. Ii8 

Tyre a naval hose. According to al-Wakidi, the ships 
used to be in Acre until the time of the banu-Marwan who 
moved them to Tyre, where they are until to-day.^ In the 
year 247, al-Mutawakkil gave orders that the ships be 
stationed in Acre and all along the coast, and he manned 
them with fighters. 

1 Ar. sind'ah ; Ya'kubi, p. 327 : " ddr as-sind'ah " which means ar- 
senal. The reference may be to the industry of making ships. Cf, 
Le Strange, p. 342 seq. 

2 Ibn-Jubair, p. 305. 

The Battle of Marj as-Suffar 

The '' unbelievers " put to Uight. The Greeks met in 
great numbers and' were reinforced by Heraclius. The 
Moslems encountered them at Marj as-Suffar on their way 
to Damascus on the first of Muharram, year 14/ The battle 
that ensued was so violent that blood flowed along with 
water and turned the wheels of the mill. Of the Moslems 
about 4,cx)0 were wounded. At last the " unbelievers " took 
to flight and were dispersed, disregarding everything until 
they came to Damascus and Jerusalem. On that day, 
Khalid ibn-Sa'id ibn-al-'Asi ibn-Umaiyah (surnamed abu- 
Sa'id) fell a martyr. In the evening previous to the day 
in the morning of which the battle was fought, he was 
married to umm-Hakim, the daughter of al-Harith ibn- 
Hisham al-Makhzumi, and the wife of 'Ikrimah ibn-abi- 
Jahl.^ Hearing the news of his death, umm-Hakim pulled 
out the post of the tent and fought with it. On that day, 
according to some report, she killed seven and had her face 
still covered with the ointment perfumed with saffron* 
[with which women anointed themselves on the first night 
of matrimony] . 

According to the report of abu-Mikhnaf, this battle of 
A^arj took place twenty days after the battle of Ajnadin; 

1 Memoire, pp. 79-80. 

2 Ibn-Sa'd, vol. iv^, p. 71. 

' Tabari, vol. i, p. 3169; Aghani, vol. vi, pp. 6-7', Caetani, vol. iii, p. 322. 


the conquest of Damascus followed it, and after the con- 
quest of Damascus the battle of Fihl took place. The report 
of al-Wakidi, however, is more authentic. 

It was regarding the battle of Marj that Khalid ibn-Sa*id 
ibn-al-'Asi said: 

" Isn*t there a horseman who, tired of stabbing, 
would lend me his lance for the battle of Marj as-Suffar?" 

Referring to this battle, 'Abdallah ibn-Kamil ibn-Habib ibn- 
'Amirah ibn-Khufaf ibn-Amru'i-1-Kais ibn-Buhthah ibn- 
Sulaim said : 

" The tribes of Malik took part, but 'Amirah disappeared 
from my sight in the battle of Marj as-Suflfar," 

meaning Malik ibn-Khufaf. 

The story of the Samsdmah sword. According to Hisham 
ibn-Muhammad al-Kalbi, in the battle of Marj, Khalid ibn- 
Sa'id suffered martyrdom with his sword as-Samsamah 
hanging down from his neck. The Prophet had sent him 
as 'dmil to al-Yaman, and on his way he passed by the 
kindred of 'Amr ibn-Ma*dikarib az-Zubaidi of Madhhij 
and attacked them, taking as captives the wife of *Amr and 
other kinsmen. *Amr proposed that Khalid grants them 
their liberty and they would accept Islam. And so it was. 
*Amr offered Khalid his own sword, as-Samsamah,^ saying : 

" A friend whom I offered as present not because of any hatred 
but because presents are for those of noble birth. 

A friend whom I did not betray and who did not betray me, 
and so my qualities and fellow-drinkers did not. 

I bestowed it on a nobleman of Kuraish 
who was pleased with it and by which he was protected against the 
evil men." 

This sword Mu*awiyah took from the neck of Khalid when 

1 Aghdni, vol. xiv, pp. 27, 31, 32. 


he fell martyr in the battle of Marj. Mu'awiyah kept it, but 
its possession was later disputed by Sa'id ibn-al-*Asi ibn- 
Sa'id ibn-al-*Asi ibn-Umaiyah. *Uthman decided the case 
in favor of the latter, who kept it until the battle of ad-Dar 
in which Marwan was struck on the nape of the neck and 
Sa'id fell unconscious by a blow. A Juhainah man took the 
Samsamah. The Juhainah man kept it, and one day he 
gave it to a polisher to polish it. The polisher could not 
believe that one of the Juhainah could possess such a sword, 
so he took it to Marwan ibn-al-Hakam, the governor of al- 
Madinah, who asked the Juhainah man for an explanation, 
and he told its story. " By Allah," exclaimed Marwan, 
" in the battle of ad-Dar, my sword was stolen from me, and 
so was that of Sa*id ibn-al-*Asi." Then came Sa'id and 
recognizing his sword took it, carved his name on it, and sent 
it to 'Amr ibn-Sa'id al-Ashdak, the governor of Makkah. 
Sa'id perished, and the sword was left with 'Amr ibn-Sa'id. 
When 'Amr ibn-Sa'id was killed at Damascus and his be- 
longings were stolen, his brother on the father's side, 
Muhammad ibn-Sa'id, took the sword, which later passed 
to Yahya ibn-Sa'id. At the death of Yahya, it passed to 120 
'Anbasah ibn-Sa'id ibn-al-*Asi and then to Sa'id ibn-*Amr 
ibn-Sa'id. When the last perished, the sword went to 
Muhammad ibn-'Abdallah ibn-Sa'id whose descendants live 
now in Barik. Then it went to Aban ibn- Yahya ibn-Sa'id 
who decked it with an ornament of gold and kept it with 
the mother of a child [concubine] of his. At last Aiyub 
ibn-abi-Aiyub ibn-Sa'id sold it to al-Mahdi the "Commander 
of the BeHevers " for over 80,000 [dirhams]. Al-Mahdi 
put the ornament of gold back on it. When it came finally 
into the possession of Musa-1-Hadi, the "Commander of the 
Believers," he admired it and ordered the poet abu-1-Haul 
to describe it, upon which the latter said : 



" He who acquired the Samsamah of *Amr az-Zubaidi 

is the best of all men — Musa-1-Amin. 
It is the sword of *Amr which as we know 

is the best that a scabbard ever sheathed. 
Green in color between the edges of which is a garment 

of poison in which death is clad. 
If one unsheathes it, its brilliancy dazzles 

that of the sun, so that the sun would scarcely be seen. 
When the one to be smitten is at hand, 

it does not matter whether the left or the right hand applies it. 
What a good sword it is for him, who wants to defend his honor, 

to smite with in the battle, and what a good companion ! " ^ 

Later on, al-Wathik-Billah, the "Commander of the Be- 
lievers," called a polisher and ordered him to temper it. On 
doing so, the sword was changed. 

1 Cf. De Slane, ibn-Khallikan, vol. iii, p. 637. 

The Conquest of Damascus and its Province 

The positions taken by the different generals. When the 
Moslems were done with the fight against those who were 
gathered at al-Marj, they stayed there for fifteen days at 
the end of which they returned [sic] to Damascus 
[Dimashk]. This took place fourteen days before the end 
of Muharram, year 14. Al-Ghutah and its churches the 
Moslems took by force. The inhabitants of Damascus be- 
took themselves to the fortifications and closed the gate of 
the city. Khalid ibn-al-WaHd at the head of some 5,000 
men whom abu-'Ubaidah had put under his command, 121 
camped at al-Bab ash-Sharki [the east gate] . Some assert 
that Khalid was the chief commander but was dismissed 
when Damascus was under siege. The convent by which 
Khalid camped was called Dair Khalid.^ *Amr ibn-al-'Asi 
camped at the Tuma gate; Shurahbil, at the Faradis gate, 
abu-'Ubaidah at the Jabiyah gate, and Yazid ibn-abi-Sufyan 
from the Saghir gate to the one known as Kaisan gate.^ 
Abu-ad-Darda' appointed 'Uwaimir ibn-*Amir al-Khazraji 
commander of a frontier garrison settled in the fortification * 
at Barzah.* 

The statement written by Khalid. The bishop ^ who had 

* Diyarbakri, vol. ii, p. 259. 

2H. Lammens, MFO, vol. iii^, p. 256; Kremer, Topographic von Da- 
maskus, the chart next to page 36. 
8 Memoircy p. 90. 

*Jubair, p. 274; Yakut, vol. i, p. 563. 
^ Caetani, vol. iii, p. 364, note 2. 


provided Khalid with food at the beginning of the siege 
was wont to stand on the wall. Once Khalid called him, 
and when he came, Khalid greeted him and talked with him. 
The bishop one day said to him, "Abu-Sulaiman, thy case 
is prospering and thou hast a promise to fulfil for me; let 
us make terms for this city." Thereupon, Khalid called for 
an inkhorn and parchment and wrote: — 

" In the name of Allah, the compassionate, the merciful. 
This is what Khalid would grant to the inhabitants of 
Damascus, if he enters therein: he promises to give them 
security for their lives, property and churches. Their city- 
wall shall not be demolished; neither shall any Moslem be 
quartered in their houses. Thereunto we give to them the 
pact of Allah and the protection of his Prophet, the caliphs 
and the * Believers '. So long as they pay the poll-tax, noth- 
ing but good shall befall them.'* 

The Moslems enter the city. One night, a friend of the 
bishop came to Khalid and informed him of the fact that 
it was the night of a feast ^ for the inhabitants of the city, 
that they were all busy and that they had blocked the Sharki 
gate with stones and left it unguarded. He then suggested 
that Khalid should procure a ladder. Certain occupants 
of the convent, by which Khalid's army camped, brought 
him two ladders on which some Moslems climbed to the 
highest part of the wall, and descended to the gate which 
was guarded only by one or two men. The Moslems co- 
operated and opened the door. This took place at sunrise. 

In the meantime, abu-'Ubaidah had managed to open 
the Jabiyah gate and sent certain Moslems over its wall. 
This made the Greek fighters pour to his side and lead a 
violent fight against the Moslems. At last, however, the 
Greeks took to flight. Then abu-*Ubaidah at the head of 

1 Tabari, vol. i, p. 2152. 


the Moslems opened the Jabiyah gate by force and made 
their entrance through it. Abu-'Ubaidah and KhaHd ibn- 
al-Walid met at al-Maksalat which was the quarter of the 
coppersmiths in Damascus. The same spot is mentioned in 
a poem by Hassan ibn-Thabit under the name of al-Baris : 

" He who calls at al-Baris for a drink, 
[is given the water of Barada mixed with dainty wine]."^ 

According to other reports, one night the Greeks carried 
out through the Jabiyah gate a corpse. A number of their 
brave and armed men accompanied the funeral. The rest 
of them stood at the gate to prevent the Moslems from 
opening it and entering until their Greek comrades should 
have returned from the burial of the dead man, thus taking 
advantage of the Moslems' state of unmindfulness. But 
the Moslems knew of them and fought with them at the 
gate a most fierce and bloody conflict which ended in the 
opening of the gate by the Moslems at sunrise. Seeing that 
abu-'Ubaidah was on the point of entering the city, the 
bishop hurried to Khalid and capitulated. He then opened 
the Sharki gate and entered with Khalid, with the state- 
ment which Khalid had written him unfolded in his hand. 
Regarding that, certain Moslems remarked, " By Allah, 
Khalid is not the commander. How could his terms then 
be binding?" To this, abu-'Ubaidah replied, *' Even the 
lowest of the Moslems can make binding terms on their be- 
half." And sanctioning the capitulation made by Khalid, 
he signed it, not taking into account the fact that a part of 
the city was taken by force. ^ Thus all Damascus was con- 
sidered as having capitulated. Abu-'Ubaidah wrote to 
*Umar regarding that and forwarded the message. Then 

* Hassan, Dtwdn, p. 17. 

' Ya'kubi, vol. ii, p. 159; Lammens, MFO, vol. iii^, p. 250. 


the gates of the city were opened and all the Moslems met 

According to the report of abu-Mikhnaf and others, 
Khalid entered the city by assault, whereas abu-*Ubaidah en- 
tered it by capitulation, and they both met at the Zaiyatin 123 
[market of oil-dealers]. The former report however, is 
more authentic. 

Al-Haitham ibn-*Adi claimed that the people of Damascus 
capitulated agreeing to give up one-half of their homes and 
churches. Muhammad ibn-Sa^d reported that abu-'Abdal- 
lah al-Wakidi said, " I have read the statement issued by 
Khalid ibn-al-Walid to the people of Damascus and found 
no mention in it of *half the homes and churches'. I do not 
know where the one who reported it got his information. 
The fact is that when Damascus was taken possession of, a 
great nimiber of its inhabitants fled to Heraclius who was 
then at Antioch, leaving many vacant dwellings behind that 
were later occupied by the Moslems." 

Some one reported that it was abu-'Ubaidah who had his 
quarters at the Sharki gate, and Khalid at the Jabiyah gate ; 
but this view is erroneous. 

The date of the conquest. According to al-Wakidi, the 
conquest of Damascus was effected in Rajab, year 14,^ but 
the date which Khalid's statement of capitulation bears was 
Rabi' II, year 15. The explanation is that Khalid wrote the 
statement with no date, but when the Moslems were prepar- 
ing to set out against those gathered for their fight in al- 
Yarmuk, the bishop came to Khalid asking him to renew 
the statement and add as witnesses abu-'Ubaidah and the 
Moslems. Khalid granted the request and inserted the 
names of abu-'Ubaidah, Yazid ibn-abi-Sufyan, Shurahbil 
ibn-Hasanah and others as witnesses. The date he put was 
the one in which the statement was renewed. 

1 Ya'kubi, vol. ii, p. i59- 


The city considered as having capitulated. Al-Kasim 
ibn-Sallam from Sa'id ibn-*Abd-al-'Aziz at-Tanukhi: — 
Yazid entered Damascus by capitulation through the Sharki 
gate. At al-Maksalat the two Moslem commanders met, 
and the whole city was considered as having capitulated. 

The siege conducted for four months. Al-Kasim from 
abu-1-Ash'ath as-San'ani or abu-'Uthman as-San'ani : — 
Abu-'Ubaidah spent at the Jabiyah gate four months ^ con- 
ducting the siege. 

The case of a church. Abu-*Ubaid from Raja' ibn-abi- 
Salamah : — Hassan ibn-Malik presented to 'Umar ibn-'Abd- 
al-'Aziz the case of a church that one of the commanders 
had bestowed on him as fief, and the possession of which 
was contested by the non-Arabs of Damascus. Regarding 
that, 'Umar said, " If it is included in the fifteen churches 
mentioned in their covenant, thou hast no claim on it." 

The following was stated by Damrah on the authority of 
*Ali ibn-abi-Hamalah, *' The non-Arabs of Damascus dis- 
puted with us the right to a church at Damascus that was 
assigned by someone as fief to the banu-Nasr, and the case 
was presented to *Umar ibn-*Abd-al-^Aziz who took the 
church from us and returned it to the Christians. When 
Yazid ibn-'Abd-al-Malik, however, came to power he gave 
it back to the banu-Nasr." 

The poll-tax. Abu-'Ubaid from al-Auza'i who said: — 
"At the outset, the poll-tax in Syria consisted of one jarih 
and one dinar per head. 'Umar ibn-al-Khattab made it four 
dinars on those who had gold and forty dirhams on those 
who had silver, arranging them in ranks according to the 
wealth of the rich, the poverty of the poor and the medium 
possessions of the middle class." 

Hisham heard it said by our sheikhs that the Jews were 

Ya'kubi, BuJdan, p. 325 : " one year ". 


for the Christians as dhimmis paying khardj to them, and 
were, therefore, included in the capitulation. 

According to certain reports, one of the terms imposed by 
Khalid ibn-al-Walid on the inhabitants of Damascus, when 
they capitulated, was that every man should give as poll- 
tax one dinar and one jarib of wheat, together with vinegar 
and oil for feeding the Moslems. 

*Amr an-Nakid from Aslam, the freedman of 'Umar ibn- 125 
al-Khattab : — *Umar wrote to the commanders of the prov- 
inces of Syria [Ar. ajndd] instructing them to levy a tax 
on every adult, making it forty dirhams on those who pos- 
sessed silver, and four dinars on those who possessed gold. 
Morever, he ordered that in the way of providing the Mos- 
lems with wheat and oil, they have to give every Moslem 
in Syria and Mesopotamia [Ar. al-Jazirah] two modii ^ of 
wheat and three kists ^ of oil per month. He also assessed 
on them grease and honey, the quantity of which I do not 
know; and for every Moslem in Egypt per month one 
irdabb ^ [of wheat], clothing, and the right of being enter- 
tained as guest for three days. 

'Amr ibn-Hammad ibn-abi-Hanifah from Aslam: — 
*Umar assessed as poll-tax four dinars on those who pos- 
sessed gold, and forty dirhams on those who possessed sil- 
ver, in addition to offering the Moslems a subsistence tribute 
and providing them with three-days' entertainment. 

A similar tradition was communicated to me by Mus*ab 
on the authority of Aslam. 

The cathedral of St. John. It is reported that when 
Mu'awiyah ibn-abi-Sufyan came to power, he desired to add 
the church of St. John to the mosque ^ in Damascus ; but the 

1 Ar. mudi, Latin modius, is 17 sd's; a kist is half a sa' ; an irdabb is 
24 sd's. 

» Al-Mak^ri, Nafh at-Tib, vol. i, p. 368. 


Christians refused. So he refrained. Later, when *Abd- 
al-Mahk ibn-Marwan was in power, he made the same re- 
quest for the enlargement of the mosque offering them 
money in exchange; but they refused to deHver the church 
to him. In his turn, al-WaHd ibn-'Abd-al-Mahk called the 
Christians and offered them large sums for the church, and 
when they refused, he threatened them saying, "If ye do 
not agree, I will surely tear it down." To this someone 
replied, " He, ' Commander of the Believers ', who tears 
down a church will lose his wits and be affected with some 
blight." Al-Walid, being angered at what was said, or- 
dered that a spade be brought and began demolishing the 
walls with his own hand, while he had a robe of yellow 
silk on him. He then called workmen and house-razers and 
they pulled the church down. Thus it was included in the 
mosque. When 'Umar ibn-*Abd-al-'Aziz became caliph, the 
Christians complained of what al-Walid had down for their 
church. *Umar wrote to his 'dmil ordering him to return 
to the Christians that part which he had added to the 
mosque from their church. The people of Damascus dis- 
liked the idea saying, " Shall we destroy our mosque after 
we have called to prayer and held service in it ? And can a 
Christian church be returned [to its former owners] ?" 
Among thfe Moslems were at that time Sulaiman ibn-Habib 
al-Muharibi and other canonists. They then came to the 
Christians and proposed to turn over to them all the churches 
of al-Ghutah that had been taken by force and were in the 
hands of the Moslems, provided they give up the church 
of St. John and cease to assert their claim on it. The 
Christians rather seemed to favor the proposition and con- 
sented to it. 'Umar's 'dmil communicated the news to *Umar 
who was pleased and signed the agreement. Next to the 
tower of the Mosque of Damascus at the southern porch 
stands an inscription on marble near the roof which was 


part of that which was buiU by the order of al-Walid the 
" Commander of the Believers " in the year 86. 

The wall of Damascus. I myself heard Hisham ibn- 
*Ammar say, " The wall around the city of Damascus re- 
mained standing until it was demolished by *Abdallah ibn- 
*Ali ibn-*Abdallah ibn-al-' Abbas after the question between 
Marwan and the banu-Umaiyah had been settled." 

Busra, Adhri'dt, al-Bathaniyah and other places reduced. 
Abu-Haf s ad-Dimashki from the muezzin of the Damascus 
Mosque and other men : — At the arrival of Khalid, the Mos- 
lems gathered their forces against Busra, and it capitulated 
They then were dispersed throughout all Hauran which 
they subdued. The chief of Adhri'at came to them offering 
to capitulate on the same terms on which the people of 
Busra had capitulated and agreeing to make all the land of 
al-Bathaniyah ^ a khardj land. The request was granted, and 
Yazid ibn-abi-Sufyan entered the city and made a covenant 
with its people. Thus the two districts of Hauran and al- 
Bathaniyah came under the full control of the Moslems. 
Thence they came to Palestine and the Jordan, invading what 
had not yet been reduced. Yazid marched against 'Amman 
and made an easy conquest of it, making terms of capitula- 
tion similar to those of Busra. Besides, he effected the 
complete conquest of the province of al-Balka\ When abu- 
'Ubaidah came to power, all that was already conquered. 
At the conquest of Damascus, abu-*Ubaidah was the com- 
mander-in-chief ; but the terms of capitulation were made 
by Khalid, abu-*Ubaidah concurring. 

'Arandal, ash-Shardt and the sea-coast reduced. During 
the governorship of abu-'Ubaidah, Yazid ibn-abi-Sufyan 
went and took possession of *Arandal ^ by capitulation. He 

^ Modern Nukrah in IJauran. 

^ The correct form is Gharandal; Ya'kubi, Buldan, p. 326; Baedeker, 
p. 150. 



also subdued the province of ash-Sharat with its moun- 
tains. It is stated by Sa'id ibn-'Abd-al-'Aziz on the au- 
thority of al-Wadin that after the [second] conquest of 
Damascus Yazid came to Sidon, 'Irkah/ Jubail, and Bierut 
(which he on the sea-coast) ^ with his brother, Mu'awiyah, 
leading the van of the army. These cities he conquered with 
great facility, expelling many of their inhabitants. The 
conquest of Trkah was effected by Mu'awiyah himself when 
Yazid was governor. Toward the close of the caliphate of 
*Umar ibn-al-Khattab or the beginning of the caliphate of 
'Uthman ibn-'Affan, the Greeks restored some of these coast- 
towns, and Mu'awiyah again marched against those towns 
and conquered them. He then made repairs in them and 
stationed garrisons in them among whom he distributed 
the fiefs. 

Tripoli captured. When 'Uthman was made caliph and 
Mu'awiyah became governor of Syria, the latter directed 
Sufyan ibn-Mujib al-Azdi to Tripoli [ Atrabulus] which was 
a combination of three cities.* Sufyan erected on a plain 
a few miles from the city a fort which was called Hisn 
Sufyan [Sufyan fort], intercepted the recruits from the sea 
as well as from the land and laid siege to the city. When 
the siege was pressed hard against them, the inhabitants of 
Tripoli met in one of the three fortifications and wrote to 
the king of the Greeks asking for relief through reinforce- 
ment or ships on which they might escape and flee to him. 
Accordingly, the king sent them many ships which they 
boarded in the night time and fled away. When Sufyan 
arose in the morning — he having been accustomed to sleep 

1 " 'Arkah " in Hamadhani, Bulddn, p. 105 ; Caetani, vol. iii, p. 801 ; 
" Correggi : 'Arqaq ". 

' Journal Asiatique, 1859, vol. i, p. 120, note i. 

' As its Greek name designates. 


every night in his fort, and fortify the Moslems in it, and to 
rise up in the morning against the enemy — he discovered 
that the fortification in which the people of Tripoli were 
was vacant. Immediately he entered it and sent the news of 
the conquest to Mu'awiyah. Mu'awiyah made it a dwelling- 
place for a large body of Jews. It is this fortification in 
which the harbor of the city is to-day. Later 'Abd-al-Malik 
built it and made it stronger. 

Mu'awiyah used to send every year to Tripoli a large 
body of troops to guard the city and used to assign it to a 
different 'dmil', but in case the sea was closed, the 'dmil 
with a small band would stay and the rest would return. 
This state of affairs lasted until *Abd-al-Malik began to rule. 
In the days of the latter, one of the Greek patricians with a 
large body of men came to the city and asked for a promise 
of safety, agreeing to settle therein and pay khardj. His 
request was granted. He had not been there two years or 
two years and a few months when he took advantage of the 
absence of the troops from the city, shut its gate and killed 
the 'dmil, taking his soldiers and many Jews as captives. 
He then made his way together with his followers to the 
land of the Greeks [Asia Minor]. Later the Moslems 
caught him on the sea going to a Moslem coast-town with 
a large number of ships, and killed him. Others say they 
took him captive and sent him to 'Abd-al-Malik who killed 
and crucified him. I heard someone say that 'Abd-al-Malik 
sent someone who besieged him in Tripoli until he surren- 128 
dered and was carried before 'Abd-al-Malik who killed and 
crucified him. Some of his followers took to flight and 
got as far as the land of the Greeks. 

*Ali ibn-Muhammad al-Mada'ini related on the authority 
of 'Attab ibn-Ibrahim that Tripoli was conquered by Sufyan 
ibn-Mujib, that its inhabitants violated the covenant in the 
days of *Abd-al-Malik and that it was reduced by al-Walid 
ibn-'Abd-al-Malik in his reign. 


The Mediterranean littoral reduced. Abu-Hafs ash- 
Shami from al-Wadin : — At first Yazid ibn-abi-Sufyan di- 
rected Mu'awiyah against the littoral of the province of 
Damascus excluding Tripoli whose possession he did not 
covet. Mu'awiyah sometimes spent on the reduction of the 
fort a few days — two or more — in the course of which he 
was resisted either slightly or strongly before he could take 

When the Moslems conquered a city, whether so situated 
as to overlook a wide territory or on the coast, they would 
station in it whatever number of Moslems was necessary; 
and if the enemy in it should start a revolt the Moslems 
would flock to it for reinforcement. But when 'Uthman 
ibn-'Affan became caliph he wrote to Mu^awiyah instructing 
him to fortify the coast-cities and man them, and to give 
fiefs to those whom he settled in them. Mu'awiyah did 

Abu-Hafs from Sa'id ibn-*Abd-al-*Aziz who said : — " I 
heard it said by some that after the death of his brother 
Yazid, Mu*awiyah wrote to 'Umar ibn-al-Khattab describing 
the condition of the coast-towns. 'Umar wrote back order- 
ing that their fortifications be repaired, that garrisons be 
stationed in them, that watchmen be posted on their towers 
and that means be taken for lighting the fire on the towers to 
announce the approach of the enemy. *Umar gave 
Mu'awiyah no permission to carry out a naval campaign. 
But Mu^awiyah insisted so much that 'Uthman allowed him 
to carry out a sea expedition and instructed him to keep 
ready in the coast-cities troops in addition to those already 
in them, whether he wanted to set out on the campaign in 
person or send some one else on it. He also instructed him 
to give the garrison lands and distribute among them what- 
ever houses had been evacuated, and to establish new 
mosques and enlarge those that had been established before 
his caliphate." 


According to al-Wadin, after that, men from all quarters 
moved to the coast cities. 

'Alkamah nominated governor of Haurdn. A1-' Abbas 
ibn-Hisham al-Kalbi from Ja'far ibn-Kilab al-Kilabi: — 
'Alkamah ibn-'Ulathah ibn-'Auf ibn-al-Ahwas ibn-Ja'far 
ibn-Kilab was assigned by 'Umar ibn-al-Khattab to the gov- 
ernorship of Hauran and he was made responsible to Mu'a- 129 
wiyah. This position he held until his death. Before his 
death he heard that al-Hutai'ah-l-'Absi was coming to visit 
him ; so *Alkamah bequeathed to him in his will a share equal 
to one of his sons' shares. Hence the poem of al-Hu- 
tai^ah : ^ 

" Between me and becoming rich — ^had I only reached thee, when thou 
wert still living — 
there would have been an interval of only a few nights." 

Kubbash farm. I was told by certain learned men 
among whom was a neighbor of Hisham ibn-*Ammar that 
abu-Sufyan ibn-Harb possessed in the pre-Islamic period, 
in which he carried on trade with Syria, a village in al- 
Balka' called Kubbash. This village passed into the pos- 
session of Mu'awiyah and his son, and at the beginning of 
the [Abbasid] dynasty, it was confiscated and possessed by 
certain sons of al-Mahdi, the " Commander of the Believ- 
ers." Then it passed into the hands of certain oil-sellers 
of al-Kufah known as the banu-Nu'aim. 

The Proph et gives -fief to Tamtm and Nu'aim. *Abbas 
ibn-Hisham from his grandfather : — Once came Tamim ibn- 
Aus of the banu-ad-Dar ibn-Hani' ibn-Habib of [the tribe 
of] Lakhm, surnamed abu-Rukaiyah, with his brother Nu'- 
aim ibn-Aus, to the Prophet who gave them as fief Hibra, 
Bait-*Ainun ^ and Mas j id Ibrahim, and to that end he wrote 

iGoldziher: "Der Diwan des Garwal b. Aus al-Ilutej'a" in ZDMG, 
vol. xlvi, p. 30. 
^ Ibn-Duraid, p. 226. 



a statement. When Syria was subdued, all that was restored 
to them. When Sulaiman ibn-*Abd-al-Malik used to pass 
near this land he would not stop in it saying, " I am afraid 
the curse of the Prophet will follow me." 

'Umar gives stipends to diseased Christians. Hisham 
ibn-'Ammar told me he heard it said by certain sheikhs 
that on his way to al-Jabiyah in the province of Damascus, 
*Umar ibn-al-Khattab passed by certain Christians smitten 
with elephentiasis ^ and he ordered that they be given some- 
thing out of the sadakahs and that food stipends be assigned 
to them. 

Dair Khdlid. Hisham reported that he heard it said by 
al-Walid ibn-Muslim that Khalid ibn-al-Walid made a con- 
dition in favor of the convent known as Dair Khalid, when 
its occupants offered him a ladder to climb to the city wall, 
to the effect that their khardj be reduced. The condition 
was enforced by abu-*Ubaidah. 

The terms with Ba'ldbakk. When abu-*Ubaidah was 
done with Damascus, he advanced to Hims. On his way, 
he passed through Ba'labakk whose inhabitants sought to 
secure safety and capitulate. Abu-'Ubaidah made terms 
guaranteeing the safety of their lives, possessions and 
churches. To that end he wrote the following statement : 

" In the name of Allah, the compassionate, the merciful. 
This is a statement of security to so and so, son of so and 
so, and to the inhabitants of Ba'labakk — Greeks, Persians 
and Arabs — for their lives, possessions, churches and houses, 
inside and outside the city and also for their mills. The 
Greeks are entitled to give pasture to their cattle within a 
space of 15 miles, yet are not to abide in any inhabited town. 
After Rabi' and Jumada I shall have passed, they are at 

* Ar. mujadhdhamin, see Kdmus, Taj al-Arus and Nihdyah; Caetani, 
vol. iii, p. 933, translates : " mutilati ". 


liberty to go where they will. Whosoever of them adopts 
Islam, shall have the same rights as we and be bound by 
the same obligations ; and their merchants are entitled to go 
whither they will in the countries that have become ours 
through capitulation. Those of them who do not adopt 
Islam ^ are bound to pay poll-tax and khardj. Allah is wit- 
ness and his witness is sufficient." 

* Cf. Zaidan, vol. iv, p. 122, Margoliouth's translation. 



The inhabitants capitulate. *Abbas ibn-Hisham from 
abu-Mikhnaf : — When ' abu-'Ubaidah was through with 
Damascus, he sent ahead of him KhaUd ibn-al-WaHd and 
Milhan ibn-Zaiyar at-Ta'i and then he followed them. 
When they met in Hims [Emesa]/ the people of the city 
resisted them, but finally sought refuge in the city and asked 
for safety and capitulation. They capitulated to abu-'Ubai- 
dah agreeing to pay 170,000 dinars.^ 

As-Simt captures Hints, According to al-Wakidi and 
others, as the Moslems stood at the gates of Damascus there 
appeared a dense band of the enemy's horsemen. The troops 
of the Moslems set out and met them between Bait-Lihya 
and ath-Thaniyah. The enemy was defeated and took to 
flight in the direction of Hims via Kara. The Moslems 
pursued them to Hims but found that they had turned away 
from it. The people of Hims saw the Moslems and, being 
scared because Heraclius had run away from them and be- 
cause of what they heard regarding the Moslems' power, 
valor and victory, they submitted and hastened to seek the 
promise of security. The Moslems guaranteed their safety 
and refrained from killing them. The people of Hims 
offered them food for their animals and for themselves and 
the Moslems camped on the Orontes [al-Urunt, or al- 
Urund] (the river which empties its water in the sea near 

* Yakut, vol. ii, p. 335 ; Skizzen, vol. vi, p. 60. 
' Ya'kubi, vol. ii, p. 160. 



Antioch). The commander of the Moslems at that time 
was as-Simt ibn-al-Aswad al-Kindi. 

When abu-'Ubaidah was through with Damascus, he left 
over it in his place Yazid ibn-abi-Sufyan, came to Hims 
via Balabakk, and encamped at the Rastan gate. The people 
of Hims capitulated, and he guaranteed the safety of their 
lives, possessions, city-wall, churches, and wells excluding 
one-fourth of St. John's Church which was to be turned 
into a mosque. He made it a condition on those of them 
who would not embrace Islam to pay khardj} 

According to certain reports, it was as-Simt ibn-al-Aswad 
al-Kindi who made the terms with the people of Hims. 
When abu-*Ubaidah arrived, he caused the terms to take ef- 
fect. As-Simt divided the city into lots, each marked for 
one Moslem to build his house. He also made them settle 
in every place whose occupants had evacuated it and in 
every yard that was deserted. 

The terms with Hamdh, Shaizar, Fdmiyah and other 
places. Abu-Hafs ad-Dimashki from Sa'id ibn-'Abd-al- 
*Aziz : — When abu-'Ubaidah ibn-al-Jarrah effected the con- 
quest of Damascus, he left over it as his lieutenant Yazid 
ibn-abi-Sufyan; over the province of Palestine, *Amr ibn- 
al-'Asi; and over the province of the Jordan, Shurahbil. 
He then advanced to Hims whose people capitulated on the 
same terms as those of Ba'labakk. Leaving over Hims 
'Ubadah ibn-as-Samit al-Ansari, he pushed towards Hamah 
[Epiphania] whose people met him offering their submis- 
sion. He made terms with them, stipulating that they pay 
tax on their heads and khardj on their land. Thence he 
proceeded towards Shaizar. The people of Shaizar 
[Larissa] went out to meet him bowing ^ before him and 

1 Noldeke, ZDMG, vol. xxix, p. 76 seq; Caetani, vol. iii, p. 432, note 2. 
2Ar. kaifara; see GGA, 1863, p. 1348; Kashshdf, vol. i, p. 22. 


accompanied by players on the tambourines and singers. 
They agreed to terms similar to those made with the peo- 
ple of Hamah. Abu-'Ubaidah's horsemen reached as far as 
az-Zarra'ah and al-Kastal. He then passed through Ma*- 
arrat Hims [Ma'arrat an-Nu'man] which was named after 
an-Nu'man ibn-Bashir.^ Its people came out playing on tam- 
bourines and singing before him. Thence he came to 
Famiyah whose people met him in the same way and con- 
sented to pay poll-tax and khardj. Thus was the question 
of Hims brought to an end, and Hims and Kinnasrin be- 
came parts of one whole. ^ 

The " Junds " and " 'Awdsim!' There is a disagreement 
regarding the name " Jund " ^ [as applied to the military 
districts of Syria]. According to some, Palestine was called 
" Jund " by the Moslems because it was a collection of many 
provinces, and so was each of Damascus, Jordan, Hims 
and Kinnasrin. According to others, each district which 
had an army that received its monthly allowance in it was 
called **Jund.'' Thus Mesopotamia belonged to Kinnasrin ; 
but *Abd-al-Malik ibn-Marwan made it a separate " Jund," 
that is, made its army take its allowance from its khardj. 
*Abd-al-Malik was asked to do so by Muhammad ibn- 
Marwan. Down to the time of Yazid ibn-Mu'awiyah, 
Kinnasrin and its districts were included in the province of 
Hims; but Yazid constituted Kinnasrin, Antioch, Manbij 
and their districts as one '' Jund." When ar-Rashid Ha- 
run ibn-al-Mahdi was made caliph, he set Kinnasrin apart 
and made of it and its districts one " Jund." He also 
separated Manbij, Duluk, Ra'ban, Kiirus, Antioch and 
Tizin and called them '' al-'Awasim " * because these were 

* Yakut, al-Mushtarik, p. 401. 

" Cf. Caetani, vol. iii, p. 790, line 7. 

^ The same word is commonly used for " troops ". 

* Zaidan, vol. i, p. 153; the word means " those that give protection." 

the cities to which the Moslems resorted after making an in- 
vasion and leaving the frontier cities, and where they were 
safe and protected. The chief city of " al-'Awasim " he 
made Manbij [Hierapolis]. In this city 'Abd-al-Malik 
ibn-Salih ibn-'Ali lived in the year 173 and erected many 

Al-Lddhikiyah entered. Abu-Hafs ad-Dimashki from 
Sa'id ibn-'Abd-al-'Aziz, and Musa ibn-Ibrahim at-Tanukhi 
from certain sheikhs of Hims : — Abu-*Ubaidah appointed in 
his place over Hims 'Ubadah ibn-as-Samit al-Ansari who 
left for al-Ladhikiyah.^ Its people resisted him and the 
city had a massive gate that could be opened only by a 
number of men. Seeing how difficult it was to reduce the 
city, 'Ubadah encamped at a distance from it and or- 
dered that trenches like canals be dug, each one large enough 
to conceal a man with his horse. The Moslems made 
special effort and got the work done. They then pretended 
to be returning to Hims ; but no sooner had the night fallen 
with its darkness, than they returned to their camp and 
trenches, while the people of al-Ladhikiyah were negligent 
of them being under the impression that the Moslems had 133 
left them. Early in the morning, they opened their gate and 
drove forth their cattle ; but how terrified they were to meet 
the Moslems and see them enter through the gate! Thus 
was the city taken by force. *Ubadah entered the fort and 
then climbed its wall and called *' Allah is great " etc. Cer- 
tain Christians of al-Ladhikiyah fled to al-Yusaiyid, and 
later sought to surrender, agreeing to return to their lands. 
They were assigned to lands, and a fixed khardj ^ was as- 
sessed to be paid by them every year whether they should in- 
crease or decrease in number. Their church was left for 

1 Laodicea; Yakut, vol. iv, p. 338. 

^Khardj mukata'ah. See Berchem, La Propriete Territoriale, p. 45. 



them. The Moslems, following the order of 'Ubadah, 
erected in al-Ladhikiyah a cathedral mosque that was later 

Al-Lddhikiyah destroyed and rebuilt. In the year lOO, 
when *Abd-al-'Aziz was caliph, the Greeks made a descent 
by sea on the coast of al-Ladhikiyah. They destroyed the 
city and took its inhabitants prisoners. 'Umar ordered 
that it be rebuilt and fortified and asked the [Greek] 
" tyrant " ^ to accept ransom for the Moslem prisoners. 
But this was not carried out till after his death in the year 
1 01. The city was completed and garrisoned by the order 
of Yazid ibn-'Abd-al-Malik. 

According to a tradition communicated by one from al- 
Ladhikiyah, 'Umar ibn-*Abd-al-*Aziz fortified the city and 
finished its work before he died. All what Yazid ibn- 
*Abd-al-Malik did was to repair the city and increase its 

Baldah taken by assault, Abu-Hafs ad-Dimashki from 
Sa'id ibn-*Abd-al-'Aziz and Sa*id ibn-Sulaiman al-Himsi : — 
*Ubadah with the Moslems appeared at the coast and took 
by assault a city called Baldah lying two parasangs from 
Jabalah. The city was later destroyed and its inhabitants 
evacuated it. Jabalah, which was a fortification for the 
Greeks and was deserted by them when the Moslems con- 
quered Hims, was established by Mu'awiyah ibn-abi-Sufyan 
and guarded by a garrison. 

The fort of J abalah. Sufyan ibn-Muhammad al- 
Bahrani from certain sheikhs: — Mu^awiyah erected for 
Jabalah ^ a fort outside the older Greek fort which was 
now inhabited by monks and others devoted to religious 

1 Ar. tdghtyah, an appellation of the Byzantine emperor used by the 
Arabian writers. 
^Gabala, Gibellus Major, or Zibel; Le Strange, pp. 459-460. 

mMs 205 

Antartus reduced. Sufyan ibn-Muhammad from his 
father and sheikhs : — *Ubadah with the Moslems conquered 
Antartus [Tortosa] which was a fortified town and which 
was evacuated by its holders. Mu^awiyah built Antartiis 
and fortified it ^ giving the fiefs to the holders of the fort. 
The same thing he did with Marakiyah and Bulunyas. 

Guards stationed in the littoral towns. Abu-Hafs ad- 134 
Dimashki from his sheikhs : — Abu-'Ubaidah effected the 
conquest of al-Ladhikiyah, Jabalah and Antartus through 
*Ubadah ibn-as-Samit and used to put them in charge of a 
guard until the time in which the sea was closed.^ When 
Mu'awiyah stationed garrisons in the coast cities and forti- 
fied them, he put garrisons in, and fortified these cities, 
too, and treated them as the other littoral towns. 

Salamyah. It was reported to me by a sheikh from 
Hims that close to Salamyah [Salaminias] lay a city called 
Mu'takifah which one day was completely destroyed by an 
earthquake and only one hundred of its inhabitants survived. 
The survivors erected one hundred houses and lived in them. 
This new settlement was called Silm Mi' ah ^ which name 
was corrupted into Salamyah. Later there came to this place 
Salih ibn-'Ali ibn-'Abdallah ibn-*Abbas, fortified it and lived 
in it with his sons. Many of his descendants still have 
their abode in it. According to ibn-Sahm al-Antaki, how- 
ever, Salamyah is an ancient Greek name. 

Marwdn destroys the wall of Hims. I was told by 
Muhammad ibn-Musaffa-1-Himsi that the wall of Hims 
was destroyed by Marwan ibn-Muhammad, because in his 
retreat before the people of Khurasan, he passed by the 

1 Yakut, vol. i, p. 388. 

2 Ihe guard was posted in them so long as the sea was open for navi- 
gation, i. e., until winter time. 

' " The safety of one hundred." 


people of Hims, who had broken off from their allegiance, 
and they carried away some of his baggage, property and 

Al-Fadl ibn-Kdrin and Musa ibn-Bugha as governors of 
Hims. The city of Hims had stones for pavement. In the 
days of Ahmad ibn-Muhammad ibn-abi-Ishak al-Mu'tasim- 
Billah, the people rose against his 'dmil over them, al-Fadl 
ibn-Karin at-Tabari, a brother of Mayazdiyar ibn-Karin,^ 
and in accordance with his orders the pavement was re- 
moved. They rebelled again, repaved the city and fought 
against al-Fadl ibn-Karin until they worsted him. After 
robbing him of his money and wives, they put him to death 
and crucified him. Al-Mu'tasim directed against them Musa 
ibn-Bugha-1-Kabir [the Elder] his freedman, and the in- 
habitants including a large number of Christians and Jews, 
fought against him. After a fearful slaughter, Musa put 
the survivors to flight, pursued them to the city and entered 
it by force. This took place in the year 250. 

Hims is the seat of a large granary that receives wheat 
and oil from the cities of the coast and other places that 
were given out as fiefs for their holders and recorded for 
them as such in special record books. 

1 Cf. Athir, vol. vii, p. 88. 


The Battle of al-Yarmuk 

A description of the battle. Heraclius gathered large 
bodies of Greeks, Syrians, Mesopotamians and Armenians 
numbering about 200,000/ This army he put under the 
command of one of his choice men ^ and sent as a van- 
guard Jabalah ibn-al-Aiham al-Ghassani at the head of the 
" naturahzed " Arabs [m'usta'ribah] of Syria of the tribes 
of Lakhm, Judham and others, resolving to fight the Mos- 
lems so that he might either win or withdraw to the land 
of the Greeks ^ and live in Constantinople. The Moslems 
gathered together and the Greek army marched against 
them. The battle they fought at al-Yarmuk was of the 
fiercest and bloodiest kind.* Al-Yarmuk [Hieromax] is a 
river. In this battle 24,000 Moslems took part. The Greeks 
and their followers in this battle tied themselves to each 
other by chains, so that no one might set his hope on flight. 
By Allah's help, some 70,000 of them were put to death, and 
their remnants took to flight, reaching as far as Palestine, 
Antioch, Aleppo, Mesopotamia and Armenia. In the battle 
of al-Yarmiak certain Moslem women took part and fought 
violently. Among them was Hind, daughter of 'Utbah and 

1 De Goeje, Memoire sur la Conquete de la Syrie, p. 107. 
' Tabari, vol. i, p. 2347. 

* i. e., Asia Minor; Arabic — Bilad ar-Rum. 

* Al-Basri, Futuh ash-Shdm, p. 130 seq. ; Pseudo-Wakidi, Futuh ash- 
Sham, vol. ii, pp. 32-35- 



mother of Mu^awiyah ibn-abi-Sufyan, who repeatedly ex- 
claimed, " Cut the arms of these * uncircumcised ' with your 
swords \" Her husband abu-Sufyan had come to Syria as a 
volunteer desiring to see his sons, and so he brought his wife 
with him. He then returned to al-Madinah where he died, 
year 31, at the age of 88. Others say he died in Syria. When 
the news of his death was carried to his daughter, umm- 
Habibah, she waited until the third day on which she or- 
dered some yellow paint and covered with it her arms and 
face saying, " I would not have done that, had I not heard 
the Prophet say, 'A woman should not be in mourning for 
more than three days over anyone except her husband.' " 
It is stated that she did likewise when she received the news 
of her brother Yazid's death. But Allah knows best. 

Those who lost an eye or suffered martyrdom. Abu- 
Sufyan ibn-Harb was one-eyed. He had lost his eye in the 
battle of at-Ta'if. In the battle of al-Yarmuk, however, 
al-Ash*ath ibn-Kais, Hashim ibn-*Utbah ibn-abi-Wakkas 
az-Zuhri (i. e. al-Mirkal) and Kais ibn-Makshuh, each lost 
an eye. In this battle 'Amir ibn-abi-Wakkas az-Zuhri 
fell a martyr. It is this *Amir who once carried the letter 
of 'Umar ibn-al-Khattab assigning abu-'Ubaidah to the gov- 
ernorship of Syria. Others say he was a victim of the 
plague ; still others report that he suffered martyrdom in the 
battle of Ajnadin ; but all that is not true. 

Hahih ihn-Maslamah pursues the fugitives. Abu- 
'Ubaidah put Habib ibn-Maslamah-1-Fihri at the head of a 
cavalry detachment charged with pursuing the fugitive 
enemy,^ and Habib set out killing every man whom he could 

The story of Jahalah. Jabalah ibn-al-Aiham sided with 
the Ansdr saying, *'Ye are our brethren and the sons of our 

* Athir, vol. i, p. 179. 


fathers," and professed Islam. After the arrival of *Umar 
ibn-al-Khattab in Syria, year 17, Jabalah had a dispute with 
one of the Muzainah and knocked out his eye. 'Umar or- 
dered that he be punished, upon which Jabalah said, " Is his 
eye like mine? Never, by Allah, shall I abide in a town 
where I am under authority." He then apostatized and 
went to the land of the Greeks. This Jabalah was the king 
of Ghassan ^ and the successor of al-Harith ibn-abi-Shimr. 

According to another report, when Jabalah came to *Umar 
ibn-al-Khattab, he was still a Christian. 'Umar asked him 
to accept Islam and pay sadakah; but he refused saying, 
" I shall keep my faith and pay sadakah." 'Umar's answer 
was, "If thou keepest thy faith, thou hast to pay poll-tax." 
The man refused, and *Umar added, '' We have only three 
alternatives for thee : Islam, tax or going whither thou wili- 
est." Accordingly, Jabalah left with 30,000 men to the land 
of the Greeks [Asia Minor]. 'Ubadah ibn-as-Samit gently 
reproved 'Umar saying, " If thou hadst accepted sadakah 
ffom him and treated him in a friendly way, he would have 
become Moslem." 

In the year 21, 'Umar directed 'Umair ibn-Sa'd al- 
Ansari at the head of a great army against the land of the 
Greeks, and put him in command of the summer expedition^ 
which was the first of its kind. 'Umar instructed him to 
treat Jabalah ibn-al-Aiham very kindly and to try and appeal 
to him through the blood relationship between them, so that 
he should come back to the land of the Moslems with the 
understanding that he would keep his own faith and pay the 
amount of sadakah he had agreed to pay. 'Umair marched 
until he came to the land of the Greeks and proposed to 

1 Noldeke: "Die Ghassanischen Fiirsten" in Abhandlungen der Konig- 
lichen Akademie der Wissenschaften (Berlin), 1887, No. II, p. 45 seq. 

2 Zaidan, vol. i, p. iSS ; Kudamah, Kitab al-Khardj in ibn-Khur- 
dadhbih, Kitdb al-Masdlik, p. 259. 


Jabalah what he was ordered by 'Umar to propose; but 
Jabalah refused the offer and insisted on staying in the land 
of the Greeks. *Umair then came into a place called al- 
Himar — a valley — which he destroyed putting its inhabi- 
tants to the sword. Hence the proverb, " In a more ruined 
state than the hollow of Himar." ^ 

Heraclius' adieu to Syria. When Heraclius received the 
news about the troops in al-Yarmuk and the destruction 
of his army by the Moslems, he fled from Antioch to Con- 
stantinople, and as he passed ad-Darb ^ he turned and said, 
" Peace unto thee, O Syria, and what an excellent country 
this is for the enemy !" ^ — referring to the numerous pas- 
tures in Syria. 

The battle of al-Yarmuk took place in Rajab, year 15.* 
Huhdsh loses his leg. According to Hisham ibn-al-Kalbi, 
among those who witnessed the battle of al-Yarmuk was 
Hubash ibn-Kais al-Kushairi, who killed many of the ' un- 
circumcised " and lost his leg without feeling it. At last 
he began to look for it. Hence the verse of Sauwar ibn- 
Auf a : 

"Among us were ibn-'Attab and the one who went seeking his leg; 
and among us was one who offered protection to the quarter," 

— referring to dhu-1-Rukaibah.'^ 

Christians and Jews prefer Moslem rule. Abu-Hafs 
ad-Dimashki from Sa'id ibn-'Abd-al-'Aziz : — ^When Her- 
aclius massed his troops against the Moslems and the Mos- 

^ Bakri, vol. i, p. 254. Freytag, Proverhia, vol. i, p. 231, no. 66. 
' The pass of Taurus. 
' Tabari. vol. i, pp. 2395 and 2396. 

* The date of the Yarmuk is confused by some Arabian historians 
with that of Ajnadin, Jumada ii, year 13; see Athir, vol. ii, p. 315. 
^ Kdnius : " his name was Malik ". 


lems heard that they were coming to meet them at al- 
Yarmuk, the Moslems refunded to the inhabitants of Hims 
the khardj ^ they had taken from them saying, "We are too 
busy to support and protect you. Take care of yourselves." .: 
But the people of Hims replied, " We like your rule and 
justice far better than the state of oppression and tyranny ^ 
in which we were. The army of Heraclius we shall indeed, 
with your 'dmil's help, repulse from the city." The Jews 
rose and said, " We swear by the Thorah, no governor of 
Heraclius shall enter the city of Hims unless we are first 
vanquished and exhausted!" Saying this, they closed the 
gates of the city and guarded them. The inhabitants of 
the other cities — Christian and Jew — that had capitulated to 
the Moslems, did the same, saying, " If Heraclius and his 
followers win over the Moslems we would return to our 
previous condition, otherwise we shall retain our present 
state so long as numbers are with the Moslems." When 
by Allah's help the " unbelievers " were defeated and the 
Moslems won, they opened the gates of their cities, went 
out with the singers and music players who began to play, 
and paid the khardj. 

Ahu-Uhaidah reduces Kinnasrin and Antioch. Abu- 
*Ubaidah marched against the province of Kinnasrin and 
Antioch and reduced it. 

Shurahbil transferred to Hims. A1-' Abbas ibn-Hisham 
al-Kalbi from his grandfather : — As-Simt ibn-al-Aswad al- 
Kindi distinguished himself as a fighter in the battle of 138 
al-Yarmuk and particularly in Syria and Hims. It was he 
who divided the houses of Hims among its people. His 
son Shurahbil was in al-Kuf ah disputing the leadership over 
the Kindah tribe with al-Ash'ath ibn-Kais al-Kindi. Now, 

1 Yiisuf, p. 81. 

* Barhebraeus, Chron. Eccles,, vol. i, p. 274. 


as-Simt appeared before *Umar saying, " * Commander of 
the Believers ', I see thou dost not separate even captives 
from one another, yet thou hast separated me from my son. 
Change his position, if thou pleasest, to Syria, or mine to al- 
Kufah." " Well," said 'Umar, " I shall change his position 
to Syria." Accordingly, Shurahbil took up his abode in 
Hims with his father. 


Places conquered by 'Amr ihn-al-Asi. Abu-Hafs ad- 
Dimashki from learned sheikhs : — The first conflict between 
Moslems and Greeks took place in the caliphate of abu-Bakr 
in the province of Palestine, the one in chief command over 
the Moslems being *Amr ibn-al-*Asi. Later on in the cali- 
phate of abu-Bakr, *Amr ibn-al-'Asi effected the conquest 
of Ghazzah, then Sabastiyah ^ and Nabulus [Neapolis] with 
the stipulation that he guaranteed to the inhabitants the 
safety of their lives, their possessions and their houses on 
condition that they pay poll-tax, and khardj on their land. 
He then conquered Ludd [Lydda] and its district, and then 
Yubna [Jabneh or Jabneel], 'Amawas [Emmaus] and Bait- 
Jabrin ^ [Eleutheropolis] where he took for himself an es- 
tate ^ which he named *Ajlan after a freedman of his. He 
then conquered Yafa [Jaffa] which according to others was 
conquered by Mu'awiyah. 'Amr also conquered Rafah and 
made similar terms with it. 

The conquest of Jerusalem. As 'Amr was besieging 
Iliya', i. e., Jerusalem in the year i6, abu-'Ubaidah after 
reducing Kinnasrin and its environs, came to him, and ac- 
cording to a report, sent him from Jerusalem to Antioch 
whose people had violated the covenant. 'Amr reduced the 

* i. e., Samaria; abu-1-Fida, vol. i, p. i6o. 

2 Athir, vol. ii, p. 390. 

' Yakut, vol. i, p. JQ, line 12. 



city and returned [to Jerusalem] . Only two or three days 
after his return, the inhabitants of Jerusalem asked to 
capitulate to abu-'Ubaidah on the same terms as those of 
the cities of Syria as regards tax and khardj, and to have 
the same treatment as their equals elsewhere, provided the 
one to make the contract be *Umar ibn-al-Khattab in person, 
Abu-'Ubaidah communicated this in writing to *Umar who 
came first to al-Jabiyah in Damascus and then to Jerusalem. 
He made the terms of capitulation with the people of Jeru- 
salem to take effect and gave them a written statement. 
The conquest of Jerusalem took place in the year 17. 

A different account has been reported regarding the con- 
quest of Jerusalem. 

Al-Kasim ibn-Sallam from Yazid ibn-abi-Habib : — 
Khalid ibn-Thabit al-Fahmi was sent by 'Umar ibn-al- 
Khattab, who was at that time in al-Jabiyah, at the head of 
an army to Jerusalem. After fighting with the inhabitants, 
they agreed to pay something on what was within their 
fortified city and to deliver to the Moslems all what was 
outside. 'Umar came and concurred, after which he re- 
turned to al-Madinah.^ 

Hisham ibn-'Ammar from al-Auza'i: — Abu-'Ubaidah 
reduced Kinnasrin and its districts in the year 16; after 
which he came to Palestine and camped in Jerusalem, whose 
people asked him to make terms with them, which he did 
in the year 17, with the stipulation that 'Umar would come 
in person, put the terms into effect and write a statement of 
them to the people. 

'Umar welcomed by the peop le of Adhri'dt. Hisham 
ibn-'Ammar from 'Abdallah ibn-Kais : — The latter said, " I 
was one of those who went with abu-*Ubaidah to meet 
*Umar as he was coming to Syria. As 'Umar was passing, 

Tabari, vol. i, p. 2360. 


he was met by the singers and tambourine players of the in- 
habitants of Adhri'at ^ with swords and myrtle. Seeing 
that, *Umar shouted ' Keep still ! Stop them ! ' But abu- 
*Ubaidah replied, ' This is their custom (or some other 
word like it), " Commander of the Believers," and if thou 
shouldst stop them from doing it, they would take that as 
indicating thy intention to violate their covenant/ * Well, 
then, said 'Umar, ' let them go on/ " 

The plague of 'Amawds. The plague of *Amawas 
[Emmaus] occurred in the year 18. To it a great many 
Moslems fell victim, among whom was abu-*Ubaidah ibn- 
al- Jar rah (who was 58 years old and a commander in the 
army) and Mu'adh ibn-Jabal of the banu-Salimah of al- 
Khazraj who was surnamed abu-'Abd-ar-Rahman and who 
died in the district of al-Ukhuwanah in the province of the 
Jordan, aged 38. This Muadh, abu-'Ubaidah on his death- 
bed had appointed as his successor. According to others he 
appointed Tyad ibn-Ghanm al-Fihri. Some others say he 
appointed *Amr ibn-al-Asi who appointed his own son as 140 
successor and departed for Egypt. Al-Fadl ibn-al-'Abbas 
ibn-*Abd-al-Muttalib, surnamed abu-Muhammad, fell, ac- 
cording to some, as martyr in Ajnadin; but the fact is that 
he was a victim to the plague at *Amawas. Other victims 
were Shurahbil ibn-Hasanah, surnamed abu-'Abdallah 
(who died 69 years old) ; Suhail ibn-'Amr of the banu- 
*Amir ibn-Luai, surnamed abu-Yazid; and al-Harith ibn- 
Hisham ibn-al-Mughirah-1-Makhzumi (who, according to 
others, fell a martyr in the battle of Ajnadin). 

Yazid ibn-abi-Sufydn governor of Syria. When *Umar 
ibn-al-Khattab received the news of the death of abu- 
*Ubaidah, he wrote to Yazid ibn-abi-Sufyan appointing him 
in his place as governor of Syria, and ordering him to 

* Edrei of Numbers xxi : 33. 


invade Kaisariyah [Caesarea]. According to others, how- 
ever, Yazid was appointed by *Umar as governor of the 
Jordan and Palestine; abu-ad-Darda', of Damascus; and 
'Ubadah ibn-as-Samit, of Hims. 

The conquest of Kaisariyah. Muhammad ibn-Sa*d 
from al-Wakidi : — There is difference of opinion regarding 
the conquest of Kaisariyah [Caesarea]. Some say 
Mu'awiyah subdued it; others, 'lyad ibn-Ghanm, after the 
death of abu-'Ubaidah whose successor he was; and still 
others 'Amr ibn-al-'Asi. According to some, 'Amr ibn- 
al-'Asi left for Egypt and appointed his son 'Abdallah to 
succeed him. The truth in all that, on which scholars agree, 
is that the first to lay siege to the city was 'Amr ibn-al- 
*Asi who made his descent on it in Jumada I, year 13. 'Amr 
would camp around it as long as he could, and whenever the 
Moslem forces wanted to combine against their enemy, he 
would go to them. Thus he witnessed the battles of 
Ajnadin, Fihl, al-Marj, Damascus and al-Yarmuk. He then 
returned to Palestine and after taking Jerusalem laid siege 
to Kaisariyah. From Kaisariyah he left for Egypt. After 
abu-*Ubaidah, Yazid ibn-abi-Sufyan became governor of 
Syria, and he appointed his brother to press the siege. 
Smitten by the plague, Yazid returned to Damascus where 
he died. 

Other than al-Wakidi state that *Umar appointed Yazid 
ibn-abi-Sufyan to the governorship of Palestine together 
with the other provinces of Syria and ordered him to in- 
vade Kaisariyah which had already been besieged. Yazid 
went against it with 17,000 men. Its people resisted; and 
he laid the siege. In the last part of the year 18, he fell ill 
and departed for Damascus leaving his brother Mu'awiyah 
in his place at Kaisariyah. Mu'awiyah reduced the city ^ 

* Ya'kubi, vol. ii, p. 172. 


and wrote to Yazid to that effect, and the latter communi- 
cated the news to *Umar. 

Mu'dwiyah nominated governor of Syria. At the death 
of Yazid ibn-abi-Sufyan, *Umar wrote to Mu'awiyah mak- 
ing him governor in his [Yazid's] place, upon which abu- 
Sufyan thanked 'Umar saying, " May the tie of relationship 
be made stronger by thy kind behavior !" 

Hisham ibn-*Ammar from Tamim ibn-'Atiyah: — 'Umar 
made Mu'awiyah ibn-abi-Sufyan governor of Syria after 
Yazid, and appointed with him two men of the Prophet's 
Companions for conducting prayer and performing the 
duties of kadi : abu-ad-Darda' to act as kadi and to conduct 
prayer at Damascus and the Jordan, and 'Ubadah to act as 
kadi and conduct prayer at Hims and Kinnasrin. 

Mu'dwiyah besieges Kaisdriyah. Muhammad ibn-Sa*d 
from al-Wakidi : — When 'Umar ibn-al-Khattab made 
Mu'awiyah governor of Syria, the latter besieged Kaisari- 
yah until he reduced it, the city having been under siege for 
seven years. Its conquest took place in Shauwal, year 19. 

Muhammad ibn-Sa'd from 'Abdallah ibn-'Amir: — 
Mu'awiyah besieged Kaisariyah until he lost all hope of re- 
ducing it. Previous to this, the city had been besieged by 
'Amr ibn-al-'Asi and his son. When Mu'awiyah at last 
took it by storm, he found in it 700,000 [sic!^ soldiers with 
fixed stipends, 30,000 Samaritans and 20,000 Jews. He 
found in the city 300 markets, all in good shape. It was 
guarded every night by 100,000 men stationed on its wall. 
The city was reduced in the following way : — A Jew named 
Yusuf came to the Moslems at night and pointed out to 
them a road through a tunnel the water in which would 
reach a man's waist; in consideration for which informa- 
tion, safety was guaranteed him and his relatives. Mu'awi- 
yah sanctioned the conditions [made to Yusuf] and the 
Moslems entered the city by night, calling "Allah is great !" 


The Greeks seeking to flee through the tunnel found it oc- 
cupied by Moslems. The Moslems opened the city gate and 
Mu'awiyah with his men went in. Many Arabs were in 
the city [as prisoners?]. One of them was a woman, 
Shakra', whom Hassan ibn-Thabit referred to when he 
said : 

" Shakra says, * If thou shouldst relinquish wine, 
thou wouldst become rich in number.' ^ " 

Others say her name was Sha'tha*. 

The captives from Kaisdriyah. Muhammad ibn-Sa*d 
from al-Wakidi : — The prisoners , from Kaisariyah 
[Caesarea] amounted to 4,000. When Mu'awiyah sent 
them to 'Umar ibn-al-Khattab the latter gave orders that 
they be settled in al-Jurf. They were then distributed 
among the orphans of the Ansdr, and some were used as 
clerks and manual laborers for the Moslems. The daugh- 
ters of abu-Umamah As'ad ibn-Zurarah, having been given 
by abu-Bakr two servants from the prisoners of 'Ain at- 
Tamr who were now dead, *Umar assigned to the daughters 
two of the captives of Kaisariyah to take the place of the 
two dead servants. 

Mu'awiyah forwarded two men of the Judham to carry 
the news of the conquest to 'Umar. Fearing that they 
might not hasten enough, he forwarded a man of the 
Khath'am who exerted all effort in walking by day and by 
night repeating : 

" The two brothers of Judham have brought insomnia on me, 

the brother of ^ishm and the brother of Haram. 
How can I sleep so long as they are ahead of me? 

They ;ire going along and the midday heat is becoming vehement."*' 

At last he got ahead of them and presented himself before 

* Cf. Hassan ibn-Thabit, Diwan, p. 61 ; al-Mubarrad, al-Kdmil, p. 148. 
2 Tabari, vol. i, p. 2397. 


*Umar who, hearing the news of the conquest, exclaimed 
"Allah is great r 

Hi sham ibn-*Ammar from one whose name I do not re- 
member: — Kaisariyah was taken by storm in the year 19. 
Hearing the news of its capture, 'Umar exclaimed, 
" Kaisariyah is taken by storm. Allah is great !" and so did 
the rest of the Moslems. The city was besieged for seven 
years and was finally reduced by Mu^awiyah. 

The death of Yazid ibn-abi-Sufyan took place at the end 
of the year 18, in Damascus. 

The date of the con quest of Kaisariyah. Those who 
claim that Mu'awiyah reduced Kaisariyah in the days of his 
brother believe that it was not reduced before the end of the 
year 18; but those who claim that it was reduced while he 
was governor of Syria believe that it was reduced in the 
year 19. Of the two views, the latter is the tenable one. 
According to still other reports, the city was reduced in 
the early part of the year 20. 

'Askaldn reduced. *Umar ibn-al-Khattab wrote to 
Mu'awiyah instructing him to follow up the conquest of 
what was left in Palestine. Accordingly, Mu'awiyah con- 
quered *Askalan [Ascalon] which capitulated after some 
resistance. According to others, however, it was *Amr ibn- 
al-*Asi who first conquered the city. Later, its inhabitants 
violated the covenant and were reinforced by the Greeks. 
It was then that Mu'awiyah reduced it, settled garrisons of 
cavalry in it and put it in charge of a guard. 143 

'Ahd-al-Malik makes repairs in 'Askaldn, Kaisariyah and 
other places. Bakr ibn-al-Haitham from certain sheikhs 
of 'Askalan : — The Greeks destroyed 'Askalan and expelled 
its inhabitants in the days of ibn-az-Zubair. When 'Abd- 
al-Malik ibn-Marwan became ruler, he rebuilt the city and 
fortified it, and made repairs in Kaisariyah, too. 

Muhammad ibn-Musaffa from abu-Sulaiman ar-Ramli's 


father : — In the days of ibn-az-Zubair the Greeks went out 
against Kaisariyah and devastated it and razed its mosque 
to the ground. When 'Abd-al-MaHk ibn-Marwan was 
settled in his rule, he made repairs in Kaisariyah, restored 
its mosque and left a garrison in it. Moreover, he built 
Tyre and outer Acre which had shared the same fate as 

Sulaimdn ihn-Ahd-al-Malik builds ar-Ramlah. The 
following tradition was communicated to me by certain men 
well versed in the conditions of Syria: — Al-Walid ibn- 
*Abd-al-Malik made Sulaiman ibn-'Abd-al-Malik governor 
of the province of Palestine. Sulaiman took up his abode 
in Ludd and then founded the city of ar-Ramlah and 
fortified it.^ The first thing he built in it was his palace 
and the house known as Dar as-Sabbaghin [the house of 
the dyers] in the middle of which he made a cistern. He 
then planned the mosque and began its construction, but he 
became caliph before its completion. After becoming 
caliph, he continued its construction which was completed 
by 'Umar ibn-'Abd-al-*Aziz who reduced the original plan, 
saying, " The inhabitants of ar-Ramlah should be satisfied 
with the size thereof to which I have reduced it." 

After having erected a house for himself, Sulaiman per- 
mitted the people to build their houses, which they did. 
He dug for the inhabitants of ar-Ramlah their canal which 
is called Baradah, and he dug also wells. The one he 
appointed to oversee the expenses of his palace in ar-Ramlah 
and of the cathedral mosque ^ was one of his clerks, a 
certain Christian of Ludd named al-Batrik ibn-an-Naka.^ 

* Ar. massara — " to make a city a boundary line between two things ;" 
see an-Nihdyah ; Le Strange, p. 303, translates : " made it his capital." 
' Mukaddasi, p. 164. 
» " Ibn-Baka " in Hamadhani, Buldan, p. 102. 



Before Sulaiman there was no such city as ar-Ramlah, and 
its site was sand [Ar. rami]. 

The Dar as-Sabbaghin passed to the hands of the heirs of 
SaHh ibn-'AH ibn-'Abdallah ibn-al-Abbas, because it was 
confiscated with the possessions of the banu-Umaiyah. 

The expenses of the wells and canal of ar-Ramlah, after 
the time of Sulaiman ibn-'Abd-al-Malik, were met by the 
banu-Umaiyah. But when the banu-1-Abbas assumed the 
caliphate, they paid the expenses. The order for these ex- 144 
penses was issued yearly by every caliph ; but when al-Mu'- 
tasim became caliph, he gave a permanent decree for these 
expenses, thereby doing away with the necessity of issuing 
an order every time by the caliph. It became thereafter a 
.current expense which the ^dmils paid and kept an ac- 
count of. 

" Reduction " and " restoration " in the khardj. There 
are in Palestine special places containing documents from 
the caliphs, set aside from the records of the khardj of the 
common people and containing a statement of the " reduc- 
tion " and " restoration ", the explanation of which is the 
following: — Certain estates having been abandoned in the 
caHphate of ar-Rashid and deserted by their occupants, 
ar-Rashid sent Harthamah ibn-A'yan to cultivate them. 
Harthamah asked some of their old tenants and farmers to 
go back to them with the understanding that he would 
reduce their khardj and would deal with them more leniently. 
Those who went back are those to whom the *' reductions " 
were made. Others came after that and their old lands were 
restored to them. These are the ones to whom the " re- 
storations " were made. 

Fiefs in 'Askaldn. The following tradition was related 
to me by Bakr ibn-al-Haitham : — *' I met a man of the 
Arabs in *Askalan who said that his grandfather was one 
of those settled in 'Askalan by *Abd-al-Malik and was given 


a fief in it as one of the garrison of cavalry to whom fiefs 
were assigned. He also showed me a piece of land, saying, 
This is one of the fiefs given by 'Uthman ibn-'Affan'. I 
heard Muhammad ibn-Yusuf al-Faryabi ^ say : — * Here in 
'Askalan are fiefs which were given out by the orders of 
*Umar and 'Uthman, and it matters not who takes possession 
of them/ " 

^ " Firyabi" in Tabari, vol. iii, p. 2557. 


The Province of Kinnasrin and the cities called 


Kinnasrin capitulates. Abu-'Ubaidah ibn-al-Jarrah, 
after being through with al-Yarmiak, went to the province 
of Hims and passed from one place to the other examining 
it.^ Then he went to Kinnasrin [Chalcis] with KhaUd 
ibn-al-Walid commanding the van of his army.^ The in- 
habitants of the city of Kinnasrin resisted at first, then they 
sought refuge in their stronghold and asked to capitulate. 
Abu-'Ubaidah made terms with them similar to those of 
Hims. Thus the Moslems effected the conquest of the land 
of Kinnasrin with its villages. The Hadir ^ Kinnasrin 
had been settled by the Taniikh tribe since they came to 
Syria and pitched their tents in it. They later built their 145 
houses in it. These, abu-*Ubaidah summoned to Islam. 
Some of them accepted it, but the banu-Salih ibn-Hulwan 
ibn-'Imran ibn-al-Hafi ibn-Kuda'ah remained Christian.* 

Certain sons of Yazid ibn-Hunain at-Ta'i-1-Antaki from 
their sheikhs: — A group of men from this Hadir Kin- 
nasrin embraced Islam in the caliphate of al-Mahdi who 
inscribed on their hands in green color the word " Kin- 

* Ar. istakrdha, Caetani, vol. iii, p. 790, translates : " rinovo con gU 
abitanti il primitive trattato." 

2 Tabari, vol. i, p. 2393. 

' " A place where people alight and take up their abode by a constant 
source of water," T. 'A. Cf. Wakidi, Futuh, vol. ii, pp. 35-39- 

* Cf. Yakut, vol. iv, p. 184. 



Kinnasrin violate s the covenant. Thence abu-*Ubaidah 
departed bent upon Aleppo [Halab], but hearing that the 
people of Kinnasrin had violated the covenant and proved 
perfidious, he directed against them as-Simt ibn-al-Aswad 
al-Kindi who reduced the city after besieging them. 

Hisham ibn-'Ammar ad-Dimashki from 'Abd-ar-Rahman 
ibn-Ghanm : — " We kept our post against Kinnasrin with 
as-Simt (or, perhaps he said Shurahbil ibn-as-Simt) as our 
leader. When he reduced the city, he carried off cows and 
sheep as booty. One part of the booty he distributed among 
us and the remaining part was treated according to the laws 
governing the spoils [Ar. maghnam ^]." 

The Hddir Taiyi'. The Hadir Taiyi' ^ was of old 
origin. It dates back to the disastrous war termed Harb 
al-Fasad ^ which tore up the tribe of Taiyi' some of whom 
then came and established themselves on the two mountains 
\_al-Jahalain, i. e., Aja and Salma]. Under these circum- 
stances a large body of the Taiyi' were dispersed over the 
country and some came and settled [near Kinnasrin]. 
When abu-*Ubaidah came to them, some became Moslems 
and many made terms agreeing to pay poll-tax, a little after 
which they all accepted Islam with the exception of a few. 

The Hadir of Aleppo. Close by the city of Aleppo stood 
a settlement called the Hadir Halab in which different 
Arab tribes including Tanukh lived. Abu-'Ubaidah made 
terms with them in which they agreed to pay poll-tax. Later 
they embraced Islam and lived with their descendants in the 
same place until a little after the death of ar-Rashid. The 
inhabitants of this Hadir once fought against the people of 

* Mawardi, p. 240 seq. 

' Mushtarik, p. 118. 

' In which many atrocities were committed by both parties. See " An- 
notations on al-Kamiis," by Muhammad ibn-at-Taiyib al-Fasi. 



the city of Aleppo and tried to drive them out of their city. 
The Hashim tribe of the people of Aleppo wrote to all the 
Arab tribes of the vicinity asking for help. The first to 
come to their support and aid was al-* Abbas ibn-Zufar 
ibn-'Asim al-Hilali (according to his maternal pedigree, be- 
cause umm-'Abdallah ibn-al-'Abbas was Lubabah, daughter 146 
of al-Harith ibn-Hazn ibn-Bujair ibn-al-Huzam of the 
Hilal tribe). The people of that Hadir could not resist 
this al-' Abbas and his men. They were therefore expelled 
from their Hadir, and that at the time of the insurrection 
of Muhammad ibn-ar-Rashid ; and their Hadir was de- 
stroyed. They moved to Kinnasrin whose people met them 
with food and clothing. No sooner had they entered the 
city, than they attempted to subjugate it and were there- 
fore driven out. Thus they were dispersed over the land, 
some settling in Takrit (whom I myself have seen) and 
others in Armenia and various other regions. 

Al-Ahhds ibn-Zufar in Aleppo. I was told by al-Muta- 
wakkil that he heard a sheikh of the banu-Salih ibn-*Ali ibn- 
'Abdallah ibn-' Abbas say to al-Mu*tasim, in the year in 
which the latter invaded * Ammuriyah \^ that when al- 
*Abbas ibn-Zufar al-Hilali arrived in Aleppo for the support 
of the Hashimites, some of their women called him saying, 
" Our hope, uncle, is in Allah and in thee !" To this al- 
*Abbas answered, " There is no danger, if it be the will of 
Allah ; may Allah disappoint me, if I should disappoint you !" 

Hiydr bani-l-Kaka. Hiyar bani-1-Ka'ka* was a well- 
known town in pre-Islamic time. In it was the stopping 
place of al-Mundhir ibn-Ma' as-Sama' al-Lakhmi, the king 
of al-Hirah. It was also settled by the banu-l-Ka*ka' ibn- 
Khulaid . . . ibn-Baghid, who chose it for their abode and 
after whom it was thus called. 

^ Mushtarik, p. 317; Yakut, vol. Hi, p. 730. 


*Abd-al-Malik ibn-Marwan had given to al-Ka'ka' a part 
of this Hiyar as fief, and to al-Ka'ka's uncle, al-* Abbas 
ibn-Jaz' ibn-al-Harith other fiefs which he exempted from 
the khardj ^ and assessed it on al-Yaman. They were 
also exempt after he died. All or most of them were 
waste land. The daughter of this al-'Abbas, Walladah, 
lived with 'Abd-al-Malik and brought forth al-Walid and 

Ahu-Uhaidah reduces Aleppo. Abu-'Ubaidah set out for 
Aleppo sending before him 'lyad ibn-Ghanm al-Fihri. 
(The name of the latter's father was 'Abd-Ghanm; but 
when *Iyad accepted Islam, he hated to be called 'Abd- 
Ghanm,^ so he said, "I am 'lyad ibn-Ghanm"). Abu- 
*Ubaidah, finding the people in a fortified position, camped 
around the city; but no sooner had he done so, than they 
sought to capitulate and make terms regarding the safety 
of their lives, their possessions, city wall, churches, homes 
and the fort. All this was granted them with the ex- 
ception of a site for the mosque. The one to make the 
terms was 'lyad ; and abu-'Ubaidah sanctioned them. 

Some reporters claim that they capitulated, agreeing to 
share with the Moslems half of their homes and churches 
provided their lives be spared. Others assert that abu- 
'Ubaidah found nobody in Aleppo, its inhabitants having 
moved to Antioch. From there they agreed in writing with 
abu-'Ubaidah on the terms of peace. When the terms 
were concluded, they returned to Aleppo. 

Antioch reduced by ahu-Uhaidah. Abu-'Ubaidah set 
out from Aleppo for Antioch [Antakiyah] in which a large 
body of men from the province of Kinnasrin had fortified 
themselves. On his arrival at Mahrubah, which lay about 

* Ar. aughara. See Zaidan, vol. ii, p. 133. 
' One of the pre-Islamic gods. 


two parasangs from Antioch, the troops of the enemy met 
him ; and he dispersed them and forced them to seek refuge 
in the city. Abu-'Ubaidah invested the city at all its gates, 
most of the army being at the Bab Paris and Bab al-Bahr 
[sea gate]. At last they capitulated, agreeing to pay poll- 
tax or evacuate the place. Some of them did leave; but 
others remained, and to the latter abu-'Ubaidah guaran- 
teed safety, assessing one dinar and one jarih [of 
wheat] on every adult. Later, they violated the con- 
tract, which made abu-*Ubaidah send against them 'lyad 
ibn-Ghanm and Habib ibn-Maslamah, who reduced the city 
and made terms identical with the previous ones. Some 
say, however, that they violated the contract after abu- 
*Ubaidah's return to Palestine. So he sent from Jerusalem 
*Amr ibn-al-'Asi who reduced it and returned to Jerusalem 
whose people, after a short time, sought to capitulate and 
make peace. 

A garrison station ed in Antioch. Muhammad ibn-Sahm 
al-Antaki from certain sheikhs of the frontier cities: — 
Antioch was highly esteemed by *Umar and 'Uthman. 
When it was therefore reduced, *Umar wrote to abu- 
'Ubaidah saying, " Station in Antioch Moslems of strong 
determination and good management. Let them be its garri- 
son, and never stop their allowances." When he made 
Mu^awiyah governor, 'Umar wrote to him something to that 148 
effect. Later 'Uthman instructed Mu'awiyah to station in 
it troops that would never leave and to assign them fiefs, 
which Mu'awiyah did. The following was said by abu- 
Sahm, " As a child, while I was standing on the bridge of 
Antioch spanning the Orontes [Ar. al-Urunt] I heard an 
aged man of Antioch say, * This piece of land is a fief from 
'Uthman to certain men that were in the army sent by abu- 
*Ubaidah. It was allotted them in the time in which Mu'a- 
wiyah was, according to 'Uthman's assignment, the gover- 
nor of Syria.' " 


Muslim ibn-Ahdalldh loses his life. Mu'awiyah ibn-abi- 
Sufyan transplanted to Antioch in the year 42 some Per- 
sians and others from Ba'labakk, Hims, al-Basrah and al- 
Kufah.^ One of those transplanted was Muslim ibn- 
'Abdallah, the grandfather of 'Abdallah ibn-Habib ibn- 
an-Nu^man ibn-Muslim al-Antaki. This Muslim was killed 
at one of the gates of Antioch which is known to-day as 
Bab Muslim. His death was brought about when the 
Greeks started from the coast and set up their camp against 
Antioch and one of the '' uncircumcised " threw a stone on 
Muslim, who was then on the city wall, and killed him. 

Seleucia given as fief. According to a tradition communi- 
cated to me by certain sheikhs from Antioch, among whom 
was ibn-Burd al-Fakih, al-Walid ibn-'Abd-al-Malik gave 
as fief to some of the troops of Antioch the land of 
Seleucia [Ar. Salukiyah] lying at the sea-coast. Moreover, 
he fixed the tax on a iilthur (i. e., jarih) one dinar and one 
modius ^ of wheat. They cultivated the land ; and the terms 
were carried into effect. He also built the fort of Seleucia. 

Baghrds. The land of Baghras [Pagrae] belonged to 
Maslamah ibn-'Abd-al-Malik who gave it as an unalienable 
legacy ^ to be used in the cause of righteousness. The same 
man owned *Ain as-Sallaur with its lake and al-Iskandariyah 
[Alexandria] which latter passed as fief into the hands of 
Raja', a freedman of al-Mahdi, to be inherited by his 
[al-Mahdi] sons Mansur and Ibrahim, later to Ibrahim ibn- 
Sa'id al-Jauhari, then by purchase to Ahmad ibn-abi-Duwad 
al-Iyadi, and lastly to al-Mutawakkil, " the Commander of 
the Believers." 

1 " Misran " used for the last two localities. 

2De Goeje, gloss, to Biblio. Geog. Arab., vol. iv, pp. 352-353; C. H. 
Becker, Papyri Schott-Reinhardt, vol. i, p. 31. 

* Ar. wakf. 


Maslamah gives -fiefs to RdbVah. According to a tradi- 
tion communicated to me by ibn-Burd al-Antaki and others, 
certain men of the Rabi'ah tribe were assigned fiefs by 
Maslamah ibn-'Abd-al-MaHk, which were later confiscated, 
passed to al-Ma'mun and put in charge of Salih al-Khazin, 
the proprietor of the " Dar [-Salih]" in Antioch. 

Abu-Uhaidah reduces Ma'arrat Misrm and other places. 
Abu-'Ubaidah, hearing that a large body of Greeks were 149 
assembled between Ma'arrat Misrin ^ and Aleppo, met them 
and killed many patricians, dispersing the whole army and 
carrying away captives and booty. Thus he effected the 
conquest of Ma'arrat Misrin and made terms similar to 
the terms of Aleppo. His cavalry roamed about until they 
got to Biika and reduced the villages of al-Jumah, Sarmin,^ 
Martahwan^ and Tizin.* The occupants of the convents 
of Tabaya ^ and al-Fasilah capitulated, agreeing to entertain 
whomever of the Moslems passed by them. The Khu- 
nasirah Christians, too, came to abu-'Ubaidah and made 
terms. Thus did all the land of Kinnasrin and Antioch 
fall into the hands of abu-'Ubaidah. I learnt from al- 
* Abbas ibn-Hisham on the authority of his father that the 
Khunasirah were thus called after one, Khunasir ibn-*Amr 
ibn-al-Harith al-Kalbi — later al-Kinani — who was their 

Butnan Habib was so called after Habib ibn-Maslamah-1- 
Fihri who was sent from Aleppo either by abu-*Ubaidah or 
lyad ibn-Ghanm to Butnan, where he reduced a fort that 
later bore his name. 

1 Known also as Ma'arrat Kinnasrin and Ma'arrat Nasrin. Yakut, vol. 
iv, p. 574. 

2 Ihid., vol. iii, p. 83. . 
" Lammens, MFO, vol. i, p. 242 ; Yakut, vol. iv, p. 487. 

* or Tuzin. Yakut, vol. i, p. 907. 
*? No diacritical points. 



The treaty with Kurus. Abu-'Ubaidah set out bent upon 
Kurus ^ [Cyrrhus], sending at the head of the vanguard 
*Iyad. The latter was met by one of the monks of Kurus, 
who asked to capitulate on behalf of its people. 'lyad sent 
the monk to abu-'Ubaidah, who was now between Jabrin ^ 
and Tall A'zaz.^ Abu-'Ubaidah accepted the capitulation 
and proceeded to Kurus where he signed a covenant with its 
people, granting them the same rights granted to the people 
of Antioch. To the monk, he wrote a special statement re- 
garding a village that he owned called Sharkina/ He then 
distributed his cavalry and subdued all the province of 
Kiarus to the end of the frontier of Nikabulus (Nicepholis). 

Kurus a frontier garrison for Antioch. Kiirus was for 
Antioch the seat of a garrison that kept watch on the 
enemy. To it came every year a detachment ^ from the 
Antioch army to act as garrison. Later, one of the four 
divisions into which the army of Antioch was divided ® was 
moved to it; and the periodical detachments were no more 
sent there. 

Salman fort. Salman ibn-Rabi'ah-1-Bahili was in the 
army of abu-*Ubaidah, together with abu-Umamah as-Sudai 
ibn-'Ajlan, a Companion of the Prophet. This Salman 
occupied a fort in Kurus which was called after him Hisn 
[fort] Salman. He then returned from Syria, together 
with others, to reinforce Sa'd ibn-abi-Wakkas in al-Trak. 
According to others, Salman ibn-Rabi'ah had led an invasion 

* Ya'kubi, Bulddn, p. 363 ; iRustah, p. 107. 

* Jibrin or Jibrin Kurastaya. Yakut, vol. ii, p. 19. 

* or Tall *Azaz. Yakut, vol. iii, p. 667. 

*The word is uncertain, cf. " Sorqanie, Surkanya" in Lammens, 
'• Villages Yezidis/ • MFO, vol. ii, p." 382. 

* Ar. fall' ah, 1,500-2,000 men who came in spring and returned in 

* Zaidan, vol. i, p. 120. 


against the Greeks after the conquest of al-*Irak and be- 
fore he started for Armenia. On setting out from the dis- 
trict of Mar'ash, he encamped near this fort and it was called 
after him. This Salman together with Ziyad ^ were among 
the Slavs whom Marwan ibn-Muhammad stationed in the 
frontier fortresses.^ I heard someone say that this Salman 
was a Slav and that the fort was named after him. 

Manbij, Duluk and Ra'bdn make terms. Abu-*Ubaidah 
advanced to Halab as-Sajur ^ and sent before him 'lyad to 
Manbij [HierapoHs]. When abu-'Ubaidah came up to 
'lyad, he found that the people of Manbij had capitulated 
on terms similar to those of Antioch. Abu-*Ubaidah 
carried the terms into effect and sent 'lyad ibn-Ghanm to 
the region of Duluk and Ra'ban, whose inhabitants capitu- 
lated on terms similar to those of Manbij. One condition 
imposed on them was that they search for news regarding 
the Greeks and forward it in writing to the Moslems. To 
every district abu-*Ubaidah conquered, he assigned a 'dmil 
and sent with him some Moslems. But in the dangerous 
places he posted garrisons. 

Balis and Kdsirtn captured. Abu-*Ubaidah proceeded 
until he got to 'Arajin.* The van of the army he sent to 
Balis [Barbalissus] ; and to Kasirin he sent an army under 
Habib ibn-Maslamah. Balis and Kasirin ^ belonged to two 
brothers of the Greek nobility to whom were given as fiefs 
the adjacent villages and who were made guardians of the 
Greek towns of Syria that lay between Balis and Kasirin. 
When the Moslem armies reached these towns, their inhabi- 

* The one after whom l^isn Ziyad was named ; Yakut, vol. ii, p. 276. 
'Ar thughur; Zaidan, vol. i, pp. 153-iSS- 

» Yakut, vol. i, p. 315 ; Mushtarik, p. 142. 

■* Sometimes 'Arshin ; Lammens, MFO, vol. i, p. 240, note 3. 

* Yakut, vol. iv, p. 16. 



tants capitulated, agreeing to pay poll-tax or evacuate the 
places. Most of them left for the Byzantine Empire, 
Mesopotamia and the village of Jisr Manbij [or Kal'at 
an-Najm]. At this time there was no bridge [Ar. jisr']. 
It was first put up for the summer expeditions in the days 
of 'Uthman ibn-'Affan. Others claim that it is of ancient 

Abu-'Ubaidah stationed in Balis a body of fighting men 
and settled in the city some Arabs, who were in Syria and 
who, after the advent of the Moslems to Syria, had accepted 
Islam, together with others who were not among the forces 
sent to the frontiers, but who had emigrated from the deserts 
and belonged to the Kais tribe. In Kasirin, he settled 
others who, either themselves or their descendants, refused 
to stay in it. Abu-'Ubaidah reached as far as the Euphrates 
and then returned to Palestine. 

Maslamah canal. Balis and the villages attached to it on 
its upper, middle, and lower extremities were tithe-lands 
watered only by rain. When Maslamah ibn-'Abd-al-Malik 
ibn-Marwan led an expedition against the Greeks from the 
side of the Mesopotamian frontier fortresses, he camped 
at Balis whose inhabitants, together with those of Buwailis, 
Kasirin, *Abidin, and Siffin (which were villages attached 
to Balis) came to him, together with the inhabitants of the 
upper extremity, and they all asked him to dig for them a 
canal from the Euphrates to irrigate their land, agreeing to 
offer him one-third of the produce of the land, after taking 
away the usual tithe for the government.^ Maslamah con- 
sented and dug the canal called Nahr Maslamah; and the 
people lived up to their promise. Moreover, Maslamah re- 
paired and strengthened the city wall. According to others, 
Maslamah himself started the idea and proposed the terms. 

^ Ar. Sultan. 


Balis and its villages as fief. At the death of Maslamah, 
BaHs with its villages passed into the hands of his heirs, who 
held them until the appearance of the " blessed dynasty " 
[Abbasid], at which time 'Abdallah ibn-'Ali confiscated the 
possessions of the banu-Umaiyah, including Balis and its 
villages. Abu-l-'Abbas the '* Commander of the Believers," 
assigned Balis and its villages as fief to Sulaiman ibn-'Ali 
ibn-'Abdallah ibn-al-'Abbas, from whom they passed to his 
son, Muhammad ibn-Sulaiman. Muhammad's brother, Ja*- 
far ibn-Sulaiman, repeatedly calumniated his brother to ar- 
Rashid, the "Commander of the Believers," stating that he 
used to spend many times the income of the possessions and 
[crown-] domains he held, for the purpose of attaining his 
ambition,^ and upon the slaves and other dependents he kept. 
He added that it was legal for the " Commander of the Be- 
lievers " to appropriate the money of his brother. These 
letters ar-Rashid ordered preserved. Now, when Muham- 
mad died, Ja^far's letters were brought out and used as an 
argument against him. Muhammad had no other brother 
from his father and mother than Ja'far. The latter ac- 
knowledged that they were his letters; and so the pos- 
sessions passed to ar-Rashid, who gave Balis and its villages 
as fief to al-Ma'mun, after whom they passed to his son. 

Mu'ddh advises against the division of the land. Hisham 
ibn-'Ammar from 'Abdallah ibn-Kais al-Hamdani : — When 
*Umar ibn-al-Khattab came to al-Jabiyah and wanted to 
divide the land among the Moslems, on the ground that it 
was taken by force, Mu*adh ibn-Jabal objected saying, 
" By Allah, if thou dividest the land, the result will cer- 
tainly be unfavorable. The great part will be in the hands 
of these people, who will pass away, and the whole will 152 
become the possession of one man. Others will come after 

1 The caliphate ; Athir, vol. vi, p. 82. 



them, who will bravely defend Islam, but find nothing left. 
Seek therefore some plan that suits those who come first 
as well as those who come last." 'Umar acted according 
to the suggestion of Mu'adh. 

The chief of Busra tells a lie regarding the tax. Al- 
Husain ibn-'Ali ibn-al-Aswad al-'Ijli from Salamah-1- 
Juhani's uncle : — The chief of Busra recounted that he had 
capitulated to the Moslems, agreeing to offer food, oil and 
vinegar. *Umar asked that a statement be written down to 
that effect ; but abu-'Ubaidah showed that the chief of Busra 
was telling an untruth and said, " The fact is that we made 
terms by which certain things should be sent to the winter 
quarters of the Moslems." Then 'Umar decreed that a poll- 
tax be assessed graded according to the various classes,^ 
and that khardj be imposed upon the land. 

'Umar fixes the tax. Al-Husain from Aslam, a f reed- 
man of 'Umar : — 'Umar wrote to the tax-collectors instruct- 
ing them to levy poll-tax only on those who were adult, 
and he fixed it at four dinars on those who possessed gold. 
He also assessed on them a subsistence tax by which each 
Moslem in Syria and Mesopotamia would receive two 
modii of wheat, and three kists of oil, and the right to 
be entertained as a guest for three days. 

The tithe-lands of Syria. Abu-Hafs ash-Shami from 
Makhiil ^ : — Every piece of " tithe-land " in Syria is one 
whose people had evacuated it, and which had been given as 
fief to the Moslems, who, by the permission of the govern- 
ors, cultivated it after it had lain as waste land claimed by 
no one. 

* De Goeje, Metnoire, p. rsa 
' IJajar, vol. iii, p. 935. 



The first conquest of Cyprus. According to al-Wakidi 
and others, the first expedition against Cyprus was led in 
sea by Mu'awiyah ibn-abi-Sufyan. This was the first time 
the Moslems sailed in the Mediterranean. Mu'awiyah had 
asked 'Umar's permission to lead a naval expedition, but 
*Umar refused.^ When 'Uthman ibn-'Affan became caliph, 
Mu^awiyah wrote again asking permission to invade Cyprus, 
informing him about its proximity and the ease of acquiring 
it. In answer to this, 'Uthman wrote, " I have seen the 
answer *Umar gave when thou madest the request from him 153 
to lead a sea-expedition." In the year 27, Mu^awiyah again 
wrote to 'Uthman, referring to the ease with which the sea 
could be crossed to Cyprus. 'Uthman wrote back this time 
saying, "If thou sailest with thy wife, we allow thee to do 
so; otherwise, not." Accordingly, Mu'awiyah embarked 
from Acre with a large number of ships, accompanied by 
his wife Fakhitah daughter of Karazah ^ ibn-'Abd-'Amr 
ibn-Naufal ibn-'Abd-Manaf ibn-Kusai. Likewise, 'Ubadah 
ibn-as-Samit took his wife umm-Haram of the Ansdr, 
daughter of Milhan. This took place in the year 28, after 
the cessation of the rainy season ; others say, in the year 29. 
When the Moslems arrived in Cyprus and landed on its 
shore (Cyprus being an island 80x80 parasangs), its 

* Tabari, vol. i, pp. 2820-2821. 
2 Duraid, p. 55. 



Archon [Urkun] demanded to make terms of capitulation, 
which was considered unavoidable by the people. 
Mu'awiyah made terms with them on 7,200 dinars to be 
paid annually by them. Similar terms had been made with 
them by the Greeks. Thus the people of Cyprus pay two 
tributes. It was made a condition that the Moslems would 
not prevent them from paying the tribute to the Greeks; 
on the other hand the Moslems made it a condition that 
they would not fight ^ those who may come after them to 
subjugate the Cyprians, and that the Cyprians would keep 
the Moslems informed regarding the movement of their 
enemy — the Greeks. Thus when the Moslems used to un- 
dertake an expedition by sea, they did not molest the 
Cyprians. They were not supported by the Cyprians; 
nor did the Cyprians support any one against them. 

The second invasion by Mu'dwiyah. In the year 32, how- 
ever, the Cyprians offered ships as an aid to the Greeks in 
an expedition in the sea. Consequently, Mu'awiyah in- 
vaded them in the year 33 with 500 ships. He took Cyprus 
by force, slaughtering and taking prisoners. He then con- 
firmed them in the terms that were previously made, and 
sent to the island 12,000 men of those whose names were 
recorded in the register [Ar. diwdn] ^ and erected mosques 
in it. Moreover, Mu'awiyah transplanted from Ba'labakk 
a group of men, and erected a city on the island, whose 
inhabitants were assigned special stipends until the death 
of Mu'awiyah. His son Yazid, who succeeded him, sent 
the troops back and ordered the city destroyed. 

According to other reports, the second invasion of Cyprus 
by Mu'awiyah was carried out in the year 35. 

Why Yazid withdrew the troops. Muhammad ibn- 
Musaffa-1-Himsi from al-Walid : — Yazid ibn-Mu'awiyah 

^ Athir, vol. iii, p. 74. 

* And therefore received stipends ; al-Mutarrizi, al-Mughrib, p. 187. 


was offered a large and considerable sum of money as 154 
bribe; and that was why he withdrew the troops from 
Cyprus, upon which the Cyprians destroyed their city and 

Umm-Hardm dies in Cyprus. Muhammad ibn-Sa*d 
from 'Abd-as-Salam ibn-Musa's father : — When Cyprus was 
invaded for the first time, umm-Haram, daughter of Milhan, 
sailed with her husband, 'Ubadah ibn-as-Samit. On their 
arrival in Cyprus, she disembarked and was offered a mule 
to ride upon. As she was riding, the mule stumbled; and 
she was killed. Her tomb in Cyprus is called " the Tomb 
of the Righteous Woman." ^ 

Some of those who took part in the campaign. Among 
those who joined the campaign with Mu'awiyah were the 
following: — Abu-Aiyiab Khalid ibn-Zaid ibn-Kulaib al- 
Ansari, abu-ad-Darda', abu-Dharr al-Ghifari, 'Ubadah ibn- 
as-Samit, Fadalah ibn-*Ubaid al-Ansari, 'Umair ibn-Sa'd 
ibn-*Ubaid al-Ansari, Wathilah ibn-al-Aska' al-Kinani, 
*Abdallah ibn-Bishr al-Mazini, Shaddad ibn-Aus ibn-Thabit 
(a nephew of Hassan ibn-Thabit), al-Mikdad, Ka'b al- 
Habr ibn-Mati* ^ and Jubair ibn-Nufair al-Hadrami. 

Mu'dwiyah makes permanent peace. Hisham ibn- 
*Ammar ad-Dimashki from Saf wan ibn-'Amr : — Mu'awiyah 
ibn-abi-Sufyan personally carried out the invasion of Cyprus 
and was accompanied by his wife. Its conquest, effected 
by Allah, was complete; and the booty he brought to the 
Moslems was great. The raids of the Moslems were re- 
peated until Mu'awiyah in his caliphate concluded permanent 
terms with the Cyprians to the effect that they pay 7,000 
dinars and give advice and warnings to the Moslems re- 
garding their enemy, the Greeks. This or something like 
it was agreed upon. 

» /i?y45, 1897, pp. 81-101.  

' Nawawi, p. 523 ; ibn-Kutaibah, Kitab al-Ma'drif, p. 219. 


The Cyprians expelled and returned. Al-Walid ibn- 
Yazid ibn-'Abd-al-Malik expelled many of the Cyprians to 
Syria, because of a charge of suspicion brought against 
them. When the Moslems disapproved of the act, Yazid 
ibn-al-Walid ibn-'Abd-al-Malik returned them to their home. 
In the caliphate of ar-Rashid, an invasion was led against 
them by Humaid ibn-Ma*yuf al-Hamdani because of a re- 
bellion they had started; and many were carried off as 
prisoners. Later they behaved properly towards the Mos- 
lems; and, by ar-Rashid's orders, their prisoners were re- 

The tax increased. Muhammad ibn-Sa*d from al- 
Wakidi : — The terms between Mu'awiyah and the Cyprians 
were kept in force until the time of 'Abd-al-Malik ibn- 
Marwan who added 1,000 dinars to their tax. That was the 
case until the caliphate of *Umar ibn-*Abd-al-*Aziz who 
cancelled the addition. When Hisham ibn-'Abd-al-Malik, 
however, came to power, he restored it ; and it was kept until 
the caliphate of abu-Ja'far al-Mansur, who expressed him- 
self as follows : " We shall, above everyone else, do justice 
to them, and not enrich ourselves by oppressing them.'* 
Accordingly, he restored the terms made by Mu'awiyah. 

'Abd-al-Malik wants to annul the treaty. The following 
was communicated to me by certain Syrian scholars and 
abu-'Ubaid al-Kasim ibn-Sallam : — During the governorship 
of ^Abd-al-Malik ibn-Salih ibn-'Ali ibn-^Abdallah ibn-'Abbas 
over the frontier cities [Ar. thughur], the Cyprians started 
a rebellion ; and he, therefore, desired to break the covenant 
made with them. The canonists were numerous, among 
whom were the following whose opinions he sought: al- 
Laith ibn-Sa'd, Malik ibn-Anas, Sufyan ibn-'Uyainah, 
Musa ibn-A'yan, Isma'il ibn-*Aiyash, Yahya ibn-Hamzah, 
abu-Ishak al-Fazari, and Makhlad ibn-al-Husain. They all 
answered him. 


The opinion of al-Laith. The following is a quotation 
from the letter of al-Laith ibn-Sa^d : " The Cyprians are 
being constantly charged by us with infidelity to Moslems 
and loyalty to Allah's enemies, the Greeks. Allah himself 
has said : ^ * Or if thou fear treachery from any people, cast 
off their treaty in like manner.' He did not say, 'cast not off 
their treaty until thou art sure of their treachery.' I, there- 
fore, consider it best that thou castest off their treaty and 
givest them a respite of one year for enforcing the law. 
Those of them who desire to go and settle in a Moslem 
land and become dhimmis, paying the khardj, may do so; 
those who desire to emigrate to the land of the Greeks may 
do so ; and those who desire to remain in Cyprus, with the 
understanding they are hostile, may do so and be considered 
an enemy to be fought and attacked. To give them a re- 
spite of one year would be enough to refute any protest 
they may make, and to prove our loyalty to the covenant." 

The opinion of Malik. The following statement was 
written by Malik ibn-Anas : — " Our peace with the Cyprians 
is of old standing and carefully observed [ ? Ar. mutasdhar'] 
by the governors placed over them, because they considered 
the terms a humiliation and belittlement to the Cyprians, 
and a source of strength to the Moslems, in view of the 
tax paid to them and the chance they had of attacking their 
enemy. Yet I know of no governor who broke their terms 
or expelled them from their city. I, therefore, consider it 
best to hesitate in breaking their covenant and casting off 
their treaty until the evidence [of disloyalty] is well estab- 
lished against them, for Allah says : ^ ' Observe, therefore, 
the engagement with them through the whole time of 
their treaty.' If, after that, they do not behave properly and 156 
abandon their deceit, and thou art convinced of their perfidy, 

^Kor., 8:60. 'Kor., 9:4. 



then thou mayest attack them. In that case, the attack 
would be justified and would be crowned with success ; and 
they would suffer humiliation and disgrace, by Allah's will." 

The opinion of Sufydn ihn-Uyainah. This is what 
Sufyan ibn-'Uyainah wrote : '' We know of no one who 
made a covenant with the Prophet and violated it, without 
having the Prophet consider it legal to put him to death, 
except the people of Makkah. Their case was a favor on 
the part of the Prophet. Their violation consisted in ren- 
dering aid to their allies against the Khuza'ah, the Prophet's 
allies. One of the terms stipulated against the people of 
Najran was not to practise usury; but when they did prac- 
tise it, *Umar decreed that they be expelled. Thus by ' the 
consensus of opinion ' [Ar. ijmdf], he who violates a cove- 
nant forfeits the right of being entitled to security." 

The opinion of Musa ibn-A'yan. Musa ibn-A'yan 
wrote : — " Similar cases took place in the past, but in each 
case the governors would grant a period of respite ; and so 
far as I know, none of the early men ever broke a covenant 
with the Cyprians or any other people. It may be that 
the common people and the mass among the Cyprians had 
no hand in what their leaders did. I, therefore, consider 
it best to abide by the covenant and fulfil the conditions 
thereof, in spite of what they have done. I have heard 
al-Auza*i say regarding the case of some, who, after mak- 
ing terms with the Moslems, conveyed information about 
their secret things and pointed them out to the 'unbelievers' : 
* If they are dhimmis, they have thereby violated their cove- 
nant and forfeited their claim on security, making it right 
for the governor to kill or crucify them, if he so desires; 
but if they had been taken by capitulation and are not en- 
titled to the Moslem's security, then the governor would cast 
off their treaty, for Allah loveth not the machinations of the 
deceivers.' ^ " 

1 Cf. Kor., 12 : 52. 


Ismd'tl ibn-Aiydsh's opinion. The following is what 
Isma'il ibn-'Aiyash wrote : '' The people of Cyprus are humi- 
liated and oppressed and they are subjugated, together with 
their wives, by the Greeks. It is therefore proper for us to 
defend and protect them. In the covenant of the people of 
Taflis, Habib ibn-Maslamah wrote, ' In case something 
should arise to divert the attention of the Moslems from 
you and some enemy should subjugate you, that would not 
be a violation of your covenant, so long as ye keep loyal to 
the Moslems.' I, therefore, consider it best that they be left 
on their covenant and the security promised them, especially 
because when al-Walid ibn-Yazid expelled them to Syria, the 
Moslems considered the act outrageous, and the canonists 
disapproved of it ; so much so that when Yazid ibn-al-Walid 
ibn-*Abd-al-Malik came to power, he restored them to 
Cyprus, which act was approved of by the Moslems and 
considered just." 

Yahya ihn-HamzaKs opinion. The following was the 
statement issued by Yahya ibn-Hamzah : " The case of 
Cyprus is parallel to that of 'Arbassiis ^ in which it has a 157 
good example and a precedent to be followed. This is the 
case of 'Arbassus : *Umair ibn-Sa'd once came to 'Umar ibn- 
al-Khattab saying, ' There lies between us and the Greeks a 
city called 'Arbassiis, whose people disclose to our enemy 
our secrets, but do not disclose to us our enemy's.' *Umar 
replied, * When thou goest there, propose to give them for 
every ewe they possess two; for every cow, two; and for 
everything, two. If they consent, give that to them, expel 
them from the city and raze it to the ground. But if they 
refuse, then cast off their treaty to them and give them 
one year at the expiration of which thou mayest destroy the 
city.' ^Umair went to the city; and its people refused the 

^ Yakut, vol. iii, p. 633. 


offer. He, therefore, gave them one year at the expiration 
of which he destroyed it. The people of 'Arbassus had a 
covenant similar to that of the people of Cyprus. To leave 
the Cyprians on the terms made with them and to have the 
Moslems use in their own cause what they receive [as tax] 
from the Cyprians is preferable. All holders of covenant, 
for the sake of whom the Moslems are not supposed to fight 
and on whom the Moslem regulations are not binding, are 
not dhimmis but ' people of tribute ' ^ to be spared so long as 
they are worthy, to be treated according to the covenant so 
long as they abide by it and consent to it, and to be forgiven 
so long as they pay their dues. It is reported that Mu'adh 
ibn-Jabal always hated to have the enemy capitulate on defi- 
nite terms unless the Moslems were by the force of circum- 
stances compelled to make terms, because no one could tell 
whether such capitulation would be of value and strength 
for the Moslems." 

The opinion of abu-Ishdk and Makhlad. Abu-Ishak al- 
Fazari and Makhlad ibn-al-Husain wrote as follows : — 
" We can find nothing more similar to the case of Cyprus 
than the case of 'Arbassiis and the decision of 'Umar ibn- 
al-Khattab regarding it. 'Umar gave them two alterna- 
tives to choose from : a double fold of what they possessed 
and the evacuation of the city, or a respite of one year after 
casting off their treaty. Having rejected the former propo- 
sition, they were given one year at the end of which the 
city was destroyed. Al-Auza'i repeated a tradition to the 
effect that when Cyprus was conquered, the status quo of 
the people was kept, and terms were made on 14,000 dinars 
of which 7,000 should go to the Moslems and 7,000 to the 
Greeks ; and it was stipulated that the Cyprians should not 

1 Ar. ahl Myah, who are governed by their own laws and pay some- 
thing to be let alone. For Myah see at-Tahanawi, Kashf Istildhdt al- 
Funun, vol. ii, p. 11 57. 


disclose to the Greeks the condition of the Moslems/ Al- 
Auza'i used to say, * The Cyprians did not abide by the 
terms they made with us.' But we consider them as 
* people bound to us by covenant,' whose terms of peace 
involve rights to them and obligations on them, and the 158 
violation of which is legal only if they do some thing that 
shows their perfidy and treachery." 

1 Evidently there is a mistake in the text. The negative particle "la" 
is superfluous. 'i 

The Samaritans 

The terms made by abu-Uhaidah. Hisham ibn-'Ammar 
from Saf wan ibn-*Amr : — Abu-'Ubaidah ibn-al-Jarrah 
made terms with the Samaritans in the provinces of the 
Jordan and Palestine, who acted as spies and guides for the 
Moslems, stipulating that they pay tax on their persons but 
nothing on their lands. When Yazid ibn-Mu'awiyah, how- 
ever, assumed power he assessed khardj on their lands. 

The tax imposed by Yazid. I was informed by certain 
men well versed in the conditions of the Jordan and 
Palestine that Yazid ibn-Mu'awiyah assessed khardj on the 
lands of the Samaritans in the Jordan, and levied on every 
man two dinars as poll-tax. He also assessed khardj on 
their lands in Palestine and levied five dindrs on every man. 

Sects. The Samaritans are Jews and are divided into 
two classes, one is called ad-Dustan [Dositheans] and the 
other al-Kiishan.^ 

Their lands become crown-land. There was in Palestine 
in the early part of the caliphate of ar-Rashid a devastating 
plague which in some cases would attack all the members of 
a household. As a result, their land was rendered waste and 
useless. Ar-Rashid put it in charge of some who culti- 
vated it and [by gifts] attracted the farmers and tenants 
into it, thus making it crown domains. In these places the 

* Cf. Al-Makrizi, al-Khitat, vol. iv, p. 371 ; The Jewish Encyclopaedia, 
s. V. " Samaritans " ; J. A. Montgomery, History of the Samaritans, 
p. 253 seq.\ De Sacy. Chrestom., vol. i, pp. 305, 341-344. 


Samaritans lived. One of those villages called Bait- 
Mama, which lay in the district of Nabulus and whose in- 
habitants were Samaritans, made a complaint in the year 246 
to the effect that they were poor and unable to pay the 
five-^mar khardj, upon which al-Mutawakkil gave orders 
that it be reduced again to three. 

Mu'dwiyah spares the hostages. Hisham ibn-*Ammar 
from Saf wan ibn-' Amr and Sa'id ibn-' Abd-al-* Aziz : — 1 59 
The Greeks made peace with Mu'awiyah with the stipula- 
tion that he pa}^ them a certain sum of money. Mu'awiyah 
took hostages from them and held them in Ba'labakk. 
The Greeks proved perfidious to Mu'awiyah, but still the 
Moslems did not consider it legal to put the hostages in 
their hands to death; and so they set them free, saying, 
" Loyalty against perfidy is better than perfidy against per- 
fidy." According to Hisham, al-Auza'i, among other au- 
thorities, maintains the same view. 



The treaty with al-Jardjimah. I am informed by certain 
sheikhs from Antioch that al-Jarajimah ^ were the inhabi- 
tants of a town called al-Jurjumah ^ lying between Baiyas 
and Biaka on mount al-Lukam [Amanus] near Ma'din az- 
Zaj [vitriol pit] . While the Greeks held the authority over 
Syria and Antioch, the Jarajimah were under the rule of the 
patrician and governor of Antioch. When abu-*Ubaidah 
came and reduced Antioch, they confined themselves to their 
city and, in their anxiety to save their lives, they tried to 
go and join the Greeks. The Moslems took no note of them, 
nor did any one call their attention to them. When later 
the people of Antioch violated their covenant and acted 
treacherously, abu-'Ubaidah sent and conquered Antioch 
once more, after which he made Habib ibn-Maslamah-1- 
Fihri its governor. Habib attacked al-Jurjumah, whose 
people did not resist but immediately sought for peace and 
capitulation. Terms were made providing that al-Jarajimah 
would act as helpers to the Moslems, and as spies and 
frontier garrison in Mount al-Lukam. On the other hand 
it was stipulated that they pay no tax, and that they keep 
for themselves the booty ^ they take from the enemy in 
case they fight with the Moslems. In these terms were in- 

*Less correctly Jurajimah. They are identical with the Mardaites; 
Lammens, MFO, vol. i, p. 17. 

^Encyclopaedia of Islam, vol. i, s. v., " Djaradjima". 
' Ar. naH. See Mutarrizi, p. 80. 


eluded besides the Jarajimah all those who lived in their city, 
as well as the merchants, employees and dependents, whether 
Nabateans or not, together with the inhabitants of the 
villages. These were called " ar-Rawddif '' ^ because they 
were included in the terms with the Jarajimah though not 
of their number. Others say they were so called because 
they came riding behind al- Jarajimah when the latter pre- 
sented themselves in the Moslem camp. On certain occa- 
sions, al- Jarajimah acted properly with respect to the 
[Moslem] governors; but on others, they deviated from 
the right path and held friendly communications with the 160 

'Ahd-al-Malik agrees to pay them a certain sum. In the 
days of ibn-az-Zubair, when Marwan ibn-al-Hakam died 
and 'Abd-al-Malik, who was appointed by Marwan as heir- 
apparent, wished to succeed Marwan in the caliphate and 
was ready to leave for al-*Irak to fight against al-Mus'ab 
ibn-az-Zubair, certain Greek horsemen went forth to Mt. al- 
Lukam under a Greek leader and started for the Lebanon, 
after having been joined by a large body of al- Jarajimah, 
Nabateans, and runaway slaves once possessed by the Mos- 
lems. Under these conditions, 'Abd-al-Malik had to make 
terms with them, agreeing to pay 1,000 dinars per week. 
He also made terms with the Greek " tyrant," agreeing to 
pay him a sum of money, because 'Abd-al-Malik was too 
busy to fight against him, and because he feared that in case 
the " tyrant " came to Syria, he might overpower him. 
In this, he followed the precedent of Mu'awiyah who, being 
engaged in the fight in al-'Irak, agreed to pay something to 
them [the Greeks], and took hostages from them, whom 
he held in Ba'labakk. All this synchronized with the attempt 
made by 'Amr ibn-Sa*id ibn-al-*Asi to secure the caliphate 

* Followers, dependents. 


and his closing the gates of Damascus immediately after 
*Abd-al-Malik had left the city, which made 'Abd-al-Malik 
still more busy. This took place in the year 70. 

Suhaim slays the Greek general. After that, 'Abd-al- 
Malik sent to the Greek leader Suhaim ibn-al-Muhajir 
who, in disguise and through gentle behavior, succeeded in 
reaching him. Suhaim played the act of a friend and won 
the favor of the leader by censuring 'Abd-al-Malik, curs- 
ing him and dwelling on his weak points; so much so that 
the leader put full confidence in Suhaim and was wholly 
deceived. At the favorable moment, however, Suhaim fell 
upon him with a band of troops and freedmen of 'Abd-al- 
Malik, who had been previously prepared for the attack and 
stationed in a convenient place, and killed him together with 
the Greeks who were with him. Suhaim thereupon an- 
nounced publicly a promise of security to those who had 
joined the Greek leader. Accordingly, the Jarajimah were 
partly scattered among the villages of Hims and Damascus ; 
but the majority returned to their city on al-Lukam. In 
like manner, the Nabateans returned to their villages, and 
the slaves to their masters. 

Mainiun al-Jurjumdni. One of these slaves was Maimian 
al-Jurjumani, a Greek slave, who belonged to the banu-umm- 
al-Hakam (umm-al-Hakam being the sister of Mu'awiyah 
ibn-abi-Sufyan) who were of the tribe of Thakif. The 
slave was named after al- Jarajimah, because he mixed with 
them and rebelled with them in Mt. Lebanon. Hearing 
of his strength and valor, 'Abd-al-Malik asked his masters 
to set him free, which they did. He was then put by *Abd- 
al-Malik at the head of a regiment of troops and stationed 
at Antioch. With i ,000 men from Antioch, he and Masla- 
mah ibn-*Abd-al-Malik led an invasion to at-Tuwanah.^ 

* Yakut, vol. iii, p. 554- 



After fighting valiantly and standing gallantly, he fell a 
martyr. This so much grieved 'Abd-al-Malik that he sent 
a large army against the Greeks to avenge his death. 

Al-Walid makes terms with them. In the year 89, al- 
Jarajimah gathered themselves into their city and were 
joined by a host of Greeks from Alexandretta [Iskan- 
darunah] and Rusis.^ Consequently, al-Walid ibn-' Abd- 
al-Malik sent against them Maslamah ibn-'Abd-al-Malik, 
who fell upon them with a host of Moslems and reduced 
their city on the following terms : Al-Jarajimah may settle 
wherever they wished in Syria, each one of them receiving 
eight dinars, and each family receiving the fixed provisions 
of wheat and oil, i. e., two modii of wheat and two kists 
of oil; neither they nor any of their children or women 
should be compelled to leave Christianity ; they may put on 
Moslem dress; and no poll-tax may be assessed on them, 
their children or women. On the other hand, they should 
take part in the Moslem campaigns and be allowed to keep 
for themselves the booty from those whom they kill in a 
duel; and the same amount taken from the possession of 
the Moslems should be taken [as tax] from their articles of 
trade and from the possessions of the wealthy among them. 
Then Maslamah destroyed their city and settled them in Mt. 
al-Huwar, Sunh al-Luliin [ ?] and 'Amk Tizin. Some of 
them left for Hims. The patrician of al-Jurjumah accom- 
panied by a body of men, after taking up his abode in An- 
tioch fled to the Byzantine Empire. 

Al-Wdthik cancels the poll-tax. When a certain 'dmil 
held al-Jarajimah of Antioch responsible for poll-tax, they 
brought their case before al-Wathik-Billah at the time of 
his caliphate, and he ordered it cancelled. 

Al-Mutawakkil levies tax. I was informed by a writer 

1 Yakut, vol. ii, p. 840. 


in whom I have full confidence that al-Mutawakkil ordered 
that poll-tax be levied on these Jarajimah and that the regu- 
lar allowance for food be given them, because, among other 
things, they were of value in the frontier garrisons. 

Al- Jarajimah molest the summer expeditions. It is 
claimed by abu-1-Khattab al-Azdi that in the days of 'Abd- 
al-Malik, the people of al-Jurjtimah used to make razzias 
against the villages of Antioch and al-'Amk ; and whenever 
the summer expedition was carried out, al- Jarajimah would 
cut off those who lagged behind or followed, together with 
any whom they could cut off at the rear of the army. They 
went so far against the Moslems that, by 'Abd-al-Malik's 
orders, certain people from Antioch and some Nabateans 
were given stipends, placed as garrisons and set behind 
the armies of the summer expeditions in order to repel al- 
Jarajimah from the rear. Therefore those set behind the 
armies of the summer expedition were called rawddif, i. e., 
followers, and to every one of them eight dinars were as- 
signed. The former account is more authentic. 

Az-Zutt . Abu-Hafs ash-Shami from Makhul : — 
Mu'awiyah transplanted in the year 49 or 50 to the sea- 
coast some of the Zutt and Sayabijah ^ of al-Basrah, and 
made some of them settle in Antioch. According to abu- 
Hafs, there is in Antioch a quarter known by the name of 
az-Zutt. Some of their descendants are in Buka in the pro- 
vince of Antioch and are known by the name of az-Zutt. 

Some of the Zutt of as-Sind^ were carried by Muhammad 
ibn-al-Kasim to al-Hajjaj, who sent them to Syria, and were 
later transplanted by al-Walid ibn-'Abd-al-Malik to Antioch. 

Lebanon rebels. Muhammad ibn-Sa'd from al-Wakidi : — 

1 Kdmil, p. 41, line 3; p. 82, line 17; De Goeje, Mimoires sur les Mi- 
grations des Tsiganes, pp. 1-32, 86-91. 

2 IJaukal, p. 226. 


Some people in Lebanon rebelled, complaining of the col- 
lector of the khardj of Ba'labakk. This made Salih ibn- 
'Ali ibn-'Abdallah ibn-* Abbas send against them troops who 
destroyed their fighting power, and the rest were allowed to 
retain their [Christian] faith. Salih sent the latter back to 
their villages and expelled some of the natives of Lebanon. 
Al-Kasim ibn-Sallam related to me on the authority of Mu- 
hammad ibn-Kathir that Salih received a long communica- 
tion from al-Auza*i, of which the following extract has been 
preserved : " Thou hast heard of the expulsion of the dhim- 
mis from Mt. Lebanon, although they did not side with 
those who rebelled, and of whom many were killed by thee 
and the rest returned to their villages. How didst thou then 
punish the many for the fault of the few and make them 
leave their homes and possessions in spite of Allah's de- 
cree : ^ ' Nor shall any sinning one bear the burden of an- 
other,' which is the most rightful thing to abide by and fol- 
low ! The command worthy of the strictest observance and 
obedience is that of the Prophet who says, Tf one oppresses 
a man bound to us by covenant and charges him with more 
than he can do, I am the one to overcome him by argu- 
ments.' " ^ To this he added other citations. 

The frontier and littoral towns fortified. Muhammad 
ibn-Sahm al-Antaki from abu-Ishak al-Fazari : — The banu- 163 
Umaiyah used to direct their summer and winter campaigns 
against the Greeks beyond the frontier cities of Syria and 
Mesopotamia by means of Syrians and Mesopotamians, and 
they used to station the ships for the invasion and to post the 
guard on the coast, giving up or delaying the invasion at the 
time in which the enemy was strong and wide awake [ ?] . 
When abu-Ja*far al-Mansur began his rule, he examined the 

1 Kor., 6 : 164. 

2 As-Suyuti, Kanz al-Ummal, I, 270. 


forts and cities of the coast, peopled and fortified them, and 
rebuih those of them that were in need of being rebuilt. 
The same thing he did with the frontier cities. When al- 
Mahdi became caliph, he carried the work in the remaining 
cities and forts to completion and strengthened the garrisons. 
Mu'awiyah ibn-'Amr states, " What we saw of the efforts 
of Harun the ' Commander of the Believers ' in conducting 
invasions, and of his penetrating insight in carrying on the 
holy war was really great. The industries he established 
were not established heretofore. He distributed possessions 
in the frontier and coast cities. He brought distress on the 
Greeks and humiliated them." Caliph al-Mutawakkil or- 
dered in the year 247 that ships be stationed on all the sea- 
coast and that garrisons be posted on it. 

The Frontier Fortresses ^ of Syria 

Moslem razzias beyond the frontiers. I was informed 
by certain sheikhs from Antioch and by others that in the 
days of 'Umar and 'Uthman, and after their time, the 
frontier cities of Syria included Antioch and other cities 
called later al-'Awasim by ar-Rashid. The Moslems used 
to lead their raids beyond these cities as they now raid what 
is beyond Tarsus. Between Alexandretta and Tarsiis lay 
Greek forts and frontier garrisons, similar to those through 
which the Moslems now pass, and the inhabitants of which 
would sometimes, because of fear, leave them and flee to the 
Byzantine Empire, and sometimes, Byzantine fighters 
would be brought and stationed in them. It is said that 
when Heraclius left Antioch, he joined to himself the peo- 
ple of these towns, so that the Moslems might not be able to 
go between Antioch and the land of the Byzantines through 
a cultivated land. 

Ibn-Taibun ^ al-Baghrasi from certain sheikhs : — The lat- 
ter said, " What is known to us is that Heraclius moved the 164 
men from these forts, which he shattered. So, when the 
Moslems made their raids, they found them vacant. In 
certain cases the Greeks would make an ambush by these 
forts and take by surprise those of the army who were held 
back or cut off. Thus the leaders of the summer and win- 
ter campaigns, on entering the Greek land, would leave 
heavy troops in these forts until their return." 

* Ar. thughur ; see Istakhri, pp. 55-56. 
' ? Lacking in diacritical points. 



The first to pass through ad-Darb. Regarding the first 
one to cross ad-Darb/ i, e., Darb Baghras ^ there is a dis- 
agreement. Some assert that the first was Maisarah ibn- 
Masruk al-'Absi who was despatched by abu-*Ubaidah ibn- 
al-Jarrah and who met a host of Greeks accompanied by the 
" naturalized " [musta'ribah] Arabs of the Ghassan, Ta- 
niakh and lyad, trying to follow HeracHus [in Asia Minor]. 
Maisarah fell upon them and wrought a bloody massacre 
among them. He was later joined by Malik al-Ashtar an- 
Nakha'i sent as a reinforcement by abu-'Ubaidah from An- 

According to others, the first to cross ad-Darb was 
'Umar ibn-Sa'd al-Ansari, when he was sent in connection 
with the case of Jabalah ibn-al-Aiham. 

According to abu-1-Khattab al-Azdi, abu-'Ubaidah him- 
self led the summer expedition passing through al-Massi- 
sah and then through Tarsus whose people, together with 
those of the fortified cities lying beyond, had evacuated 
their places. Thus abu-'Ubaidah entered the land of the 
[Greek] enemy and carried his campaign as far as Zandah. 
According to others, abu-'Ubaidah did not himself go, but 
sent Maisarah ibn-Masriik, who reached as far as Zandah. 

Mu'dwiyah and the forts. Abu-Salih al-Farra' from one 
supposed by him to have been 'Ubadah ibn-Nusai : — When 
Mu*awiyah in the year 25 invaded 'Ammiariyah [Amo- 
rium], he found the forts between Antioch and Tarsus all 
vacant. He therefore left in those forts some men from 
Syria, Mesopotamia and Kinnasrin until he had finished 
his expedition. One or two years later, he sent Yazid ibn- 
al-Hurr al-*Absi at the head of the summer expedition and 

1 " Gr. Derhe near the Cilician gates which were the chief mountain 
pass from the direction of the countries occupied by the Arabs into the 
territory of the Greeks" — Lane. See Caetani, vol. iii, p. 805. 

2 Perhaps Bailan pass of to-day. 



instructed him to do the same thing, which Yazid did. All 
the governors used to do the same. 

The same authority says, " I read in the book of Ma- 
ghdzi Mu'dwiyah [Mu'awiyah's campaigns] that Mu- 
'awiyah in the year 31 led an invasion setting out from near 
al-Massisah and penetrating as far as Darauliyah. On his 
return, he destroyed all the fortresses [belonging to the 165 
Greeks] between the latter place and Antioch. 

Al-Massisah. Muhammad ibn-Sa'd from al-Wakidi and 
others: — in the year 84, 'Abdallah ibn-'Abd-al-Malik ibn- 
Marwan led the summer campaign, entered through the 
Darb Antakiyah and reached al-Massisah [Mopsuestia], 
where he rebuilt the fort on its old foundations. In this city, 
he caused troops to settle, among whom were 300 chosen 
from those known to be among the most valorous and 
strong. The Moslems had never lived in this town before. 
He also built a mosque in it over Tall al-Hisn [the hill of 
the fort], and then led his army to the invasion of Sinan 
fort, which he reduced. He then sent Yazid ibn-Hunain 
at-Ta'i-1-Antaki who led an incursion and returned. 

Abu-1-Khattab al-Azdi holds that the first Moslem to 
build the fort of al-Massisah^ was 'Abd-al-Malik ibn- 
Marwan through his son ^Abdallah in the year 84 on its 
old foundation. Its building and manning were completed 
in the year 85. In this fortified town stood a church which 
was converted mto a granary. The troops [Ar. tawdlV] 
from Antioch, numbering 1,5002,000, used to go up to it 
every year and spend the winter in it. at the end of which 
they would leave. 

When *Umar ibn-*Abd-al-'Aziz came to the granary of 
al-Massisah, he wanted to destroy the town together with 
the forts that lay between it and Antioch saying, " I hate 

1 Hamadhani, p. 112. 


to see the Greeks besieging its people." When he, how- 
ever, learned that the town was built to check the Greek ad- 
vance on Antioch, and that, in case it was destroyed, noth- 
ing would remain to stop the enemy from taking Antioch, 
he desisted and erected for its people a cathedral mosque 
in the Kafarbaiya quarter. In the mosque, he made a cis- 
tern whereon his name was inscribed. In the caliphate of 
al-Mu'tasim-Billah, the mosque, which was called Mas j id 
al-Hisn [the fort mosque], fell into ruins. 

Hisham ibn-'Abd-al-Malik built the part outside the city 
wall [Ar. rabad] ; and Marwan ibn-Muhammad built, to the 
east of Jaihan,^ al-Khusus [wood houses], around which 
he erected a wall with a wooden gate, and dug a moat. 

When abu-1-' Abbas became caliph, he assigned stipends 
for 4CX) men to be added to the garrison at al-Massisah, and 
distributed fiefs among them. When al-Mansfir became 
caliph, he assigned stipends for 400 men at al-Massisah. 
In the year 139, al-Mansur ordered that the city of 
al-Massisah, the wall of which had become shattered 
by earthquakes and whose population within the walls had 
become few in number, be well populated. Accordingly, in 
the year 140, he built the wall of the city, made its inhabi- 
tants settle in it and called it al-Ma'miirah. Moreover, al- 
Mansur erected a cathedral mosque in it on the site of a 
heathen temple, and made it many times the size of the 
mosque of *Umar. Al-Ma'mun enlarged the mosque in the 
governorship of 'Abdallah ibn-Tahir ibn-al-Husain over al- 
Maghrib. Al-Mansur assigned stipends for 1,000 men 
of its inhabitants. Besides, he transplanted [into it] the 
inhabitants of al-Khustis, who were Persians, Slavs and 
Qiristian Nabateans — all of whom were settled in al- 
Khustis by Marwan — gave them in it lots marked for dwell- 

^ Pyramus river. 



ings in exchange for and of the same measure as their 
old homes, pulled down their old dwellings and helped them 
to build the new ones. To these soldiers, who received sti- 
pends, al-Mansur gave fiefs and dwellings. 

When al-Mahdi became caliph, he assigned stipends for 
2,000 men at al-Massisah but gave them no fiefs, because 
the city was already manned with troops and volunteers. 
The periodical contingents [tazvdli'] used to come from 
Antioch every year until the city was governed by Salim 
al-Barallusi, who assigned in their place ^ stipends for 500 
fighters, making a special rate of 10 dinars for each. Thus 
the people of the city were multiplied and strengthened. 
This took place when al-Mahdi held the caliphate. 

Muhammad ibn-Sahm from the sheikhs of the frontier 
region : — In the days of the " blessed dynasty ", the Greeks 
pressed the inhabitants of al-Massisah so hard that they left 
the city. After that Salih ibn-'Ali sent to it Jabril ibn- 
Yahya-1-Bajali who peopled it and made Moslems settle in 
it in the year 140. Ar-Rashid - built Kafarbaiya; but ac- 
cording to others it was begun in the caliphate of al-Mahdi, 
and ar-Rashid changed the plan of its construction and for- 
tified it with a moat. Its inhabitants complained to al- 
Ma'mun concerning the rent ^ paid for the houses therein, 
and he abolished it. The houses were like inns. By order 
of al-Ma'mun, a wall was commenced around the city and 
raised high, but not completed before his death. Al-Mu- 
'tasim-Billah ordered that the wall be finished and raised to 
its proper height. 

Al-Muthakkab. Al-Muthakkab * was fortified by Hisham 

^ Read mandi'aha in place of maudi'ahu. 

^ Mas'udi, vol. viii, p. 295. 

^ Ar ghallah, i. e., rent due for houses built on the state property. 

* Istakhri, p. 63 ; ^aukal, p. 121. 


ibn-*Abd-al-Malik who entrusted the work to Hassan ibn- 
Mahawaih al-Antaki. As the moat was being dug, a leg- 
bone of extraordinary length was found and sent to Hi- 

Katarghdsh, Murah and Baghrds. Hisham also had 
Katarghash fort built by 'Abd-al-*Aziz ibn-Haiyan al- 
Antaki. He also had Murah fort erected by a man from 
Antioch. This last fort was built because the Greeks had 
interfered with one of his messengers at Darb al-Lukam 
near al-'Akabah-l-Baida. In this fort, he stationed forty 
men and a body of al-Jarajimah. In Baghras [Pagrae], he 
established a garrison of fifty men and built a fort for it. 
Hisham, moreover, built the Buka fort in the province of 
Antioch, which was recently renewed and repaired. 

After the Greeks had made a raid on the littoral of the 
province of Antioch in the caliphate of al-Mu'tasim-Billah, 
a fort was built on that littoral 1)y Muhammad ibn-Yusuf 
al-Marwazi, surnamed abu-Sa'id. 

'Umar intends to destroy al-Massisah. Da'ud ibn-'Abd- 
al-Hamid, the kdd^i of ar-Rakkah, from a grandfather of 
his : — ^Umar ibn-*Abd-al-'Aziz intended to destroy al-Mas- 
sisah and move its inhabitants because they suffered so 
much from the Greeks ; but he died before he could accom- 
plish it. 

'Akahat an-Nisa. I was informed by certain men from 
Antioch and Baghras that when Maslamah ibn-*Abd-al- 
Malik invaded 'Ammiiriyah, he took his wives with him; 
and other men in his army did the same. The banu-Umaiyah 
used to do that in order to infuse enthusiasm in the army 
by making them jealous for their harem. As Maslamah 
was passing through 'Akabat ^ Baghras on a narrow road 
that bordered on a valley, a stretcher in which a woman was 
carried fell down to the foot of the mountain. This made 

^ A place diflficult of ascent. 


Maslamah order that all women should go on foot. So 
they did; and that 'Akabat was, therefore, called " *Aka- 
bat an-Nisa'" [the women's 'Akabat]. Previous to this, 
al-Mu'tasim had built on the edge of that road a low stone 

The roads of Antioch clea red of lions by means of 
buffaloes. It was stated by abu-an-Nu'man al-Antaki that 
the road between Antioch and al-Massisah was frequented 
by lions which molested the passers-by. When al-Walid 
ibn-'Abd-al-Malik came to rule, the complaint was made to 
him, and he sent 4,000 buffaloes by which the required re- 
sult was attained through Allah's help. 

Muhammad ibn-al-Kasim ath-Thakafi, the 'dmil of al- 
Hajjaj over as-Sind, had sent from as-Sind thousands of 
buffaloes to al-Hajjaj, who gave al-Walid 4,000 of them, 168 
and left the rest in the jungles of Kaskar.^ When Yazid 
ibn-al-Muhallab was deposed and killed, and the possessions 
of the banu-1-Muhallab were confiscated by Yazid ibn-'Abd- 
al-Malik, the latter carried away 4,000 buffaloes, which were 
in the districts of Dijlah ^ and Kaskar. These, too, Yazid 
sent to al-Massisah together with az-Zutt sent there. Thus 
the buffaloes at al-Massisah were originally 8,000. At the 
time of the insurrection of Marwan ibn-Muhammad ibn- 
Marwan the people of Antioch and Kinnasrin brought 
under their control and took possession of many of these 
animals ; but when al-Mansiir became caliph he ordered that 
they be restored to al-Massisah. As for the buffaloes of 
Antioch, they were first brought by az-Zutt, and so were the 
first ones of Btika. 

Jisr al-Walid. According to abu-1-Khattab, the bridge on 
the road of Adhanah [Adana] from al-Massisah lay nine 

1 Hamadhani, Bulddn, p. 196; ibn-Khurdadhbih, p. 7. 
^ Yakut, vol. iii, p. 745- 


miles from the latter, was built in the year 125, and was 
called Jisr al-Walid after al-Walid ibn-'Abd-al-Malik, who 
was slain. 

Adhanah. According to abu-an-Nu'man al-Antaki and 
others, Adhanah was built in the year 141 or 142 as the 
Khurasan troops under Maslamah ibn-Yahya-1-Bajali, and 
the Syrian troops under Malik ibn-Adham al-Bahili (all 
sent by Salih ibn-'Ali) were camping in it. 

Saihdn castle. In the year 165, al-Mahdi sent his son 
Harijn ar-Rashid on an expedition to the Greek Empire. 
After camping at al-Khalij, ar-Rashid went forth and re- 
paired al-Massisah and its mosque, increasing its garrison 
and arming its inhabitants. He also built the castle which 
lay by Saihan [Sarus river] near Adhanah bridge. Pre- 
vious to this, al-Mansur had sent Salih ibn-'Ali on an in- 
vasion to the Greek Empire, and the latter sent Hilal ibn- 
Daigham, at the head of a group of men from Damascus, 
the Jordan and other places, who built this castle; but the 
structure not being firm, ar-Rashid dismantled the castle 
and rebuilt it. 

Ahu-Sulaim rebuilds Adhanah. In the year 194 ^ abu- 
Sulaim Faraj al-Khadim built Adhanah well and strong, 
fortified it, and chose men from Khurasan and others to live 
in it, giving them an increase of stipends. All that was 
done by the order of Muhammad ibn-ar-Rashid. He also 
made repairs in Kasr Saihan. When ar-Rashid died in 
the year 193, his 'dmil for collecting tithes from the fron- 
tier fortresses was abu-Sulaim who was now confirmed in 
his position by Muhammad [ibn-ar-Rashid]. To this abu- 
Sulaim belonged the residence in Antioch [that bears his 
name] . 

Tarsus and al-Hadath. Muhammad ibn-Sa'd from al- 

* " 193 " in Yakut, vol. i, p. 179, Hne 19- 


Wakidi : — In the year 162, al-Hasan ibn-Kahtabah at-Ta i 
invaded the land of the Greeks at the head of an army of the 
people of Khurasan, Mausil/ and Syria, reinforced by men 
from al-Yaman and volunteers from al-'Irak and al-Hijaz. 
He started near Tarsus and called the attention of al-Mahdi 
to the great troubles spared to Islam, and the good chance 
it afforded to frustrate and avert the enemies' intrigues and 
plans by building Tarsiis, fortifying it and stationing a gar- 
rison in it. In that campaign, al-Hasan distinguished him- 
self and subdued the land of the Greeks, and was therefore 
called ash-Shaitan [the devil]. Among his men in the in- 
vasion were Mandal al-*Anazi — the traditionist of the 
school of al-Kufah — and Mu'tamir ibn-Sulaiman al-Basri. 
Muhammad ibn-Sa*d from Sa^d ibn-al-Hasan : — When 
al-Hasan left the land of the Greeks, he camped at Marj 
[plain of] Tarsus from which he rode to the city, which 
was then in ruins. After examining it, he went around it 
in all directions and estimated that it could be inhabited by 
one hundred thousand.^ When he appeared before al- 
Mahdi, he described the condition of the city and referred to 
the strength that Islam and the Moslems would acquire, and 
to the anger and disappointment that will ensue to the en- 
emy, if the city were rebuilt and manned with a garrison. He 
also told al-Mahdi something about al-Hadath that encour- 
aged him to build it. Accordingly, al-Mahdi ordered him 
to build Tarsiis and start with al-Hadath, which was imme- 
diately built. Al-Mahdi then ordered that Tarsus be built. 
In the year 171, ar-Rashid heard that the Greeks had en- 
joined one another to set forth to Tarsus in order to for- 
tify it and station troops in it. He therefore sent in the 
year 171 Harthamah ibn-A'yan as commander of the sum- 
mer campaign and ordered him to build Tarsiis, settle people 

Hamadhani, Bulddn, pp. 26-27, 128. ^ /^^-^^^ p 113 


in it and make it a fortified boundary town ^ between the 
two countries. Harthamah did so, putting the work, in ac- 
cordance with ar-Rashid's orders, in charge of Faraj ibn- 
Sulaim al-Khadim. Faraj put someone in charge, went to 
Madinat as-Salam ^ and sent the first garrison, numbering 
3,000, whom he chose from among the people of Khurasan. 
The garrison came to Tarsus. He then sent the second gar- 
rison that numbered 2,000 men, 1,000 of whom were from 
al-Massisah and 1,000 from Antioch, promising each man 
an increment of ten dinars on his original stipend. The 
second garrison camped with the first at al-Mada'in near 
Bab al- Jihad, from the beginning of Muharram in the year 
172, until the construction of the city of Tarsus with its 
fortification and mosque was completed. Faraj measured 
the land between the two rivers and found it to be 4,000 
lots, each lot being twenty dhird's square. These lots he 
gave as fiefs to the inhabitants of Tarsus. In Rabi' II, 172, 
the two garrisons settled in the city. 

Yazid ibn-Makhlad governor of Tarsus. 'Abd-al-Malik 
ibn-Salih appointed Yazid ibn-Makhlad al-Fazari as dinil 
over Tarsus. Those of the inhabitants who came from 
Khurasan were afraid of him, because he belonged to the 
clan of al-Hubairiyah, and drove him from the city. He 
appointed abu-1-Fawaris to succeed him and *Abd-al-Malik 
ibn-Salih confirmed abu-1-Fawaris in his position. This 
took place in the year 173. 

Sistyah. Muhammad ibn-Sa'd from al-Wakidi : — In the 
year 194 or 193, the inhabitants of Sisiyah [or Sis, later 
Little Armenia] evacuated their homes and went as far as 
the mountainous region of the Greeks.* This Sisiyah was 

* Ar. misr. 

' City of peace, i. e., Baghdad. 

* Yakut, vol. iii, p. 217, gives the date 93 or 94 and reads a*ali ar-Rum 
instead of o7o ar-Rum, 


the city of Tall *Ain-Zarbah and was rebuilt in the caliphate 
of al-Mutawakkil by 'Ali ibn-Yahya-1-Armani [the Ar- 
menian] . It was later ruined by the Greeks. 

Antioch burnt. The one who burnt Antioch — condemned 
as it was to burning ^ — in the land of the Greeks was 'Ab- 
b^s ibn-al-Walid ibn-*Abd- al-Malik. 

Tall Jubair. Tall Jubair was so called after a Persian 
from Antioch who fought a battle in it. The Tall lies less 
than 10 miles from Tarsiis. 

Dhu-l-Kilaf . The name of the fort known as dhu-1- 
Kila' is really a corruption of dhu-1-Kila' [the fort of the 
castles], which name was given to it because it was made up 
of three castles. The explanation of its name in the Greek 
tongue is " the fortress with the stars." 

Kanisat as-Sulh. Kanisat as-Sulh [the church of peace] 
was so called because when the Greeks came to ar-Rashid 
to capitulate, they made it their headquarters. 

Marj Husain. Marj Husain was named after Husain 
ibn-Muslim al-Antaki who fought a battle in it and de- 
feated the enemy. 

Damdlu. In the year 163, al-Mahdi sent on a campaign 
his son, Harun ar-Rashid, who laid siege to Damalu (collo- 
quial Samalu). Its people asked a promise of security for 
ten of their nobility including the Comes.^ Ar-Rashid con- 
sented. One of their terms stipulated that they be never 
separated from one another. Therefore they were settled 
in Baghdadh near Bab ash-Shammasiyah.* Their quarter 

* Hamadhani, Bulddn, p. 37 : Said Makhul, " Four cities are of the 
cities of Paradise; Makkah, al-Madinah, Iliya' [Jerusalem] and Da- 
mascus; and four of the cities of fire: Antioch, at-Tuwanah, Constan- 
tinople and San'a'." 

2Ar. al-Kumis == a leader of two hundred; Zaidan. vol. i, p. 118; 
Kudamah, pp. 255-256. 

» Le Strange, Baghdad, p. 202. 


they called Samalu, and it is still known as such. Others say 
that they surrendered to al-Mahdi who spared their lives 
and gathered them in that place, ordering that it be called 
Samalu. x\ccording to ar-Rashid's orders, those who were 
left in the fort were sold publicly. 

One Abyssinian, who was heard cursing ar-Rashid and 
the Moslems, was crucified on one of the towers of the fort. 

^Ain Zarbah and al-Hdrumyah, Ahmad ibn-al-Harith 
al-Wasiti from al-Wakidi : — In the year 180, ar-Rashid or- 
dered that the city of 'Ain Zarbah [Anazarbus] be built and 
fortified. He summoned to it a regiment from Khurasan 
and others, to whom he gave houses as fiefs. In the year 
183, he ordered al-Harianiyah built. It was accordingly 
built and manned with a garrison and with volunteers that 
emigrated to it. The city was named after him. Others 
say that Harun started its erection in the caliphate of al- 
Mahdi, but completed it in his own caliphate. 

Kamsat as-Sauda. The city of Kanisat as-Sauda' [black 
church] had been built by the Greeks of black stone since 
the earliest of days, and had an old fort that was destroyed 
in the general havoc. Ar-Rashid ordered that this city be 
rebuilt and fortified. He also summoned to it troops, al- 
lowing them larger stipends. I was told by 'Azziin ibn- 
Sa'd, one of the inhabitants of the frontier region, that the 
Greeks once invaded it — as al-Kasim ibn-ar-Rashid was 
staying in Dabik — and carried away its cattle and a num- 
ber of prisoners. They were pursued by the people of al- 
Massisah and its volunteers, who saved all that had been 
carried away and killed many of the Greeks, sending the 
rest of them back in distress and disorder. Then al-Kasim 
sent some one to fortify the city, make repairs in it and in- 
crease its garrison. For this purpose some of az-Zutt, pre- 
viously transplanted by al-Mu'tasim to 'Ain Zarbah and its 
environs from al-Bata'ih, which lay between Wasit and al- 
Basrah, and which they had conquered, were available. 


Abu-Ishdk al-Fdzdri's opinion on the land of ath-Thaghr. 
I was informed by abu-Salih al-Antaki that abu-Ishak al- 
Fazari hated to buy land in the frontier region [ath-Thaghr] 
because he said, '' Those who first wrested this land from 
the Greeks did not divide it among themselves, and it later 
passed to others. Thus it had been transmitted to others 
and attached to itself a suspicion that the wise man would 
do well to avoid." 

Tithe-exemptions annulled by al-Mutawakkil. In ath- 
Thaghr , so many pieces of land were exempt from the tithe 
that the total income of tithes was diminished to such an 
extent that it could not meet the expenses. By al-Mutawak- 
wil's orders, therefore, all these exemptions were in the 
year 243 abolished. 


The Conquest of Mesopotamia [al-Jazirah] 172 

'lydd its governor. Da'ud ibn-'Abd-al-Hamid the kadi 
of ar-Rakkah from Maimun ibn-Mihran: — All of Meso- 
potamia was conquered by 'lyad ibn-Ghanm who, after the 
death of abu-'Ubaidah, was made its ruler by 'Umar ibn- 
al-Khattab. Abu-*Ubaidah had appointed Tyad to be his 
successor over Syria, but 'Umar ibn-al-Khattab appointed 
first Yazid ibn-abi-Sufyan then Mu'awiyah over Syria, and 
ordered *Iyad ^ to invade Mesopotamia. 

Al-Husain ibn-al-Aswad from Sulaiman ibn-*Ata' al- 
Kurashi : — Abu-'Ubaidah sent lyad ibn-Ghanm to Meso- 
potamia, and died while 'lyad was still there. 'Umar then 
assigned lyad after abu-'Ubaidah as governor of Mesopo- 

The terms with ar-Ruha. Bakr ibn-al-Haitham from 
Sulaiman ibn-'Ata' : — When Tyad ibn-Ghanm, who was 
sent by abu-'Ubaidah, reduced ar-Ruha ^ [Edessa, modern 
Urfa], he stood at its gate riding on a brown horse; and 
the inhabitants made terms stipulating that they should keep 
their cathedral and the buildings around it, and agreeing 
not to start a new church other than what they already had, 
to give succor to the Moslems against their enemy, and to 
forfeit their right of protection in case they fail to keep 
any of these conditions. Similar terms to those of ar-Ruha 
were made by the people of Mesopotamia. 

1 R. Duval, " Histoire d'Edesse," in Journal Asiatique, Juillet-Aout, 
1891, pp. 106 seq. 
2 Tabari, vol. i, p. 2505. 



The version of al-PVdkidi, Muhammad ibn-Sa'd states 
on the authority of al-Wakidi that the most authentic report 
he heard regarding 'lyad was that abu-'Ubaidah, in the year 
1 8, fell victim to the plague of Emmaus ['Amawas] after 
appointing 'lyad as his successor [over Syria]. 'lyad re- 
ceived a letter from 'Umar, conferring upon him the gov- 
ernorship of Hims, Kinnasrin and Mesopotamia. On 
Thursday the middle of Sha'ban, year i8, he marched to 
Mesopotamia at the head of 5,000 men, the van of the army 
being led by Maisarah ibn-Masruk al-'Absi, the right wing 
by Sa'id ibn-'Amir ibn-Hidhyam al-Jumahi and the left by 
Safwan ibn-al-Mu'attal as-Sulami. Khalid ibn-al-Walid 
was on the left wing. Others assert that after Abu-*Ubai- 
dah, Khalid never marched under any man's flag but re- 
mained in Hims, where he died in the year 21 after desig- 
nating 'Umar to execute his will.^ Some claim that he died 
in al-Madinah ; but that he died in Hims is the more authen- 
tic report.^ 

The terms with ar-Rakkah. The van of lyad's army ar- 
rived in ar-Rakkah ^ and made a raid on its environs, where 
Beduin Arabs were encamped with a group of peasants, 
carrying off much booty. Those who escaped took to flight 
and entered the city of ar-Rakkah. Tyad advanced with 
his troops until he arrived, with his troops in military ar- 
ray,* at Bab ar-Ruha — one of the gates of the city. For 
an hour the Moslems were shot at, and some of them were 
wounded. In order to escape the enemy's stones and ar- 
rows, Tyad withdrew, and, after going round the city on 

' IJajar, vol. i, pp. 853-854. 

2 Yakut, vol. ii, pp. 74-75. 

•'' Athir, vol. ii, p. 439. 

*Ar. ta'hi'ah. See Wiistenfeld, "Die Taktik des Aelianus," in Ah- 
handlungen des Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften, Gottingen, 1880. 


horseback, he stationed horse-guards at its gates. He then 
returned to the main army and sent bands of soldiers ^ who 
went around, bringing back with them prisoners from the 
villages and large quantities of food. It was the proper 
time for reaping the harvest. This condition having lasted 
for five or six days the patrician of the city asked for peace 
from 'lyad, who made terms with him, guaranteeing for 
the population the security of their lives, children, posses- 
sions and city. 'lyad said, " The land is ours ; we have sub- 
dued and secured it ". However, he left it in their hands 
on the khardj basis. That part of the land which was not 
wanted and rejected by the dhinimis, he turned over to the 
Moslems on the tithe basis. Moreover, Tyad assessed poll- 
tax to the amount of one dinar per annum on every man, 
holding women and boys exempt. In addition to the dhidr, 
he levied on them kafizes ^ of wheat, and some oil, vine- 
gar and honey. When Mu'awiyah came to power, he laid 
that as a regular tax upon them. The people then opened 
the city gates and established a market for the Moslems at 
the Ruha gate. The following is the statement issued by 

'' In the name of Allah, the compassionate, the merciful. 
This is what Tyad ibn-Ghanm gave to the people of ar- 
Rakkah when he entered the city. He gave them security 
for their lives and possessions. Their churches shall not 
be destroyed or occupied, so long as they pay the tax as- 
sessed on them and enter in no intrigue. It is stipulated 
that they build no new church or place of worship, or pub- 

1 Ar. sardya who, according to al-Mas'udi, Kitdb at-Tanhih, p. 279, 
were bands of soldiers varying between 3 and 500 persons, that go 
forth at night. 

2 A measure of capacity consisting of ten makkuks; cf. Mawardi, p. 


licly strike clappers/ or openly celebrate Easter Monday ^ 
or show the cross in public. Thereunto, Allah is witness 
and Allah is a sufficient witness. Signed by 'lyad's own 

Others report that Tyad assessed four dinars on every 
adult of ar-Rakkah ; but the fact is that 'Umar wrote after 
this to 'Umair ibn-Sa'd, his governor, instructing him to 
assess four dinars on every man, as it was the case with 
those who possessed gold. 

The terms with ar-Ruha. 'lyad then advanced against 
Harran and encamped at Bajuddah, whence he sent forth 
the van of the army. The people of Harran closed the 
city gates, shutting the troops out. Tyad followed up the 
van and when he camped at Harran, the Harnaniyah from 
among its inhabitants sent him a word saying that they had 
under their control a part of the city and asking him to go 
to ar-Ruha, promising to accept whatever terms he may 
make with it, and leaving him free to negotiate with the 
Christians of Harran. Hearing that, the Christians sent 
him word, consenting to what had been proposed and of- 
fered by al-Harnaniyah. Accordingly, Tyad advanced to 
ar-Ruha whose people gathered against and shot at the Mos- 
lems for an hour. The fighters made a sally, but the Mos- 
lems put them to flight and forced them to seek refuge in 
the city. No sooner had that taken place than they of- 
fered to capitulate and make peace. To this, Tyad con- 
sented and wrote them the following statement : ^ 

" In the name of Allah, the compassionate, the merciful. 

*Ar. ndkus. 

2 Ar bd'uth, used to-day for the Christian festival of Monday after 
Easter, is defined by Kdmus, Taj al-Arus and Lisan al-Arah as cor- 
responding to the Moslem prayer in which a petition for rain is offered. 
Cf. S. Fraenkel, Die Aramdischen Fremdwdrter im Arabischen, p. 277. 

» Cf. Yusuf, p. 23. 


This is a statement from 'lyad ibn-Ghanm to the bishop of 
ar-Ruha. If ye open before me the city gate and agree to 
offer to me for every man one dinar and two modii of 
wheat, then I grant you safety for your persons, possessions 
and those dependent on you. It is incumbent on you to 
guide the one who goes astray, to repair the bridges and 
roads, and give good counsel to the Moslems. Thereunto, 
Allah is witness; and he is sufficient." 

Da'ud ibn-*Abd-al-Hamid from a grandfather of his: 
— ^The statement of Tyad to the inhabitants of ar-Ruha ran 
as follows : — 

" In the name of Allah, the compassionate, the merciful. 
This is a statement from Tyad ibn-Ghanm and his accom- 
panying Moslems to the inhabitants of ar-Ruha. I have 
granted them security for their lives, possessions, offspring, 
women, city and mills, so long as they give what they 
rightly owe. They are bound to repair our bridges, and 
guide those of us who go astray. Thereunto, Allah and his 
angels and the Moslems are witnesses." 

Harrdn and Simiaisdt capitulate. Tyad then came to 
Harran and directed Safwan ibn-al-Mu'attal and Habib 
ibn-Maslamah-1-Fihri to Sumaisat.^ With the people of 
Harran, he made terms similar to those of ar-Ruha. Its 
inhabitants opened the city gates for him, and he assigned 
a governor over it. He then came to Sumaisat and found 
Safwan ibn-al-Mu'attal and Habib ibn-Maslamah direct- 
ing their operations against it, after having reduced many 175 
of its villages and forts. The people of Sumaisat made 
terms similar to those of ar-Ruha. Tyad used to make in- 
cursions from ar-Ruha and return to it. 

All Mesopotamia reduced by 'lydd. Muhammad ibn-Sa*d 
from az-Zuhri : — In the days of *Umar ibn-al-Khattab, not 

* Samosata ; Istakhri, p. 62. 



a foot was left in Mesopotamia unsubdued by *Iyad ibn- 
Ghanm who reduced Harran, ar-Ruha, ar-Rakkah, Kar- 
kisiya [Circesium] Nasibin [Nisibis] and Sinjar. 

Muhammad [ibn-Sa'd] from Thabit ibn-al-Hajjaj : — 
'lyad effected the conquest of ar-Rakkah, Harran, ar-Ruha, 
Nasibin, Maiyafarikin, Karkisiya, and all the villages and 
towns of the Euphrates by capitulation; but all the open 
fields by force. 

Muhammad [ibn-Sa'd] from Rashid ibn-Sa'd: — *Iyad 
effected the conquest of Mesopotamia and its towns by 
capitulation ; but its land, by force. 

The terms with Harran. Someone reported that when 
'lyad came to Harran from ar-Rakkah, he found it de- 
serted, its inhabitants having moved to ar-Ruha. When 
ar-Ruha was captured, the people of Harran in it made 
terms regarding their city similar to those of ar-Ruha. 

Saruj and other places subdued by 'lydd. Abu-Aiyub 
ar-Rakki-1-Mu'addab from al-Hajjaj ibn-abi-Mani* ar- 
Rusafi's ^ grandfather : — 'lyad captured ar-Rakkah, then 
ar-Ruha, then Harran, and then Sumaisat on the same 
terms of capitulation. Thence he came to Saruj ,^ Ras- 
kifa ^ and al-Ard al-Baida', subdued their land, and made 
terms with the holders of their forts similar to those 
of ar-Ruha. The people of Sumaisat after that rebelled, 
which made him, on hearing it, return and besiege the 
city until he reduced it. Having heard that the inhabi- 
tants of ar-Ruha had broken their covenant, he camped 
around the city, upon which they opened their city gates. 
He entered the city and left in it his 'amil with a small band. 
Thence he came to the villages of the Euphrates * which are 

1 Dhahabi, Mushtabih, p. 225 ; Mushtarik, p. 206. 

' Batnan ; see ZDMG, vol. xxx, p. 354. 

' R. Payne Smith, Thesaurus Syriactis, cols. 3902 and 2910. 

* Kuraiydt or Karydt al-Furdt; cf. Hamadhani, Bulddn, p. 136. 


Jisr Manbij and its dependents, which he reduced on simi- 
lar terms. 'Ain al-Wardah or Ra's al-'Ain ^ to which he 
came next held out against him; so he left it. He then 
came to Tall Mauzin ^ and took it on the same terms as ar- 176 
Ruha. That took place in the year 19. Against Karkisiya, 
Tyad directed Habib ibn-Maslamah-1-Fihri who took the 
city by a capitulation similar to that of ar-Rakkah. *Iyad 
captured Amid without fighting and on terms similar to 
those of ar-Ruha. He captured Maiyafarikin on the same 
terms. He also reduced the fort of Kafartutha.""^ After a 
conflict, he reduced Nasibin and the terms concluded were 
similar to those of ar-Ruha. Tur *Abdin,* Hisn Maridin 
and Dara ^ he took on the same terms. Karda and Bazabda 
he conquered on the same terms as those of Nasibin. The 
patrician of az-Zawazan came to Tyad and made terms re- 
garding his lands, agreeing to pay tax. All that took place 
in the year 19 and in a part of Muharram, year 20. He 
then advanced to Arzan and took possession of it on terms 
similar to those of Nasibin. He then passed through ad- 
Darb into Badlis which he left for Khilat with whose patri- 
cian he made terms. Finally, he got to al-*Ain al-Hamidah 
in Armenia beyond which he did not go. On his way back, 
he made the chief of Badlis responsible for the khardj of 
Khilat with its poll-tax and what was due on its patrician. 
He then proceeded to ar-Rakkah, and on to Hims whose 
governorship had been entrusted to him by *Umar. In the 
year 20, he died. *Umar after that appointed Sa*id ibn- 
*Amir ibn-Hidhyam, who died after a short time. *Umar 

1 Hoffman, Syrische Akten Persischer Mdrtyrer, p. 183. 

* Hoffman, op. cit,, p. 224, note 1778. 
' R. Payne Smith, op. cit, col. 1801. 

* R. Payne Smith, op. cit., col. 145 1. 

* Hoffman, op. cit., p. 46. 


then appointed 'Umair ibn-Sa'd al-Ansari, who succeeded 
in capturing 'Ain al-Wardah after a severe conflict. 

'Ain al-Wardah or Ra's al-Ain captured. Al-Wakidi 
from abu-Wahb al-Jaishani Dailam ibn-al-Muwassa' : — 
'Umar ibn-al-Khattab wrote to 'lyad instructing him to 
send 'Umair ibn-Sa'd to 'Ain al-Wardah. This he did. 
The van of the army went ahead, assailed a group of peas- 
ants and carried away some of the enemy's cattle as booty. 
The inhabitants of the city closed their gates and set up 
the mangonels ^ on them. Many Moslems were killed by 
stones and arrows. Then one of the patricians of the city 
appeared and cursed the Moslems saying, '' We are differ- 
ent from what ye have met heretofore!" At last the city 
was taken by capitulation. 

Amr ibn-Muhammad from a grandfather of al-Hajjaj 
ibn-abi-Mani' : — Ra's al-'Ain ^ held out against Tyad ibn- 
Ghanm; but 'Umair ibn-Sa'd, who was 'Umar's governor 
over Mesopotamia, reduced it after a fierce resistance on 
the part of its inhabitants. The Moslems entered by force; 
but terms of capitulation were drawn up stipulating that the 
land be held by them and the tax be imposed on their per- 
sons to the amount of four dinars per head. Their women 
and children were not taken as captives. 

The following statement was made by al-Hajjaj : '' I 
heard it said by certain sheikhs from Ra's al-'Ain that when 
'Umair entered the city he shouted, ' Never mind ; never 
mind; [come] to me! [come] to me!' and that constituted 
a guarantee of security for them." 

It is claimed by al-Haitham ibn-*Adi that *Umar ibn-al- 
Khattab sent abu-Musa-l-Ash*ari to 'Ain al-Wardah, which 

^ Ar. 'arradah; see Hamdsah (ed. Freytag), p. 307- 

2 Another name for *Ain-al-Wardah. See al-ATas*udi, Tanbih, p. 54; 
Yakut, vol. iii, p. 764. 


he invaded with the troops of Mesopotamia after the death 
of lyad. The fact is that 'Umair captured it by force and 
did not take any captives. He only imposed khardj and 
poll-tax. The view of Haitham is not shared by any other 

According to al-Hajjaj ibn-abi-Mani', a part of the in- 
habitants of Ra's al-'Ain having vacated it, the Moslems 
utilized their lands and cultivated them according to the 
fief system. 

Sin jar captured . Muhammad ibn-al-Mufaddal al- 
Mausili from certain sheikhs of Sinjar: — Sinjar^ was held 
by the Greeks. Kisra — [Chosroes] known as Abarwiz — 
wanted to put to death one hundred Persians who were 
brought before him because of rebellion and disobedience. 
Someone having interceded in their behalf, he ordered them 
sent to Sinjar, which he was then attempting to reduce. 
Two of them died, and 98 arrived there, joined the troops 
who were encamped against the city, and were the first to 
capture it. There they settled and multiplied. When Tyad 
was through with Khilat and was going to Mesopotamia, 
he sent an expedition to Sinjar, took the city by capitula- 
tion, and settled it with Arabs. 

Mausil . Some reports claim that Tyad reduced one of the 
forts of Mausil, but that is not confirmed. 

According to ibn-al-Kalbi, 'Umair ibn-Sa'd, the 'dmil of 
'Umar is identical with 'Umar ibn-Sa'd ibn-Shuhaid ibn- 
*Amr one of al-Aus; but according to al-Wakidi, he is 
'Umair ibn-Sa'd ibn-'Ubaid whose father, Sa*d, was killed 
in the battle of al-Kadisiyah. This Sa*d, according to the 
Kufite school, is one of those who compiled the Koran in the 
time of the Prophet. 

Khdlid dismissed. Al-Wakidi states that some reports 

* Yakut, vol. iii, p. 158. 


claim that Khalid ibn-al-Walid ruled in 'Umar's name a 
part of Mesopotamia ; and once as he was in a bath, at Amid 
[Diyarbakr], or at some other place, he daubed himself 
with a substance containing wine, which made *Umar dis- 
miss him. This, however, is not confirmed. 

The tax on Mesopotamia. 'Amr an-Nakid from Maimun 
ibn-IViihran : — For some time, oil and vinegar and food 
were taken for the benefit of the Moslems in Mesopotamia, 
which tax was later reduced through the sympathy of 
*Umar and fixed at 48, 24, and 12 dirhams. In addition to 
the poll-tax, every one had to provide two mudds of wheat 
two kists of oil and two kists of vinegar. 

Mosques erected. I was informed by a number of the in- 
habitants of ar-Rakkah that when 'lyad died and Sa'id ibn- 
'Amir ibn-Hidhyam became governor of Mesopotamia, the 
latter erected the mosque of ar-Rakkah and that of ar- 
Ruha, after which he died. The mosques in Diyar Mudar 
and Diyar Rabi'ah were erected by 'Umair ibn-Sa'd. 

Mu'awiyah settles Arab tribes. When Mu'awiyah ruled 
over Syria and Mesopotamia in the name of 'Uthman ibn- 
*Affan, he was instructed by him to settle the Arabs in 
places far from the cities and villages, and allow them to 
utilize the lands unpossessed by anyone. Accordingly, he 
caused the banu-Tamim to settle at ar-Rabiyah ; and a pro- 
miscuous multitude of Kais and Asad and others, in al- 
Mazihin and al-Mudaibir.^ The same thing he did in Diyar 
Mudar. In like manner, he stationed the Rabi'ah in their 
Diyar. The cities and villages and frontier garrisons he put 
in charge of some, who received stipends in order to guard 
them and protect them, and whom he put there with his 

Scorpions in Nasibm. Abu-Hafs ash-Shami from Ham- 

1 Kudamah, p. 246. 


mad ibn-'Amr an-Nasibi : — The 'drnil of Nasibin wrote to 
Mu'awiyah, 'Uthman's governor over Syria and Mesopota- 
mia, complaining that some of the Moslems in his company 
had fallen victim to the scorpions. Mu'awiyah wrote back in- 
structing him to demand of the inhabitants in each quarter 
of the city a fixed number of scorpions to be brought every 
evening. This he did. They used to bring the scorpions 
before him, and he would order that they be killed. 

Karkisiya, the Euphrates forts and other places reduced. 
Abu-Aiyub al-Mu'addab ar-Rakki from abu-'Abdallah al- 
Karkasani's sheikhs: — When 'Umair ibn-Sa'd captured 
Ra's al-'Ain he made his way across and beyond al-Kha- 
h\xv ^ to Karkisiya whose people had violated the covenant. 
With them he made terms similar to those made before, 179 
and then advanced against the forts along the course of the 
Euphrates one after the other, which he reduced all on the 
same terms as Karkisiya. In none of them did he meet 
severe resistance. Some of them would sometimes throw 
stones at him. When he was through with Talbas ^ and 
'Anat,^ he came to an-Na'usah, Aliisah ^ and Hit where he 
found out that 'Ammar ibn-Yasir, the ^drnil of *Umar ibn- 
al-Khattab over al-Kuf ah, had sent an army for the invasion 
of the region above al-Anbar, under the leadership of Sa*d 
ibn-'Amr ibn-Haram al-Ansari. The holders of these forts 
had come to Sa'd and demanded peace, which he arranged 
with them, retaining one-half of the church of Hit. 'Umair, 
therefore, kept on his way to ar-Rakkah. 

I learned from certain scholars that the one who went 
against Hit and the forts beyond in al-Kufah was Midlaj 

* A tributary of the Euphrates; Tanhih, p. 54. 
' Vowels uncertain ; Caetani, vol. iv, p. 222. 

» Hoffman, op. cit., p. I37i note 1162. 

* Yakut, vol. i, p. 65. 


ibn-*Amr as-Sulami, an ally of the banu-'Abd-Shams and 
one of the Companions, who effected their capture. This 
Midlaj built al-Hadithah on the Euphrates. His descendants 
were at Hit. The memory of one of them, surnamed abu- 
Harun, still lives there. Others assert that Midlaj was sent 
by Sa'd ibn-' Amr ibn-Haram ; but Allah knows best. 

Nahr Sa'id. In the place of Nahr Sa'id — the canal named 
after Sa'id ibn-'Abd-al-Malik ibn-Marwan (who was nick- 
named Sa'id al-Khair and who practised asceticism) — once 
stood a jungle frequented by lions. Al-Walid gave it to 
him [Sa*id] as fief, and he dug out the canal and erected the 
buildings that stand there. According to others, it was 
*Umar ibn-'Abd-al-'Aziz who gave it as fief. 

Ar-RdHkah. There is no trace that ar-Rafikah is an old 
city. It was built by al-Mansiir the " Commander of the 
Believers " in the year 155, according to the plan of his city 
in Baghdadh. Al-Mansur stationed in it an army of the 
people of Khurasan and entrusted it to al-Mahdi, who was 
at that time the heir-apparent. Later, ar-Rashid built its 
castles. Between ar-Rakkah and ar-Rafikah lay a wide 
tract of sown land to which 'Ali ibn-Sulaiman ibn-"Ali 
moved the markets of ar-Rakkah when he came as governor 
to Mesopotamia. Previous to this, the greatest market of 
ar-Rakkah was called Siak Hisham al-'Atik [the old market 
of Hisham]. When ar-Rashid visited ar-Rakkah, he in- 
creased the number of these markets, whose income to- 
gether with that from the confiscated towns, is still col- 
lected to-day. 

Rusaf at Hisham and al-Hani zva-l-Mari. As for Rusafat 
Hisham,' it was built by Hisham ibn-*x\bd-al-Malik who 
previous to its building, used to stop at az-Zaitunah. Hi- 

lor ar-Rusafat bi-ash-Sham; Yakut, vol. ti, p. 784. Rusafat means 


sham dug out al-Hani wa-I-Mari [canals] , thus making the 
crown-land known as al-Hani-wa-1-Mari tillable land. He 
founded in it Wasit ar-Rakkah/ This same land was con- 
fiscated at the beginning of the [Abbasid] dynasty and 
passed into the hands of umm-Ja'far Zubaidah, daughter of 
Ja'far ibn-al-Mansur, who built in it the fief house that 
bears her name, and settled more people in it. 

Ar-Rahbah. There is no trace that ar-Rahbah, which lies 
below Karkisiya, is an old city, it having been built by 
Malik ibn-Tauk ibn-'Attab ' at-Taghlabi in the caliphate 
of al-Ma'mun. 

Adhramah. Adhramah in Diyar Rabi'ah was an old vil- 
lage which al-Hasan ibn-'Umar ibn-al-Khattab at-Taghlabi 
took from its chief and in which he built a castle, thus for- 
tifying it. 

Kafartutha. Kafartutha ^ was an old fort that was occu- 
pied by the offspring of abu-Rimthah, who made a town of 
it and f oritfied it. 

Diydr RahVah and al-Barnyah. Mu'afa ibn-Ta'iis from 
his father : — The latter said, " I asked certain sheikhs re- 
garding the tithes of Balad and Diyar Rabi'ah and al- 
Barriyah * and was told that they were the tithes of lands 
held by the Arabs when they embraced Islam, or reclaimed 
by them from waste lands unpossessed by any one or given 
up by the Christians, and which have consequently become 
waste and covered with brushwood. These lands were 
given to the Arabs as fiefs." 

'Ain ar-Rumiyah. Abti-'Affan ar-Rakki from certain 
sheikhs of the writers of ar-Rakkah and others : — *Ain ar- 

1 Yakut, vol. iv, p. 889. 

2 Cf. Mahasin, vol. li, p. 34. 
3R. Payne Smith, col. 1801. 

* The desert part of Mesopotamia. Yakut, vol. i, p. 601 ; Bakri, p. 566. 


Rumiyah together with its spring belonged to al-Walid ibn- 
*Ukbah ibn-abi-Mu'ait who gave it to abu-Zubaid at-Ta'i 
from whom it passed to abu-l-'Abbas the " Commander of 
the Behevers." Abu-l-'Abbas gave it as fief to Maimun 
ibn-Hamzah, the freedman of 'AH ibn-'Abdallah ibn-'Ab- 
bas, from whose heirs ar-Rashid bought it. It Hes in the 
district of ar-Rakkah. 

GJidbat ibn-Hubairah. Ghabat ibn-Hubairah [the forest 
of ibn-Hubairah] was first given as fief to ibn-Hubairah, 
but later confiscated and assigned as fief to Bishr ibn-Mai- 
mun, the builder of at-Takat ^ [archways or arcades] at 
Baghdadh in the vicinity of Bab ash-Sham [the Syrian 
gate] . This Ghabat was later bought by ar-Rashid. It lies 
in the province of Saruj. 

'A'ishah Hef. The fief which was given by Hisham to 
his daughter, 'A'ishah, at Raskifa and which bore her name 
was also confiscated. 

Sala'us and Kafarjadda. 'Abd-al-Malik and Hisham 
owned a village called Sala'us and half of another called 
Kafarjadda which lay in the province of ar-Ruha. 

TalVAfrd', Tall Madhaha, al-Musalla and Ra bad Ha rrdn. 
In Harran, al-Ghamr ibn-Yazid owned^Tall 'Afra', the land 
of Tall Madhaba,^ and Ard al-Musalla [place of prayer], 
together with the confiscated lands and the workshops in 
Rabad Harran. 

Marj 'Abd-al-Wdhid . Before al-Hadath and Zibatrah 
were built, Marj ^ *Abd-al-Wahid was a pasturing place 
reserved for the Moslems * ; but when these two were built, 
the Moslems could do without the Marj, which was peopled 

» Cf. Le Strange, Baghdad during the Abbasid Caliphate, p. 130. 
' Lacking in diacritical points. 

• The word means meadow. 

* Ar. hima ; see Mawardi, p. 324. 


and later added by al-Husain al-Khadim in the caliphate of 
ar-Rashid to al-Ahwaz. After that, some people unjustly 
took possession of it and of its farms, in which condition it 
remained until *Abdallah ibn-Tahir came to Syria and re- 
turned it to the crown-lands. Abu-Aiyiib ar-Rakki heard 
it said that 'Abd-al- Wahid, after whom the Marj was 
named, was *Abd-al-Wahid ibn-al-Harith ibn-al-Hakam 
ibn-abi-l-'Asi, a cousin of *Abd-al-Malik. He owned the 
Marj, but turned it into a pasture land exclusively for the 
Moslems. He is the one whom al-Katami lauded, saying : 

" If fate would overlook only 'Abd-al- Wahid, 
let not the case of all the other inhabitants of the city grieve thee." 

The Christians of the banu-Taghlib ibn-Wa'il 

'Umar doubles their sadakah. Shaiban ibn-Farrukh from 
as-Saffah ash-Shaibani : — 'Umar ibn-al-Khattab wanted to 
collect the poll-tax from the Christian tribe, banu-Taghlib ; 
but they took to flight and some of them went to a distant 
land. An-Nu'man ibn-Zur'ah (or Zur'ah ibn-an-Nu'man) 
addressed 'Umar saying : " I plead in Allah's name for the 
banu-Taghlib. They are a body of Arabs too proud to pay 
poll-tax, but severe in warfare. Let not thy enemy, there- 
fore, be enriched by them to thy disadvantage." ^ There- 
upon 'Umar called them back and doubled the sadakah laid 
on them. 

Neither Moslems, nor of the " people of the Book/^ 
Shaiban from ibn-'Abbas : — The latter said, ** What is 
slaughtered by the Christians of the banu-Taghlib shall not 
be eaten, and their women shall not be taken as wives [by 
us]. They are neither of us nor of the 'people of the 
Book.' " 

'Umair consults 'Uniar. 'Abbas ibn-Hisham from 'Awa- 
nah ibn-al-Hakam and abu-Mikhnaf : — 'Umair ibn-Sa'd 
wrote to 'Umar ibn-al-Khattab informing him that he had 
come to the regions on the Syrian slope of the Euphrates 
and captured 'Anat and the other forts of [i. e., along the 
course of] the Euphrates ; and that when he wished to con- 
strain the banu-Taghlib of that region to accept Islam, they 
refused and were on the point of leaving for some Byzan- 
tine territory; no one on the Syrian slope of the Euphrates 
whom he wished to constrain to Islam had before the banu- 

1 Cf. Yusuf. p. 68. 


Taghlib showed such tenacity and asked permission to emi- 
grate. 'Umair asked 'Umar's advice on this matter. 
*Umar wrote back ordering him to double on all their pas- 
turing cattle ^ and land the amount of sadakah ordinarily 
taken from Moslems ; and if they should refuse to pay that, 
he ought to war with them until he annihilates them or they 
accept Islam. They accepted to pay a double sadakah ' 
saying, "So long as it is not the tax of the ' uncircum- 
cized,' we shall pay it and retain our faith." ^ 

The terms with the banu-Taghlib. 'Amr an-Nakid from 
Da'ud ibn-Kurdtis : — After having crossed the Euphrates 
and decided to leave for the land of the Greeks, the banu- 
Taghlib made terms with 'Umar ibn-al-Khattab, agreeing 
not to immerse [baptize] a child or compel him to accept 
their faith, and to pay a double sadakah. Da'ud ibn-Kur- 
diis used to repeat that they had no claim to security 
[dhimmah], because they used immersion in their ritual — 
referring to baptism. 

Only they pay double sadakah. Al-Husain ibn-al-Aswad 
from az-Zuhri : — None of the *' people of the Book " pay 
sadakah on their cattle except the Christian banu-Taghlib 
or — he perhaps said — the Christian Arabs, whose whole 
possessions consist of cattle. These pay twice what the 
Moslems pay. 

Zurah intercedes in their behalf. Sa^id ibn-Sulaiman 
Sa'dawaih from Zur'ah ibn-an-Nu*man : — The latter inter- 
ceded with ^Urnar in favor of the Christians of the banu- 
Taghlib, saying, " They are Arabs too proud to pay the 
poll-tax, and are possessors of tillable land and cattle." 
'Umar had decided to take tax from them and they became 
dispersed in the whole country. At last, 'Umar made terms 

1 Cf. Yusuf, p. 68. 

2 Cf. ibn-Anas, al-Mudauwanah-l-Kubra, vol. ii, p. 42. 
' MFO, vol. iii, pp. 159, 162. 


with them, stipulating that they pay double what the Mos- 
lems pay in the form of sadakah on the land and cattle, and 
that they do not christen their children. 

What 'Ali would do. According to Mughirah, *Ali used 
to repeat, " if 1 should have the time to deal with the banu- 
Taghlib, I would have my own way with them. Their 
fighters I would surely put to death, and their children I 
would take as captives, because by christening their chil- 
dren they violated the covenant and are no more in our 
trust [dhimmah].** 

What Ziydd said. Abu-Nasr at-Tammar from Ziyad 
ibn-Hudair al-Asadi : — The latter said, " I was sent by 
*Umar to the Christians of the banu-Taghlib in order to col- 
lect from them half the tithe on their possessions, and was 
warned against collecting tithes from a Moslem, or from a 
dhimnii that pays khardj." 

'Uthman withdraws his word. Muhammad ibn-Sa*d 
from Muhammad ibn-Ibrahim ibn-al-Harith : — 'Uthman 
gave orders that nothing be accepted from the banu-Tagh- 
lib as tax except the tithe on gold and silver. Having, how- 
ever, learned the fact that 'Umar took from them a double 
sadakah, he withdrew his word. 

The tax on banu-Taghlib. According to al-Wakidi, it is 
said by Sufyan ath-Thauri, al-Auza'i, Malik ibn-Anas, ibn- 
abi-Lailah, ibn-abi-Dhi'b, abu-Hanifah and abu-Yusuf that 
from one of the banu-Taghlib is collected double what is 
collected from a Moslem, on land, cattle and possessions. 
But if he is a child or idiot, a double sadakah — according 
to the school of al-Trak — is taken on his land, and nothing 
on his cattle; and according to the school of al-Hijaz, a 
double sadakah is taken on his cattle and his land. They 
all, however, agree that what is taken from the banu-Tagh- 
lib should be spent in the same way as khardj, because it is 
a substitute for tax. 

The Fortifications of the Mesopotamian Frontier 

Shimshdt. When 'Uthman ibn-'Affan became caliph, he 
wrote to Mu'awiyah conferring on him the governorship of 
Syria, and assigned 'Umair ibn-Sa'd al-Ansari as governor 
of Mesopotamia. Later he dismissed the latter and com- 
bined both Syria and Mesopotamia, including their frontier 184 
fortifications [thughur] under Mu'awiyah, in the meantime 
ordering Mu'awiyah to invade or send someone to invade 
Shimshat,^ i. e., Armenia IV. Accordingly, Mu'awiyah 
sent thereto Habib ibn-Maslamah-1-Fihri and Safwan ibn- 
Mu'attal as-Sulami who, after a few days of camping 
around it, reduced it and made terms similar to those of ar- 
Ruha. Safwan took up his abode in Armenia until his 
death towards the end of Mu'awiyah's caliphate. It is held 
by others that INIu'awiyah himself led the invasion with 
these two in his company, that he then conferred its gov- 
ernorship on Safwan, who lived in it until his death. After 
stopping in Malatyah in the year 133, Constantine the 
" tyrant " camped around Shimshat with hostile intentions, 
but effected nothing. After making a raid on the surround- 
ing places, he departed. Shimshat was included in the 
kharaj-ldJid until the time of al-Mutawakkil who changed 
it into a tithe-land, putting it on the same level with the 
other frontier fortresses. 

Kamkh. After the conquest of Shimshat, Habib ibn- 

* Yakut, vol. iii, p. 319. 



Maslamah attacked Hisn Kamkh ^ but failed to reduce it. 
Safwan too attacked it and failed. In the year 59 — the 
year in which he died — Safwan made another attempt on 
it, at which time he was accompanied by 'Umair ibn-al- 
Hubab ^ as-Sulami, who climbed the wall and kept strug- 
gling single-handed until the Greeks gave way and the Mos- 
lems climbed up. Thus the reduction of Kamkh was due to 
'Umair ibn-al-Hubab and was the thing in which he boasted 
and others boasted for him. Later, however, the Greeks 
succeeded in taking it; but it was recaptured by Maslamah 
ibn-*Abd-al-Malik. Thus the fort passed back and forth 
from the hands of the Moslems to the hands of the Greeks 
until the year 149 in which al-Mansur left Baghdadh for 
Hadithat al-Mausil from which he sent al-Hasan ibn- 
Kahtabah and after him Muhammad ibn-al-Ash*ath, both 
under the leadership of al-'Abbas ibn-Muhammad, for the 
invasion of Kamkh. Muhammad ibn-al-Ash'ath died at 
Amid.^ Al-*Abbas and al-Hasan advanced to Malatyah ^ 
from which they took provisions, and then camped around 
Kamkh. Al-'Abbas ordered that mangonels be set upon the 
fort. The holders of the fort covered it with cypress wood 
to protect it against the mangonel stones, and killed by the 
stones they hurled two hundred Moslems. The Moslems 
then set their mantelets ^* and fought severely until they 
captured it. Among those in the company of al-' Abbas ibn- 
Muhammad ibn-*Ali in this campaign was Matar al-War- 
rak. Once more the Greeks took Kamkh fort, and in the 
year 177 an attack against it was led by Muhammad ibn- 

* ^Jaukal, pp. 129, 130. 

' Cf. Mahasin, vol. i, p. 204; Duraid, p. 187. 
' Diyarbakr. 

* Yakut, vol. iv, pp. 633-634. 

* Ar. dabbdbah: Zaidan, vol. i, p. 143. 


'Abdallah ibn-'Abd-ar- Rahman ibn-abi-'Amrah-l-Ansari, the 
'dmil of 'Abd-al-MaHk ibn-Sahh over Shimshat, which re- 
sulted in its reduction. The fort was entered on the 14th 
of Rabi' II, 177, and was held by the Moslems until the time 
of the civil war led by Muhammad ibn-ar-Rashid, at which 
time its holders fled away and the Greeks took possession 
of it. Some hold that the fort was delivered to the Greeks 
by 'Ubaidallah ibn-al-Akta' who, thereby, saved his son 
who was held by them as prisoner. In the caliphate of al- 
Ma'mun, ' Abdallah ibn-Tahir reduced it ; and it was in the 
hands of the Moslems until certain Christians from Shim- 
shat, Kalikala together with Bikrat ibn-Ashut, the patrician 
of Khilat, succeeded by subtle means in transferring it to 
the Greeks, and in this wise winning their favor which the 
Christians desired because they held crown-lands in the 
province of Shimshat. 

Malatyah. Habib ibn-Maslamah-1-Fihri was sent by 
'lyad ibn-Ghanm from Shimshat to Malatyah ^ whose con- 
quest he effected. The city was later lost to the Moslems. 
When Mu'awiyah became governor of Syria and Mesopo- 
tamia, he sent again Habib ibn-Maslamah who took it by 
force and stationed in it a Moslem company of horsemen 
to keep post on the frontier and a 'dmil. When Mu'awiyah 
visited it on his way to the land of the Greeks, he stationed 
in it a garrison from Syria, Mesopotamia and other places. 
It became one of the headquarters for the summer expedi- 
tions. In the days of 'Abdallah ibn-az-Zubair, its inhabi- 
tants having left it, the Greeks came and devastated it; but 
they soon after evacuated it, and it was occupied by Arme- 
nian and Nabatean [Aramean] Christians. 

Turandah. Muhammad ibn-Sa*d from al-Wakidi : — 
After its invasion by 'Abdallah ibn-'Abd-al-Malik in the 

1 Yakut, vol. iv, pp. 633-634. 


year 83, the Moslems settled in Turandah ^ and built their 
houses in it. This Turandah is three days' journey from 
Malatyah and lies in the interior of the Byzantine Empire. 
Malatyah at this time was in ruins and inhabited by only a 
few Armenian dhimmis and others. In summer, a detach- 
ment of troops from Mesopotamia would come and stay 
in it until the rain and snow began to fall, at which time 
they would return. When 'Umar ibn-'Abd-al-'Aziz became 
caliph, he made the inhabitants of Turandah, against their 
will, evacuate it, because he feared a raid of the enemy 
upon them. As they left, they carried away everything on 
their backs, leaving nothing behind and breaking even the 
jars of oil and vinegar. 'Umar settled them in Malatyah 
and destroyed Turandah, making Ja'wanah ibn-al-Harith 
of the banu-*Amir ibn-Sa'sa'ah the governor of Malatyah. 

The Greeks descend upon Malatyah. In the year 123, 
some 20,000 Greeks made a descent on Malatyah. Its in- 
habitants closed the gates ; and the women appeared on the 
wall with turbans on their heads and took part in the fight. 
The people of Malatyah then sent a messenger to appeal 
for help. He rode on a post-mule and came to Hisham ibn- 
'Abd-al-Malik who was then at ar-Rusafah. Hisham sum- 
moned the Moslems to the help of Malatyah, but hearing 
that the Greeks had withdrawn from it, he communicated 
the news to the messenger and sent him with horsemen to 
remain at the frontier in readiness for the enemy. Hisham 
led an expedition in person, after which he alighted in 
Malatyah where he lay encamped until it was built. On 
his way, he passed through ar-Rakkah which he entered 
with his sword at his side. This was the first time in his 
rule in which he carried his sword. 

It is reported by al-Wakidi that in the year 133, Constan- 

1 Yakut, vol. iii, p. 534- 



tine the " tyrant " directed his march to Malatyah. Kamkh 
at that time was in Moslem hands; and its governor was 
one of the banu-Sulaim. The people of Kamkh having sent 
a call to the people of Malatyah for succor, 800 horsemen 
sallied forth from it to meet the Greeks. The Greek cavalry 
defeated them after a battle, and Constantine camped 
around Malatyah and invested it. At this time, Mesopo- 
tamia was the scene of a civil war and its *dmil Musa ibn- 
Ka'b was at Harran. Therefore, when the people of Ma- 
latyah sent a messenger soliciting aid, nobody came. Hear- 
ing that, Constantine addressed the people of Malatyah 
saying, " O people of Malatyah, I would not have come to 
you had I not realized your state and the fact that your 
authorities [sultan] are too busy to help you. Make peace 
therefore with me and leave the city that I may destroy it 
and go my way." The people did not comply with his de- 
mand; so he set the mangonels. The siege was pressed 
so hard and the inhabitants were so exhausted that they 
asked Constantine for safe-conduct, which request he ac- 
cepted. As they prepared to leave, they carried every light 
thing they could and threw what was too heavy into wells 
and hiding places. As they made their way out, all the 
Greeks stood in two rows from the city gates to the end 
of the line, with their swords unsheathed and the point of 
the one sword on the point of the one opposite to it, thus 
making an arch. The Greeks saw them off until they got 
to their place of safety, upon which they turned toward 
Mesopotamia where they settled in various places. Malat- 
yah was then razed to the ground by the Greeks, who left 
nothing but a granary of which only one side was dam- 
aged. Hisn Kaludhiyah was also destroyed by them. 

Malatyah rebuilt. In the year 139, al-Mansur wrote to 
Salih ibn-'Ali ordering him to rebuild and fortify Malat- 
yah. He then deemed it best to send *Abd-al-Wahhab ibn- 


Ibrahim al-Imam as governor over Mesopotamia and its 
frontier fortresses. Accordingly, 'Abd-al-Wahhab started 
in the year 140 at the head of troops from Khurasan and 
was accompanied by al-Hasan ibn-Kahtabah. He ordered 
the people of Syria and Mesopotamia to furnish contin- 
gents of troops, which they did to the number of 70,000. 
With these, he marched to the site of Malatyah, gathered 
workmen from various places and started the construction. 
Al-Hasan ibn-Kahtabah himself would sometimes carry a 
stone and hand it over to the mason. He would also pro- 
vide the workers with dinners and suppers at his own ex- 
pense, opening his kitchens to the public. 'Abd-al-Wahhab 
was displeased at this and wrote to abu-Ja'far stating that 
he ['Abd-al-Wahhab] gave food to the people, but al-Hasan 
distributed many times more, his aim being to contend with 
him for superiority in beneficence, to spoil what he did, and 
to disparage him by means of extravagance and hypocrisy ; 
and that al-Hasan had special heralds to go round calling 
people to his meals. To this, abu-Ja'far replied, " Boy, 
al-Hasan feeds people on his own account; and thou feed- 
est them on mine. What thou hast written was due to thy 
ignominy, deficient energy and base-mindedness." In the 
meantime, he wrote to al-Hasan : " Feed the people, but do 
not use a herald." Al-Hasan used to announce to the work- 
men that he who, in building a wall, got first to the crown 
of a cornice would receive so much." This made them put 
forth special effort to finish the work ; and thus was Malat- 
yah with its mosque rebuilt in 6 months. For every group 
of ten to fifteen troops in the army, he built a house of two 
rooms below and two rooms above and a stable. At a dis- 
tance of thirty miles from the city, he built a frontier castle 
and another on a rivulet called Kubakib that empties its 
water into the Euphrates. Al-Mansur settled in Malatyah 
4,000 fighters from Mesopotamia, Malatyah being one of 


the Mesopotamian frontier towns, adding to each man's sti- 
pend ten dinars, and giving to each a bounty of one hundred 
dinars, in addition to the pay allotted to the different tribes. 188 
He stationed in the town the necessary garrison, assigned 
farms to the troops as fief and built the Kaliidhiyah fort. 

Constantine desists from Jaihdn. Constantine the 
'' tyrant '', at the head of an army of more than 100,000 
men, came to Jaihan; but hearing of the great number of 
the Arabs, he desisted from it. 

Nasr ibn-Mdlik and Nasr ibn-Sa'd accompany 'Ahd-al- 
Wahhdh. I heard it said that 'Abd-al-Wahhab was accom- 
panied in the expedition mentioned above by Nasr ibn- 
Malik al-Khuza'i and Nasr ibn-Sa'd al-Katib, a freedman 
of al-Ansar. Hence the poet's words : 

" Thou hadst on thy sides two Nasrs : Nasr ibn-Malik and Nasr ibn- 
may thy victory [Ar. nasr] be unparallelled !" 

Muhammad ibn-Ibrdhim goes against Malatyah. In the 
year 141, Muhammad ibn-Ibrahim was sent to invade 
Malatyah at the head of an army from the people of 
Khurasan, with al-Musaiyab ibn-Zuhair leading the choice 
men of the army. He posted a body of horsemen in Malat- 
yah so that the enemy should not covet its possession. Those 
of its old inhabitants who survived returned to it. 

Ar-Rashid humiliates the Greeks. In the days of ar- 
Rashid, the Greeks attempted the conquest of Malatyah 
but to no avail. Ar-Rashid led an invasion, overcame and 
humiliated them. 

Mar'ash. When abu-'Ubaidah ibn-al-Jarrah was in 
Manbij, he sent Khalid ibn-al-Walid to the region of Mar- 
'ash ^ whose fort Khalid seized on the condition that its 

* Germanicia. Mas'udi, vol. viii, p. 295 ; ^aukal, p. 62. 


holders be allowed to emigrate to another place, after which 
he destroyed it. When Sufyan ibn-'Auf al-Ghamidi made 
an expedition against the Greeks in the year 30, he started 
from Mar'ash and made a tour in the land of the Greeks. 
Mar'ash was built by Mu'awiyah and populated by him with 
troops. After the death of Yazid ibn-Mu'awiyah, the 
Greeks reiterated their attacks on the city and so the in- 
habitants had to desert it. *Abd-al-Malik ibn-Marwan, after 
the death of his father, Marwan ibn-al-Hakam, and after 
asserting his claim upon the caliphate, made terms with the 
Greeks, agreeing to pay them a certain sum. But in the 
year 74, Muhammad ibn-Marwan attacked the Greeks, and 
thus the peace was broken. 

In the year 75, Muhammad ibn-Marwan once more led 
the summer campaign, and the Greeks went forth in Ju- 
mada I from Mar'ash to al-A'mak [valleys]. The Moslems 
marched against them under Aban ibn-al-Walid ibn- 
'Ukbah ibn-abi-Mu'ait accompanied by Dinar ibn-Dinar, 
a freedman of 'Abd-al-Malik ibn-Marwan and a governor 
of Kinnasrin and its districts. The two armies met in 
'Amk [valley] Mar'ash where a fierce battle was fought, 
resulting in the defeat of the Greeks. The Moslems chased 
them, massacring and capturing. In this same year. Dinar 
came across a band of Greeks at Jisr [bridge] Yaghra about 
ten miles from Shimshat, and routed them. Later al-^\b- 
bas ibn-al-Walid ibn-'Abd-al-Malik came to Mar'ash, built 
it, fortified it, moved people into it and erected in it a cathe- 
dral mosque. He imposed upon the people of Kinnasrin a 
contingent of troops to be sent to Mar'ash. 

When Marwan ibn-Muhammad during his caliphate was 
busy fighting against Hims, the Greeks came against Mar- 
'ash and invested it until its inhabitants made terms to evac- 
uate it. Accordingly, they together with their families left 
for Mesopotamia and the district of Kinnasrin, upon which 


the Greeks destroyed the city. The 'dmil of Marwan over 
the city was at that time al-Kauthar ibn-Zufar ibn-al- 
Harith al-Kilabi and the " tyrant " was Constantine son of 
Leon/ When Marwan was through with Hims and had 
destroyed its wall, he sent an army to rebuild Mar'ash. It 
was rebuilt and made into a city ; but the Greeks led an in- 
surrection and destroyed it. 

In the caliphate of abu-Ja'far al-Mansur, Salih ibn-'Ali 
rebuilt Mar'ash and fortified it. He invited men to settle in 
it, promising to increase their stipends. He was succeeded 
by al-Mahdi who increased its garrison and armed the 

Muhammad ibn-Sa'd from al-Wakidi : — Mikha'il 
[Michael] set out from Darb al-Hadath at the head of 
80,000 men and came to 'Amk Mar'ash, killing, burning and 
carrying away the Moslems as captives. Thence he advanced 
to the gate of the city of Mar'ash in which there was *lsa 
ibn-*Ali who in that year was on an expedition. The f reed- 
men of 'Isa together with the inhabitants of the city and 
their troops sallied out against Michael and showered on 
him their lancets and arrows. Michael gave way before 
them and they followed him until they were outside the 
city range; at which he turned upon them, killing eight of 
Isa's freedmen and chasing the rest back to the city. Hav- 
ing gone in, they closed its gates and Michael, after invest- 
ing the city, departed and stopped at Jaihan. When Thuma- 
mah ibn-al-Walid al-'Absi, who was then in Dabik and who 
in the year 161 led the summer expedition, heard of that, he 
despatched against Michael a strong detachment of cavalry 
most of whom lost their lives. This aroused the anger of 
al-Mahdi who began preparations for sending al-Hasan ibn- 
Kahtabah on an expedition in the following year, i. e., 162. 

1 Ar. Kustantin ibn-Alyun. He was the successor of Heraclius ; 
Mahasin, vol. i, p. 84; Athir, vol. ii, p. 444. 


Him al-Hadath and Darb al-Hadath. Hisn al-Hadath 
was one of the places reduced in the days of 'Umar by 
Habib ibn-Maslamah who was sent by 'lyad ibn-Ghanm. 
After that, Mu'awiyah used to pay frequent attention to it. 
Darb al-Hadath was ominously called by the banu-Umaiyah 19c 
" as-Salamah " [safety] because they suffered a great 
calamity in it, the calamity being, according to some, the 
occurrence implied in the term Hadath [which means oc- 
currence] . Others assert that the Moslems met on the way 
a youth who fought against them with his companions, 
hence the name Darb al-Hadath/ 

At the time of the insurrection of Marwan ibn-Muham- 
mad, the Greeks went and destroyed the city of al-Hadath 
and drove its people out as they had done in the case of 

In the year 161, Michael went out to 'Amk Mar'ash, and 
al-Mahdi directed al-Hasan ibn-Kahtabah to make a tour 
in the Byzantine Empire. Al-Hasan's hand lay so heavily 
upon the people that they put his picture in their churches. 
His entrance to the land of the Greeks [Asia Minor] was 
through Darb al-Hadath where he examined the site of its 
city [al-Hadath] which he was told was evacuated by 
Michael. Al-Hasan chose that site for his city, and when 
he departed he spoke to al-Mahdi regarding the reconstruc- 
tion of this city as well as that of Tarsus. Al-Mahdi gave 
orders that al-Hadath be built first. Among the compan- 
ions of al-Hasan in this campaign were Mandal al-*Anazi ^ 
— the Kufite traditionist, and Mu'tamir ibn-Sulaiman al- 
Basri. Al-Hadath was rebuilt by 'Ali ibn-Sulaiman 
ibn-*Ali, the governor of Mesopotamia and Kinnasrin, and 
was called al-Muhammadi)''ah. The death of al-Mahdi 

^ " The pass of the youth." 

2 Cf. Dhahabi, Mushtabih, p. 377. 


coincided with the completion of its building, so it is really 
al-Mahdiyah as well as al-Muhammadiyah. Brick was the 
material used in its construction. The death of al-Mahdi 
fell in the year 169. 

Al-Mahdi was succeeded by his son Musa-1-Hadi who 
dismissed ^Ali ibn-Sulaiman and conferred the governor- 
ship of Mesopotamia and Kinnasrin upon Muhammad ibn- 
Ibrahim ibn-Muhammad ibn-*Ali. Since 'Ali ibn-Sulaiman 
had by this time completed the building of the city of al- 
Hadath, Muhammad assigned to it troops from Syria, 
Mesopotamia and Khurasan, fixing forty dinars as the sti- 
pend of each soldier. To these he assigned the houses as 
fiefs, and bestowed three hundred dirhams on every one of 
them. The city was completed in 169. 

According to abu-1-Khattab, 'Ali ibn-Sulaiman assigned 
4,000 paid troops to al-Hadath and settled them in it, 
transferring 2,000 men into it from Malatyah, Shimshat, 
Sumaisat, Kaisiam, Duluk and Ra'ban. 

It was stated by al-Wakidi that when the building of al- 
Hadath was completed, winter set in and rain and snow fell 
in great quantities. The houses of the city, not being 191 
strongly built or provided with the necessary precautions, 
had their walls soon covered with cracks and fell to pieces. 
The Greeks then occupied it and the troops together with 
the people that were in it were scattered. Hearing that, 
Musa conscripted a contingent of troops headed by al-Mu- 
saiyab [not al-Musaiyib] ibn-Zuhair, another by Rauh ibn- 
Hatim and still another by Hamzah ibn-Malik. Musa, 
however, died before they were sent out. 

After that, ar-Rashid became caliph, and he gave orders 
to rebuild the city, fortify it, station a garrison in it and 
assign to its fighters dwellings and lands as fiefs. 

It was stated by others than al-Wakidi that when al-Ha- 
dath was built, one of the great patricians of the Greeks 


made a descent upon it with a strong host. The city was 
built with bricks, one placed on top of the other, without 
mortar intervening and which were damaged by the snow. 
The 'dmil with all those in the city took to flight, and the 
enemy entered it, putting its mosque to flames, destroying 
the city and carrying away the movable possessions of the 
people. When ar-Rashid became caliph, he rebuilt it. 

I was informed by one from Manbij that ar-Rashid 
wrote to Muhammad ibn-Ibrahim confirming him in the 
work he was doing. Thus the erection of the city of al- 
Hadath and its peopling were carried out by him on behalf 
of ar-Rashid. Later, Muhammad was dismissed by ar- 

Rahwat Malik. In the year 46, Malik ibn-'Abdallah al- 
Khath'ami, nicknamed Malik as-Sawa'if [summer expe- 
ditions] and who was a Palestinian, made an expedition to 
the Byzantine territory and returned with great booty. Oil 
his way back he stopped at a place called ar-Rahwat, fifteen 
miles from Darb al-Hadath. There he spent three days 
during which he sold the booty and divided its shares. 
Therefore the place was called Rahwat Malik. 

Marj 'Ahd-al -Wdhid. Marj 'Abd-al- Wahid was a pas- 
ture-land devoted to the exclusive use of the Moslem cav- 
alry, which after the erection of al-Hadath and Zibatrah 
was of no more use and therefore was changed into a sown 

Zibatrah . Zibatrah was an old Greek fort that was re- 
duced together with the old Hadath ^ fort by Habib ibn- 
Maslamah-1-Fihri. The fort stood until it was destroyed 
by the Greeks in the days of al-Walid ibn-Yazid. It was 
then rebuilt, but not so strongly, therefore the Greeks made 
another attack on it at the time of the insurrection of Mar- 

* Caetani. vol. iv, p. 60, note i. 


wan ibn-Muhammad and destroyed it. Al-Mansur built 
it again and it was once more torn into pieces by the Greeks. 
It was then rebuilt by ar-Rashid under the supervision of 
Muhammad ibn-Ibrahim who stationed a garrison in it. 
When al-Ma'mun became caliph, the Greeks made another 192 
descent on it and tore it into pieces, after which they made 
a raid on the pasturing cattle of its holders and carried 
away some cattle. Al-Ma'mun gave orders for repairing 
and fortifying it. In the year 210, the deputies of the 
Greek " tyrant " came asking for peace, which al-Ma'- 
mun refused. In pursuance of his orders, his ^dmils [lieu- 
tenants] in the frontier fortresses made tours in Asia 
Minor where they wrought heavy slaughter, subdued the 
land and won many brilliant victories. One misfortune 
was the loss of the life of Yakzan ibn-*Abd-al-A*la ibn- 
Ahmad ibn-Yazid ibn-Asid as-Sulami. 

In the days of al-Mu'tasim-Billah abu-Ishak ibn-ar- 
Rashid, the Greeks made a sally against Zibatrah ^ in the 
course of which they killed the men, captured the women 
and destroyed the city. This greatly aroused the anger of 
al-Mu'tasim who chased them as far as *Ammuriyah, de- 
stroying many forts on the way. He camped against 'Am- 
muriyah until he reduced it, putting its fighters to death and 
carrying off the women and children as prisoners. He then 
destroyed *Ammuriyah, and ordered that Zibatrah be re- 
built. He also fortified and garrisoned it. The Greeks 
after that tried to reduce it but failed. 

Hisn Mansur. According to abu-'Amr al-Bahili and 
others the Mansur fort was named after Mansur ibn-Ja*- 
wanah ibn-al-Harith al-'Amiri of Kais who had charge of 
building and repairing it," and who occupied it in the days 
of Marwan with a large host of the troops of Syria and 
Mesopotamia in order to repulse the enemy. 

* Yakut, vol. ii, p. 914. 


This same Mansur was governor of ar-Ruha when its 
inhabitants rebelled in the early part of the [Abbasid] 
dynasty and were besieged by al-Mansur, the 'dmil of abu- 
l-'Abbas over Mesopotamia and Armenia. When al-Man- 
sur captured the city, Mansur took to flight; but when he 
was later given safe-conduct, he appeared on the scene. 
When *Abdallah ibn-'Ali dismissed abu-Ja'far al-Mansur, 
'Abdallah made Mansur the chief of the guard in his dis- 
trict. When 'Abdallah fled to al-Basrah, Mansur disap- 
peared but was discovered in the year 141 and brought 
before al-Manstir, who, on his way from Jerusalem, put 
him to death at ar-Rakkah. According to others, Mansur 
was given safe-conduct and appeared after the flight of 
[Abdallah] ibn-'Ali. After this there were found letters 
on him directed to the Greeks and betraying Islam. When 
al-Mansur, in the year 141, arrived at ar-Rakkah from 
Jerusalem, he sent someone who brought him; and he was 
beheaded at ar-Rakkah. Al-Mansiir then departed for al- 
Hashimiyah ^ at al-Kufah. 

In the caliphate of al-Mahdi, ar-Rashid built the Man- 
sur fort and stationed a garrison in it. 

1 Yakut, vol. iv, p. 946; Baghdad under the Abbasid Caliphate, p. 5. 

Arabic made the Language of the State Registers 19^ 

Greek remained the language of the state registers ^ 
until the reign of 'Abd-al-Malik ibn-Marwan, who in the 
year 81 ordered it changed. The reason was that a Greek 
clerk desiring to write something and finding no ink urined 
in the inkstand. Hearing this, 'Abd-al-Malik punished the 
man and gave orders to Sulaiman ibn-Sa'd to change the 
language of the registers. Sulaiman requested 'Abd-al- 
Malik to give him as subsidy the khardj of the Jordan prov- 
ince for one year. 'Abd-al-Malik granted his request and 
assigned him to the governorship of the Jordan. No sooner 
had the year ended, than the change of the language was 
finished and Sulaiman brought the registers to 'Abd-al- 
Malik. The latter called Sarjun [Sergius] and presented 
to him the new plan. Sarjun was greatly chagrined and left 
'Abd-al-Malik sorrowful. Meeting certain Greek clerks, he 
said to them, " Seek your livelihood in any other profession 
than this, for God has cut it off from you." 

The total tax of the Jordan which was thus assigned as 
subsidy ^ was 180,000 dinars, that of Palestine was 350,000; 
that of Damascus 400,000; that of Hims with Kinnasrin 
and the regions called to-day al-'Awasim, 800,000, and ac- 
cording to others 700,000. 

1 Ar. diwdn which may also be used in the sense of office or bureau. 

2 Ar, ma'unah ; see Mubarrad, Kamil, p. 76, last line. 



The Conquest of Armenia 

Traditions have been communicated to me by Muham- 
mad ibn-Isma*il of Bardha'ah and others on the authority 
of abu-Bara' ^Anbasah ibn-Bahr al-Armani; by Muham- 
mad ibn-Bishr al-KaH on the authority of his sheikhs; by 
Barmak ibn-'Abdallah ad-DabiH, Muhammad ibn-al-Mu- 
khaiyis al-Khilati and others on the authority of some well 
versed in the affairs of Armenia. These traditions I here- 
with transmit, having pieced them up together into one 
whole, to wit : — 

The four provinces. Shimshat, Kalikala, Khilat Arjish 
and Bajunais constituted Armenia IV; the district of al- 194 
Busfurrajan [ Waspurakan] , Dabil [Dwin], Siraj Tair and 
Baghrawand constituted Armenia III; Jurzan [Georgia] 
constituted Armenia II; as-Sisajan and Arran constituted 
Armenia 1/ According to others, Shimshat alone consti- 
tuted Armenia IV; Kalikala, Khilat, Arjish and Bajunais, 
Armenia III; Siraj Tair, Baghrawand, Dabil, and al-Bus- 
furrajan, Armenia II; and as-Sisajan, Arran [Albania], 
and Taflis, Armenia I.^ Jurzan and Arran were held by the 
Khazar, while the rest of Armenia was held by the Greeks 
under the governorship of " the Lord of Armaniyakus ". 

Kubddh ihn-Fairuz builds many cities. Al-Khazar used 
from time to time to make raids and reach as far as ad- 
Dinawar. Because of it, Kubadh ibn-Fairuz al-Malik ^ 

1 The Encyclopaedia of Islam, vol. i, p. 444. 

2 Khurdadhbih, pp. 122-123. 

^ i. e., the king. He belonged to the Sassanian Dynasty. 



despatched one of his great generals at the head of 12,000 
men, who ravaged the land of Arran and conquered the 
region lying between ar-Rass river and Sharwan. Ku- 
badh then followed him and built in Arran the city of al- 
Bailakan, the city of Bardha'ah — which is the capital of the 
whole frontier region, and the city of Kabalah, i. e., al- 
Khazar. After that he erected Sudd al-Libn [brick dam] 
lying between the land of Sharwan and al-Lan gate. Along 
this Sudd, he established 360 cities which fell into ruins 
after the erection of the city of al-Bab wa-1-Abwab. 

Anushirzvdn builds other cities. Kubadh was succeeded 
by his son Anfishirwan Kisra who built the cities of ash- 
Shabiran and Maskat, and later al-Bab wa-1-Abwab ^ which 
was called Abwab because it was built on a road in the 
mountain. He settled in the places he built a people 
whom he called as-Siyasijian.^ In the land of Arran, he es- 
tablished Abwab Shakkan,^ al-Kamibaran, and Abwab ad- 
Diadaniyah. Ad-D{idaniyah are a tribe who claim to be 
descended from the banu-Dudan ibn-Asad ibn-Khuzaimah. 
He also built ad-Durdhukiyah * which consisted of twelve 
gates, ^ each one of which was a castle of stone. In the land 
of Jurzan he established a city, Sughdabil, which he popu- 
lated with a body of as-Sughd [Sogdians] and Persians, 
making it a fortified town. Next to the Greek lands in the 
region of Jurzan, he built a castle and called it Bab Fairuzi- 
kubadh; another called Bab Ladhikah; still another Bab 

1 Derbend. See Me3mard, Dictionnaire de la Perse, p. 68 ; Hama- 
dhani, pp. 286-288; Haukal, pp. 241-242. 

' Cf. St. Martin, Memoires sur I'Arminie, vol. i, pp. 207-214. 

8Hamadhani, p. 288, "Shakka"; Yakut, "Shaka"; Haukal, p. 254, 

* Hamadhani, p. 288, " ad-Durzukiyah " ; St. Martin, vol. ii, p. 189. 

6 Cf. Hamadhani, p. 288. 


Barikah which Hes on the Tarabazundah sea [Black Sea]. 
He also erected Bab al-Lan, Bab Samsakhi/ al-Jardaman 
fort, and Samshulda fort. Moreover, Anushirwan conquered 
all the forts of Armenia held by the Greeks, built and forti- 
fied the city of Dabil, built an-Nashawa — the capital of the 
al-Busfurrajan district, the fort of Wais and other castles 
in the land of as-Sisajan including al-Kilab and Sahyiinis 
castles. In the forts and castles, he stationed Siyasijiyah 
men noted for valor and efficiency in warfare. 

Anushirwan builds a wall between his domain and that of 
the Turks, Anushirwan then wrote to the king of the 
Turks asking for reconciliation and peace and for action in 
unison. In order to assure him of his friendliness, Anii- 
shirwan sought his daughter's hand and expressed a desire 
to be his son-in-law. Meanwhile, he sent him a maid of 
his, who was adopted by one of his wives, and said she was 
his daughter. Consequently, the Turk presented his daugh- 
ter to Anushirwan and came to see him. The two met at 
al-Barshaliyah where they caroused together for some days, 
and each felt the other was friendly to him and expressed 
his loyalty. Anushirwan ordered some of his friends in 
whom he confided to wait for nightfall and set fire to a 
part of the Turkish camp, which they did. In the morning, 
the Turkish king complained to Anvishirwan ; but the latter 
denied having ordered it or known that his men had done it. 
After a few nights, Anushirwan gave his orders to repeat 
the act, and his men did. The Turk grumbled so much at 
the act that Anushirwan had to show sympathy for him 196 
and apologized to him, upon which he was appeased. By 
order of Antishirwan, fire was set in a corner of his own 
camp where nothing but cottages of straw and twigs stood. 
In the morning, Anushirwan grumbled to the Turk, saying, 

1 Brosset, Histoire de la Georgie, vol. i, p. 238. 


*' Thy men were on the point of destroying my camp; and 
thou rewardest me by throwing suspicion upon me ! " The 
Turk swore that he knew no reason for the act, upon which 
Anushirwan addressed him, saying, " Brother, thy troops 
and mine look with disfavor on the peace we made, because 
they have thereby lost the booty depending on razzias and 
wars that might be carried out between us. I fear they un- 
dertake things to corrupt our hearts after our mutual agree- 
ment of sincerity, so that we may once more have recourse 
to enmity after our new blood relationship and our friend- 
ship. I deem it wise, therefore, that thou allowest me to 
build a wall between thee and me with one gate through 
which none from us will go to you and from you to us, ex- 
cept the ones thou wishest and we wish." The Turk ac- 
cepted the proposal and left for his own land. 

Anushirwan commenced building the wall. He built the 
side of it that faced the sea with rock and lead. Its width 
he made 300 dhird's, and its height reached the mountain 
heights. He ordered that stones be carried in boats and 
dropped into the sea, so that when they appeared above the 
surface, he could build on them. The wall extended over a 
distance of three miles in the sea. When the construction 
was completed, he fixed on its entrance iron gates and en- 
trusted it to one hundred horsemen to guard it. Before 
this, it took 50,000 troops to guard the place. On this wall 
he also set a mantelet. The Khakan ^ was later told, "Anu- 
shirwan has deceived thee and given thee for wife one who 
is not his daughter and fortified himself against thee " ; but 
Khakan was no match for such wiles. 

Anushirwan assigns kings. Anushirwan assigned kings, 
stationed them in different districts, and conferred on each 
one of them the governorship [made him Shah] of one dis- 

1 The Turkish king. 


trict. One of these was '' Khakan al-Jabal " [lord of the 
mountain] who bore the title '' Sahib as-Sarir " ^ [holder 
of the throne] and was named Wahrarzan-shah. Another 
was the king of Filan surnamed Filan-shah. Others were 
Tabarsaran-shah, the king of al-Lakz — surnamed Jar- 
shan-shah — the king of Maskat (whose kingship has been 
abolished), the king of Liran — surnamed Liran-shah — and 
the king of Sharwan called Sharwan-shah. He also made 197 
the chief of Bukh ^ its king, and the chief of Zirikiran its 
king. The kings of Jabal al-Kabak ^ he left over their king- 
doms and made terms with them, stipulating that they pay 
an annual tribute. 

Thus Armenia was in the hands of the Persians until the 
appearance of Islam, at which time many Siyasijtin aban- 
doned their forts and cities which fell into ruins. The Kha- 
zar and Greeks thus got possession of what was once in 
their hands. 

Kdlikala. At a certain period, the Greek princes were 
scattered about and some of them became like Muluk at- 
Tawa'if,* and one ruled over Armaniyakus. After the 
death of the latter, his wife succeeded him and her name 
was Kali.^ She built the city of Kalikala ^ which she named 
Kalikalah. The meaning of the word is " the benevolence 
of Kali." She set her picture on one of the city gates. The 
Arabs arabicized Kalikalah into Kalikala. 

Kdlikala reduced. When 'Uthman ibn-'Affan became 
caliph, he wrote to Mu*awiyah, his 'dmil over Syria and 

1 Istakhri, p. 191, note f ; Mas'udi, vol. ii, pp. 41-42. 

2 St. Martin, vol. i, p. 76. 

^ Cf. Meynard, p. 437, " Qabq (Caucase) ". 

* Petty kings among whom the Persian kingdom was divided after 
Alexander. Tabari, vol. i, pp. 704-713. 

* Hamadhani, p. 292. 

^ Armen. Karin, modern Erzerum. 


Mesopotamia together with their frontier cities, ordering 
him to send Habib ibn-Maslamah-1-Fihri into Armenia/ 
Habib had left a good impression in connection with the 
conquest of Syria and the invasion of the Greeks. This fact 
was fully realized by 'Umar, by 'Uthman and by 'Uthman's 
successor. Others say that 'Uthman wrote [directly] to 
Habib ordering him to make an expedition against Ar- 
menia. The former view is more authentic. Accordingly, 
Habib went against it at the head of 6,000, but according to 
another estimate, 8,000, of the people of Syria and Meso- 
potamia. Arriving in Kalikala, he camped around it; and 
when its people came out against him, he fought them and 
drove them to the city. They then asked for peace, agree- 
ing to evacuate the place and pay the tax. Many of them 
left the city and went as far as Asia Minor. Habib re- 
mained in the city with his men for a few months. He then 
learned that the patrician of Armaniyakus had massed a 
large army against the Moslems and was reinforced by 
troops from al-Lan, Afkhaz and from Samandar in al- 
Khazar. Therefore, he wrote to *Uthman asking for rein- 
forcement. 'Uthman wrote to Mu*awiyah asking him to 
send to Habib a body of men from Syria and Mesopotamia 
interested in the "holy war" and booty. Accordingly, Mu- 
'awiyah sent 2,000 men who were settled in Kalikala, given 
fiefs and stationed as horsemen guard to keep post in it. 
At the receipt of Habib's request, 'Uthman also wrote to 
Sa'id ibn-al-*Asi ibn-Sa'id ibn-al-*Asi ibn-Umaiyah, his 
^dmil over al-Kufah, ordering him to reinforce Habib with 
an army headed by Salman ibn-Rabi'ah-1-Bahili who bore 
the title "Salman al-Khail" [the Salman of horsemen] and 
who was generous, benevolent and of a warlike nature. 
Salman set out at the head of 6,000 Kufites. The Greeks 

* Miiller, Der Islam in Morgen- und Abendland, pp. 259-260. 


and their followers had already arrived and encamped on 
the Euphrates, before Habib received the reinforcement. 
Taking advantage of the night, the Moslems swept over 
them and killed their chief. That evening Habib's wife, 
umm-*Abdallah, daughter of Yazid of the Kalb tribe, asked 
Habib, "Where shall I meet thee?" To this, Habib re- 
plied, *' Either at the tents of the ' tyrant ', ^ or in Para- 
dise !" When he got to those tents he found her there. 

When the Moslems were done with their enemy, Salman 
returned. The Kufite troops wanted to have a share in the 
booty but were refused, which led into a verbal dispute 
between Habib and Salman. Some Moslems threatened 
Salman with death, regarding which the poet said : 

*' If ye kill Salman, we kill your Habib ; 
and if ye depart towards ibn-'Affan, we would also depart." ^ 

'Uthman was communicated with, and he wrote back, '' The 
spoils belong wholly to the Syrians by right." Meanwhile, 
he wrote to Salman ordering him to invade Arran. 

It is reported by others that in the caliphate of 'Uthman, 
Salman ibn-Rabi*ah went to Armenia, made captives and 
plundered, returning in the year 25 to al-Walid ibn-'Ukbah 
at Hadithat al-Mausil. Al-Walid received a letter from 
'Uthman informing him that Mu'awiyah had written him 
to the effect that the Greeks were gathered against the Mos- 
lems in great numbers, and that the Moslems wanted rein- 
forcements, and ordering him to send 8,000 men.^ Accord- 
ingly, al-Walid sent 8,000 men under Salman ibn-Rabi'ah- 
1-Bahili. Mu'awiyah sent an equal number under Habib 
ibn-Maslamah-1-Fihri. The two leaders reduced many 

* Referring to the Greek general. 
» Tabari, vol. i, pp. 2893-2894. 
' Ihid., vol. i, pp. 2807-2808. 



forts, carried away many prisoners and fell to dispute re- 
garding the general leadership. The Syrians wanted to kill 
Salman, hence the verse quoted above. The former report, 
however, is more authentic and was orally communicated 
to me by many from Kalikala and in writing by al-'Attaf 
ibn-Sufyan abu-1-Asbagh, the kadi of Kalikala. 

Habib kills al-Mauriydn, Muhammad ibn-Sa'd from 
'Abd-al-Hamid ibn-Ja'far's father: — Habib ibn-Maslamah 
besieged the inhabitants of Dabil and camped around the 
city. Al-Mauriyan ar-Riimi ^ came against him ; but under 
the cover of the night, Habib killed him and plundered 
what was in his camp. Salman then joined Habib. The 
authorities of this tradition believe that Habib fell upon the 
Greek at Kalikala. 

Kusdn subdues Kalikala. Muhammad ibn-Bishr al-Kali 
and ibn-Warz al-Kali from the sheikhs of Kalikala: — 
Ever since its conquest, the city of Kalikala held out against 
attacks until the year 133 in which "the tyrant" set out, 
besieged Malatyah, destroyed its wall and expelled the 
Moslems that were in it to Mesopotamia, after which he 
encamped at Marj al-Hasa whence he directed Kusan al- 
Armani against Kalikala. Kusan came and invested the 
city, whose inhabitants at that time were few and whose 
'dmil was abu-Karimah. In the course of the siege, two 
Armenian brothers who lived in the city made a breach 
through a rampart in its wall, went out to Kusan and 
brought him in to the city. Thus Kusan subdued the city, 
killed [many], took captives and razed it to the ground, 
carrying off what he plundered to '' the tyrant ". The cap- 
tives he distributed among his companions. 

Al-Mansur rebuilds and al-Mu' tasim fortifies Kalikala. 

1 Patrician of Armaniyakus which province is listed in De Goeje's 
edition of Baladhuri as a name of person. 


According to al-Wakidi, in the year 139 al-Mansur gave 
ransom ^ for those of the captives of Kalikala who sur- 
vived; and he rebuilt Kalikala, populated it, and returned 
them into it. He also invited to it troops from Mesopo- 
tamia and other places to live in it. In the caliphate of al- 
Mu'tasim-Billah, the Greek " tyrant " came to KaHkala 
and threw projectiles on its wall until it was on the point 
of falling. Thereupon al-Mu'tasim had to spend 500,000 
dirhams to make the city strong again. 

The patricians of Khildt and Muks. After having cap- 
tured Kalikala, Habib marched to Mirbala where the pa- 
trician of Khilat brought him a statement written by *Iyad 
ibn-Ghanm, who had guaranteed to the patrician the secur- 
ity of his life, possessions and country and had concluded 
a treaty with him stipulating that the patrician should pay 
tax. Habib sanctioned the terms of the statement. He then 
occupied a house between al-Harak ^ and Dasht al-Warak. 
The patrician of Khilat brought him the money he owed 
and offered a present which Habib refused to accept. Ha- 
bib then visited Khilat and passed to as-Sababah [ ?] ^ 
where he was met by the chief of Muks,* one of the dis- 
tricts of al-Busfurrajan. Habib made peace with him in 
exchange for an annual tax to be paid for his land, sent a 200 
man with him and wrote him a statement of peace and 

Arjish, B djunais and at-Tirrtkh. To the villages of 
Arjish and Bajunais, Habib sent a body of men who sub- 
dued them and laid poll-tax on them. The leading men of 
these villages came to Habib and made a treaty agreeing to 

^ Ar. fdda bihim ; see Mawardi, pp. 82 and 232. 

'^ St. Martin, vol. i, p. loi. 

' Original not clear. 

* St. Martin, vol. i, p. 175. 


pay the kharaj on their lands. As for at-Tirrikh lake, he 
did not interfere with it, and it was used by the public until 
Muhammad ibn-Marwan ibn-al-Hakam became governor 
of Mesopotamia and Armenia, upon which he took posses- 
sion of its fish and sold them, making an income out of it. 
The lake after that became the property of Marwan ibn- 
Muhammad and was thus lost to Muhammad. 

Dabil and other towns sue for peace. Habib now came 
to Azdisat,^ the chief village of al-Hurmuz,^ crossed Nahr 
al-Akrad and encamped at Marj Dabil. Thence he sent the 
cavalry against Dabil and marched until he reached its gate. 
The people took to the fortifications and threw projectiles 
on him. Habib set a mangonel against the city and used it 
until they sued for peace and capitulation. This he granted 
them. His cavalry wandered around, occupied Jurna,^ 
reached as far as Ashiish, dhat-al-Lujum, al-Jabal Kiintah * 
and Wadi-1-Ahrar and subdued all the villages of Dabil. 
He also despatched a force against Siraj Tair and against 
Baghrawand whose patrician came and made terms, agree- 
ing to pay an annual tribute, to be loyal to the Moslems, to 
entertain them, and to aid them against the enemy. The 
text of the treaty with Dabil ran as follows : 

** In the name of Allah, the compassionate, the merciful. 
This is a treaty of Habib ibn-Maslamah with the Chris- 
tians, Magians and Jews of Dabil, including those present 
and absent. I have granted you safety for your lives, pos- 
sessions, churches, places of worship, and city wall. Thus 
ye are safe and we are bound to fulfil our covenant, so long 
as ye fulfil yours and pay poll-tax and kharaj. Thereunto 

1 " Aschdischad," St. Martin, vol. i, p. loi ; Yakut, vol. i, p. 199, 
" Ardashat ". 

2 Baladhuri reads " Kirmiz," which is a clerical error, 
^ Mardsid, vol. i, p. 25. 

* Original not clear. 



Allah is witness; and it suffices to have him for witness. 
Signed by Habib ibn-Maslamah." 

An-Nashawa and al-Busfurrajdn. Habib after this pro- 
ceeded to an-Nashawa and took possession of it on terms 
similar to those of Dabil. The patrician of al-Busfurrajan 
came and made terms regarding all of his country together 
with the land of Hasatiltah ^ [ ?] and Afaristah [ ?], agree- 
ing to pay a certain tax every year. 

As-Sisajdn. Habib then moved to as-Sisajan ^ whose 
people resisted him but were defeated. He also conquered 
Wais ; and made terms with the holders of the forts at as- 201 
Sisajan to the effect that they pay tax. He then proceeded 
to Jurzan. 

Dhdt-al-Lujum. I was informed by certain sheikhs from 
Dabil, among whom was Barmak ibn-*Abdallah, that Habib 
ibn-Maslamah marched with his men bent on Jurzan. When 
they got to dhat-al-Lujum, they left some of their horses 
and mules to graze, leaving their bridles together in one 
place. Suddenly, a band of the *'uncircumcised" fell upon 
them before they could bridle their animals. In the fight 
that ensued, the " uncircumcised " drove the Moslems 
away and seized the bridles together with as many horses 
and mules as they could. Later, the Moslems returned to 
them, massacred them and took back what has been carried 
away from them. That is why this spot was called " dhat- 
al-Lujum " [the place of the bridles]. 

As Habib was advancing against the patrician of Jur- 
zan, he was met by a messenger of the patrician and the in- 
habitants of the town, who presented a written message and 
asked for a treaty of peace and security. Accordingly, 
Habib wrote to them : — 

* Certain diacritical points missing. 

* Meynard, p. 335. 


" Your messenger, Nukla/ came to me and my compan- 
ions ' the Believers ' saying on your behalf that we are a 
nation whom Allah has honored and given superiority, 
which Allah did, great praise be to Allah, and prayer and 
peace be on Muhammad his Prophet and noblest creature! 
Ye also stated that ye would like to make peace with us. 
As for your present, I have estimated its value and consid- 
ered it a part of your tax. I have made a treaty of peace 
with you and inserted one condition in it. If ye accept the 
condition and live up to it, well and good. Otherwise * an- 
nounce ye a war waged by Allah and his Prophet ^ '. Peace 
be to those who follow the proper guidance." 

The treaty with the people of Taiiis. Habib thence pro- 
ceeded to Taflis [Tiflis] and made the following statement 
of peace to its people : — 

" In the name of Allah, the compassionate, the merciful. 
This is a statement from Habib ibn-Maslamah to the inhabi- 
tants of Taflis which lies in Manjalis ^ at Jurzan al-Hur- 
muz,* securing them safety for their lives, churches, con- 
vents, religious services and faith, provided they acknowl- 
edge their humiliation and pay tax to the amount of one 
dinar on every household. Ye are not to combine more 
than one household into one in order to reduce the tax, nor 
are we to divide the same household into more than one in 
order to increase it. Ye owe us counsel and support against 
the enemies of Allah and his Prophet to the utmost of your 
ability, and are bound to entertain the needy Moslem for 
one night and provide him with that food used by * the peo- 
ple of the Book ' and which it is legal for us to partake of. 

1 Cf. Tabari, vol. i, p. 2674. 

2 Kor., 2 : 279. 

3 Brosset, vol. i, pp. 245, 248. 

* and not " Kirmiz " as Baladhuri has it. See Tabari, vol. i, p. 2674. 


If a Moslem is cut off from his companions and falls into 
your hands, ye are bound to deliver him to the nearest body 
of the ' Believers ', unless something stands in the way. 202 
If ye return to the obedience ^ of Allah and observe prayer, 
ye are our brethren in faith, otherwise poll-tax is incum- 
bent on you. In case an enemy of yours attacks and sub- 
jugates you while the Moslems are too busy to come to your 
aid, the Moslems are not held responsible, nor is it a vio- 
lation of the covenant with you. The above are your rights 
and obligations to which Allah and his angels are witness 
and it is sufficient to have Allah for witness." 

The following is a copy of the treaty made by al-Jarrah 
ibn-'Abdallah-l-Hakami with the people of Taflis : 

" In the name of Allah, the compassionate, the merciful. 
This is a treaty made by al-Jarrah ibn-*Abdallah with the 
inhabitants of Taflis in the district of Manjalis and the 
province of Jurzan. They have shown me the treaty made 
with them by Habib ibn-Maslamah to the effect that they 
accept the humiliation of the tax, and that he made terms 
with them regarding lands belonging to them, vineyards, 
and mills, called Awara and Sabina in the district of Man- 
jalis, and regarding Ta'am and Diduna in the district of 
Kuhuwit in the province of Jurzan, stipulating that they 
pay on these mills and vineyards a tax of 100 dirhams per 
annimi without repeating it. These terms of peace and se- 
curity I put into effect and ordered that the sum be never 
increased on them. Let no one, therefore, to whom this my 
treaty is read increase the tax on them; so Allah wills. 
Written by—." 

Various places conquered by Habib . Habib conquered 
Hawarih, Kasfaryabs [?],^ Kisal, Khunan, Samsakhi, al- 

1 Tabari, vol. i, p. 2675 : " become Moslem ". 

2 Lacking in diacritical points. 


Jardaman, Kastasji/ Shaushit,^ and Bazalit/ which capitu- 
lated on the terms that the Hves of the inhabitants be spared, 
that places of worship and their walls be not molested and 
that they pay annual tribute on their lands and persons. 
The people of Kalarjit, Tharyalit/ Khakhit/ Khukhit,« 
Artahal/ and Bab al-Lal ^ also made terms with Habib. 
As-Sanariyah and ad-Diidaniyah made terms, agreeing to 
pay an annual tax. 

Al-Bailakdn . By order of 'Uthman, Salman ibn- 
Rabi*ah-1-Bahili proceeded to Arran. Here he conquered 
the city of al-Bailakan which capitulated on terms stipu- 
lating that he guarantee the safety of their lives, posses- 
sions and city walls, and that they pay poll-tax and khardj. 

Bardha'ah and other places. Thence Salman advanced to 
Bardha'ah and camped on ath-Thurthur ^ river which flows 
at a distance of less than one parasang from the city. The 
inhabitants closed their city gates against him ; and he made 
an attempt on it for many days, making raids on its vil- 
lages. It was the time for reaping the harvest. At last, 
its people made terms similar to those of al-Bailakan and 
opened their gates. Thus he made his entrance and occu- 
pied the city. Salman then sent his cavalry which con- 
quered Shifshin, al-Misfawan, t)dh, al-Misryan,^" al-Hur- 

* Brosset, vol. i, p. 512. 

' St. Martin : " Schauscheth" ; cf. Kazwini, vol. ii, p. 413, line 20. 
' Brosset, vol. i, pp. 45, 86. 

* " Thrialeth," Brosset, vol. i, pp. 248, 285. 

* " Kakheth " in Brosset, /. /. 

« "Kukhet," Brosset, vol. i, pp. 315, 349; St. Martin, vol. ii, p. 198. 

' Brosset, vol. i, p. 39. 

8 St. Martin, vol. ii, p. 227. 

* St. Martin, vol. i, p. 87. 
10 Text not clear. 


hilyan and Tabar, all of which are districts. Other places 
in Arran were reduced. The Kurds of al-Balasajan ^ he sum- 
moned to Islam ; but they fought against him and were sub- 
jugated. Some were made to pay tax and others sadakah; 
but the latter were few. 

Shamkur. I was informed by some people from 
Bardha'ah that Shamkur was an ancient city to which 
Salman ibn-Rabi'ah sent someone who reduced it. It was 
well populated and flourishing until it was destroyed by 
as-Sawardiyah, who after the departure of Yazid ibn- 
Usaid from Armenia came together and became a source of 
trouble and misfortune. In the year 240, the city was re- 
built by Bugha, the f reedman of al-Mu'tasim and the gov- 
ernor of Armenia, Adharbaijan and Shimshat. He settled 
in it people from al-Khazar who, because of their interest in 
Islam came, and sought security. He also transplanted 
merchants to it from Bardha^ah and called it al-Mutawak- 

Kabalah and other places. Salman thence advanced to 
the junction of ar-Rass and al-Kurr behind Bardij. Cross- 
ing al-Kurr he reduced Kabalah ; and the chief of Shakkan 
and al-Kamibaran capitulated, agreeing to pay annual tax. 
In like manner did the people of Khaizan,^ the king of 204 
Sharwan and the other kings of al-Jibal, the people of Mas- 
kat, ash-Shabiran and the city of al-Bab capitulate. The 
city of al-Bab was closed after him. Khakan with his cav- 
alry met Salman beyond al-Balanjar river. The latter was 
killed with 4,000 Moslems who in that critical position were 
heard shouting " Allah is great ! " ^ 

1 Yakut, vol. i, p. 173, and vol. ii, p. 780. 

2 St. Martin, vol. i, pp. i75 seq.; Yakut, vol. ii, p. 507: "Khaizar"; 
Mas'udi, vol. ii, pp. 39-40 ; Meynard, p. 350. 

' Ya'kubi, vol. ii, p. 194. 


Salman the first kadi of al-Kufah. This Salman ibn- 
Rabi'ah was the first to hold the position of kadi in al- 
Kufah/ where he spent forty days without hearing a case. 
He transmitted traditions on 'Umar ibn-al-Khattab's au- 
thority. Says ibn-Jumanah-1-Bahili referring to Salman 
and Kutaibah ibn-Muslim : 

" We have two tombs one at Balanjar 

and another at Sin-Istan [China] and what a tomb that is ! 
The one who lies in China has brought about conquests in all places; 

and the merits of the other cause abundant rain to fall." ^ 

Among the companions of Salman at Balanjar was Kar- 
zah ibn-Ka'b al-Ansari. It was he who carried the news of 
Salman^s death to ^Uthman. 

Hahib put by 'Uthmdn in charge of the frontier fortresses. 
Having made these conquests in Armenia, Habib re- 
ported his success to ^Uthman ibn-*Affan who received his 
letter immediately after the news of Salman's death. 'Uth- 
man was on the point of assigning Habib over all Armenia ; 
but he then deemed it best to put him in charge of the cam- 
paigns on the frontiers of Syria and Mesopotamia, because 
of his efficiency in doing what he intended to do. 'Uthman 
conferred on Hudhaifah ibn-al-Yaman al-'Absi the gover- 
norship of the frontier fortresses of Armenia; and the 
latter left for Bardha'ah and sent his 'dmils to the places 
that lay between it and Kalikala and up to Khaizan. He 
then received 'Uthman's message instructing him to depart 
and leave in his place Silah ibn-Zufar al-*Absi who was in 
his company. Hudhaifah assigned Silah as his successor. 

Habib returned to Syria and began his campaigns against 
the Greeks. He settled in Hims, but Mu'awiyah moved him 
to Damascus, where he died in the year 42, aged 35. Once 

* Gottheil, Egyptian Cadis, page VI. 

' For an explanation see ibn-Kutaibah, Kitab al-Ma'drif, p. 221. 


when 'Uthman was besieged, Mu'awiyah sent this Habib 
at the head of an army to his relief. Having arrived in 
Wadi-1-Kura, Habib heard of the death of 'Uthman and 205 
took his way back/ 

Various governors of Adharhaijdn and Armenia. 
*Uthman appointed al-Mughirah ibn-Shu'bah governor of 
Adharbaijan ^ and Armenia, but dismissed him later, and 
appointed al-Kasim ibn-Rabi'ah ibn-Umaiyah ibn-abi-as- 
Salt ath-Thakafi governor of Armenia. Others say he ap- 
pointed *Amr ibn-Mu'awiyah ibn-al-Muntafik al-'Ukaili 
governor of Armenia; and still others say that for 15 years 
after al-Mughirah, one of the banu-Kilab ruled over Arme- 
nia, and that he was succeeded by al-'Ukaili. Under *Ali 
ibn-abi-Talib, al-Ash'ath ibn Kais ruled over Armenia and 
Adharbaijan. He was followed by 'Abdallah ibn-Hatim 
ibn-an-Nu*man ibn-*Amr al-Bahili who ruled over it in the 
name of Mu'awiyah. *Abdallah died in it and was suc- 
ceeded by his brother 'Abd-al-'Aziz ibn-Hatim ibn-an-Nu'- 
man, who built the city of Dabil, fortified it and enlarged its 
mosque. He also built the city of an-Nashawa and repaired 
the city of Bardha'ah. Others say he rebuilt Bardha'ah 
and deepened the trenches around it. He also rebuilt the 
city of al-Bailakan. These cities were dilapidated and 
ready to fall into ruins. According to others, it was Mu- 
hammad ibn-Marwan who in the days of *Abd-al-Malik ibn- 
Marwan rebuilt Bardha'ah. Al-Wakidi states that *Abd-al- 
Malik built Bardha'ah under the supervision of Hatim ibn- 
an-Nu'man al-Bahili or his son. This *Abd-al-Malik ap- 
pointed 'Uthman ibn-al-Walid ibn-'Ukbah ibn-abi-Mu'ait to 
the governorship of Armenia. 

1 Ghazarian, "Armenien unter der Arab Herrschaft," Zeitschrift fur 
Armen. Philol, vol. ii, pp. 177-182 (Marburg, 1904). 

' Meynard, pp. I4-I7- 


Armenia r ebels. During the insurrection of ibn-az- 
Zubair, Armenia rose and its nobles ^ with their followers 
threw off their allegiance. When Muhammad ibn-Marwan 
held under his brother *Abd-al-Malik the governorship of 
Armenia, he led the fight against them and won the victory, 
slaughtering and taking captives. Thus, he subdued the 
land. He promised those who survived higher stipends than 
the ordinary soldiers' pay. For that purpose they assem- 
bled in churches in the province of Khilat where he locked 
them in and put guards on the door, and then he frightened 
them. In this campaign umm-Yazid ibn-Usaid was taken 
captive from as-Sisajan, she being the daughter of as-Sisa- 
jan's patrician. 

'Adi governor of Armenia. Sulaiman ibn-'Abd-al-Malik 
made 'Adi ibn-*Adi ibn-'Amirah ^-1-Kindi governor of Ar- 
menia. *Adi ibn-'Amirah was one of those who had left 
'Ali ibn-abi-Talib and settled in ar-Rakkah. He was later 
made the governor of Armenia by 'Umar ibn-'Abd-al-'Aziz. 
This 'Adi was the one after whom the Nahr 'Adi at al- 
Bailakan was named. According to others, the 'dmil of 
'Umar was Hatim ibn-an-Nu'man, but that is not con- 

Mi'lak and al-Hdrith as governors. Yazid ibn-'Abd-al- 
Malik conferred the governorship on Mi'lak ibn-Saffar al- 
Bahrani, but he later dismissed him and assigned al-Harith 
ibn-*Amr at-Ta'i, who made an incursion against the in- 
habitants of al-Lakz ^ conquering the district of Hasma- 

Al-Jarrdh as governor. When al-Jarrah ibn-*Abdallah 

^ Ar. ahrdr, the class that constituted the aristocracy of Armenia 
before the Persian rule; see Yakut, vol. i, pp. 222, 438. 
2 Tabari, vol. ii, p. 887 : " 'Umairah ". 
» Yakut, vol. iv, p. 364. 
* " Jashmadan," Istakhri, p. 187. 


al-Hakami of Madhhij became governor of Armenia, he 
stopped at Bardha'ah where his attention was called to the 
different measures and weights used by the people and 
which he fixed according to the standards of justice and 
honesty introducing a new measure, called al-Jarrahi, with 
which they deal until to-day. After crossing al-Kurr,^ he 
marched until he went over the river known by the name of 
as-Samur and came to al-Khazar, among whom he wrought 
a great slaughter. He also fought against the inhabitants 
of the land of Hamzin " and made terms with them stipu- 
lating that they be transplanted to the district of Khaizan 
where he gave them two villages. He then attacked the 
people of Ghumik ^ and captured some of them. Turning 
back, he came to Shakka, and his army spent the winter at 
Bardha'ah and al-Bailakan. Al-Khazar assembled their 
troops and crossed ar-Rass.* He fought against them in 
Sahra' [desert] Warthan, and when they withdrew to the 
region of Ardabil ^ he engaged them in battle at a distance 
of four parasangs from Armenia. After a three days' 
battle, he suffered martyrdom together with his men, and 
therefore was the river called Nahr al-Jarrah. A bridge 
spanning it also bore the same name. 

Maslamah as governor. Hisham ibn-*Abd-al-Malik after 
that appointed Maslamah ibn-'Abd-al-Malik to the gover- 
norship of Armenia, put at the head of the van of his [Mas- 
lamah's] army Sa'id ibn-'Amr ibn-Aswad al-Jurashi, and 
accompanied him by Ishak ibn-Muslim al-*Ukaili with his 
brothers, Ja'wanah ibn-al-Harith ibn-Khalid of the banu- 

1 Istakhri, p. 187. 

2 " yamrin," Mahasin, vol. i, p. 318. 

3 "Ghumik," Istakhri, p. 185; cf. Mas'udi, vol. ii, p. 40; "*Amik" in 
Yakut, vol. i, p. 438. 

4 Istakhri, p. 187 ; Yakut, vol. ii, p. 779- 
* Meynard, pp. 21-22. 


Rabi'ah ibn-'Amir ibn-Sa'sa'ah, Dhufafah and Khalid — 
the two sons of 'Umair ibn-al-Hubab as-Sulami — al-Furat 
ibn-Salman al-Bahili, and al-Walid ibn-al-Ka'ka' al-'Absi. 
Sa'id engaged in conflict with al-Khazar who were at this 
time besieging Warthan, and forced them to withdraw, 
putting them to flight. Al-Khazar came to Maimadh in 
Adharbaijan; and as Sa'id was preparing for the conflict 
with them, he received a message from Maslamah ibn- 
'Abd-al-MaHk blaming him for attacking al-Khazar 
before his [Maslamah's] arrival, and informing him that 
he had assigned in his place over the army 'Abd-al-Malik 
ibn-Muslim al-'Ukaili. As soon as Sa'id turned over the 
army to his successor, he was arrested by Maslamah's mes- 
senger who fettered him and carried him to Bardha'ah 
where he was thrown into its prison. Al-Khazar left and 
Maslamah followed them. When Maslamah communicated 
the news to Hisham, Hisham wrote back : 

"Dost thou leave them at Maimadh where thou canst see them, 
and then seek them beyond the limit of soil [where sand begins] ?" 

Thereupon Hisham ordered that al-Jurashi be released from 

Maslamah made peace with the people of Khaizan, and 
by his order, its fort was dismantled. He appropriated in 
it estates for himself. It is known to-day by the name of 
Hauz Khaizan. The kings of al-Jibal also made peace with 
him. The Shahs of Sharwan, Liran, Tabarsaran, Filan 
and Jarshan presented themselves before him; and so did 
the chief of Maskat. Maslamah, thereupon, betook himself 
to the city of al-Bab, which he reduced. In its castle were 
a thousand families of al-Khazar whom he besieged and 
against whom he hurled stones and then pieces of iron 
shaped like stones. All that, however, was of no avail. He, 
therefore, resorted to the spring, the water of which Anu- 


shirwan had conducted into their cistern, and slew on it 
cows and sheep throwing the contents of their stomachs and 
some assafoetida into the water. It did not take the water 
more than one night before it bred worms, became vitiated 
and corrupted. Therefore, the holders of the castle fled 
under the cover of the night and vacated the castle. In the 
city of al-Bab wa-1-Abwab, 24,000 Syrians were settled by 
Maslamah ibn-*Abd-al-Malik and assigned stipends. Ac- 
cordingly, the inhabitants of al-Bab to-day do not allow any 
'dmil to enter their city unless he has money to distribute 
among them. He, moreover, built a granary for food, an- 
other for barley, and an armory. He ordered that the cis- 
tern be filled with earth, repaired the city, and provided it 
with embattlements. In the company of Maslamah was 
Marwan ibn-Muhammad who took part in the attack against 
al-Khazar and distinguished himself in fighting. After 
Maslamah, Hisham appointed Sa*id al-Jurashi who spent 
two years in the frontier region. 

Marwan as governor. Marwan ibn-Muhammad ^ then be- 
came the ruler of the frontier and took up his abode at 
Kisal. Marwan was the one who built the city of Kisal. 
This city lies 40 parasangs from Bardha*ah and 20 from 
Taflis. Marwan then entered the country of al-Khazar 
next to Bab al-Lan and made Asid ^ ibn-Zafir as-Sulami 
abu-Yazid, accompanied by the kings of al-Jibal, enter it 
from the side of al-Bab wa-1-Abwab. Then Marwan made 
an incursion on the Slavs who were in the land of al-Kha- 208 
zar and captured 20,000 families whom he settled in Kha- 
khit. When they later put their commander to death and 
took to flight, Marwan pursued and slaughtered them. 
When the chief of al-Khazar learned of the great num- 

1 Brosset, vol. i, pp. 238 seq. 

' " Usaid " in Duraid, p. 187, line before last. 


ber of men with whom Marwan had swept over his land and 
of their equipment and strength, his heart was filled with 
cowardice and fear. When Marwan came close to him, 
he sent him a messenger inviting him to " Islam or war ", . 
to which he replied, *' I have accepted Islam. Send there- 
fore someone to present it to me." Marwan did so. The 
chief professed Islam and made a treaty with Marwan ac- 
cording to which Marwan confirmed him as ruler of his 
kingdom, Marwan with a host of al-Khazar accompanied 
the chief; and al-Khazar were made to settle in the plain 
of the province of al-Lakz between as-Samur and ash-Sha- 

The land of as-Sarir. After that, Marwan made his 
entrance to the land of as-Sarir, slaughtered its inhabitants, 
and reduced certain forts in it. Its king offered him sub- 
mission and allegiance and made terms, agreeing to give 
every year i,ooo youths — 500 lads and 500 maids — with 
black hair and eyebrows and with long eyelashes, together 
with icx),ooo modii ^ to be poured in the granaries of al- 
Bab. Marwan took from him a pledge. 

The people of Tiiman made terms with Marwan, agree- 
ing to give every year 100 youths — 50 maids and 50 lads — 
each 5 spans in height, with black hair and eyebrows and 
with long eyelashes, together with 20,000 modii for the 

The land of Zirikirdn. He then entered the land of 
Zirikiran,^ whose king made terms, agreeing to offer fifty 
youths, and 10,000 modii for the granaries every year. 
Thence he proceeded to the land of Hamzin which refused 
to make terms and whose fort, after an investment of one 
month, he reduced. He then set fire to the fort and de- 

1 Wheat measure. 

2 Original not clear. 


stroyed it. The terms agreed upon were that they give 500 
youths only once and not to be responsible for such a gift 
any more, and that they carry 30,000 modii every year to 
the granaries of al-Bab. Then he advanced to Sindan,^ 
which capitulated on condition that it offer 100 youths to be 
given by its chief only once and not to be responsible for 
such a gift in the future, together with 5,000 modii to be 
carried every year to the granaries of al-Bab. On the fol- 
lowers of the Shah of Tabarsaran, Marwan assessed 10,000 
modii to be carried per annum to the granaries of al-Bab; 
but on the Shah of Filan he did not assess anything, because 209 
of his distinction in warfare, ability in conflict and the 
praiseworthiness of his cause. 

Al-Lakz, Khirsh and other places. Marwan thence made 
a descent on al-Lakz castle [whose chief] had refused to 
pay anything of what was assessed, had set out to meet the 
chief of al-Khazar and was killed by a shepherd who shot 
an arrow at him without knowing him. The people of al- 
Lakz then made terms, agreeing to give 20,000 modii to be 
carried to the granaries. Having appointed Khashram as- 
Sulami as their ruler, Marwan came to the castle of the 
chief of Sharwan which was called Khirsh and which lay 
on the sea shore. The chief rendered submission and agreed 
to leave the height.^ Marwan imposed 10,000 modii on the 
people of Sharwan per annum, and made it a condition on 
their chief to be in the van of the army when the Moslems 
start the attack against al-Khazar, and in the rear when 
they return ; and on the Shah of Filan that he should only 
take part in the attack ; on the Shah of Tabarsaran that he 
be in the rear when the Moslems start, and in the van when 
they return. 

1 Lacking in diacritical points, d'Ohsson, p. 68; "Misdar" in Mahasin, 
vol. i, p. 318. 

2 Surrender the castle. 


Thdbit rebels. Marwan then advanced to ad-Dudaniyah 
and slaughtered its people. The news of the death of al- 
WaHd ibn-Yazid then came to him, and Thabit ibn-Nu'aim 
al-Judhami rose against him/ Musafir al-Kassab, who 
was one of those established in al-Bab by ad-Dahhak al- 
Khariji [the rebel], now came to Thabit, espoused his 
cause and was made by him governor over Armenia and 
Adharbaijan. Musafir then came to Ardabil in disguise, 
where he was joined by a group of the ash-Shurat, and they 
all came to Bajarwan^ in which they found people with sim- 
ilar views and were joined by them. Thence they came to 
Warthan from whose inhabitants a large body of men, 
who held similar views, joined them; and they all crossed 
over to al-Bailakan where they were joined by a large 
crowd holding similar views. Marwan then came to Yu- 
nan.^ Ishak ibn-Muslim was made governor of Armenia by 
Marwan ibn-Muhammad and never ceased to fight against 
Musafir who was at al-Kilab castle in as-Sisajan. 

When the " blessed dynasty " appeared and abu-Ja'far 
al-Mansur was made ruler of Mesopotamia and Armenia in 
the caliphate of as-Saffah abu-l-*Abbas, he sent against 
Musafir and his followers a general from Khurasan, who 
fought them until he overpowered them and slew Musafir. 
The inhabitants of al-Bailakan, who had fortified them- 
selves in al-Kilab castle under the leadership of Kadad ibn- 
Asfar al-Bailakani, surrendered. 

The governorship of Yazid. When al-Mansur became 
caliph, he made Yazid ibn-Usaid as-Sulami governor of 
Armenia. The latter reduced Bab al-Lan and stationed in 21 

* Tabari, vol. ii, pp. 1892 seq. 
' Meynard, p. 74. 

' First syllable mutilated in the original ; cf. Istakhri, p. 192 ; IJaukal, 
p. 251. 


it a cavalry guard with stipends. He also subdued as-Sa- 
nariyah, whose inhabitants paid khardj. In compliance 
with al-Mansur's orders, he married the daughter of the 
king of al-Khazar. She gave birth to a child which did not 
live; she herself died in child-birth. Yazid sent someone to 
the naphtha and salt mines of the land of Sharwan and 
levied tax on them. He put someone in charge of them. 
He also built the city of Arjil as-Sughra [the Less] and 
Arjil al-Kubra [the Great], and settled people from Pales- 
tine in them. 

Ash-Shamdkhiyah. Muhammad ibn-Isma*il from certain 
sheikhs from Bardha*ah : — Ash-Shamakhiyah ^ which lay 
in the province of Sharwan was thus called after ash-Sha- 
makh ibn-Shuja*, who was the king of Sharwan during the 
rule of Sa'id ibn-Salim ^ al-Bahili over Armenia. 

Al-Hasan suppresses the revolt. Muhammad ibn-Isma^il 
from certain sheikhs: — After the dismissal of ibn-Usaid 
and Bakkar ibn-Muslim al-'Ukaili, and during the gover- 
norship of al-Hasan ibn-Kahtabah at-Ta'i, the Armenians 
broke off their allegiance under their chief Miisha'il ® al- 
Armani. Al-Mansur sent reinforcements under *Amir ibn- 
Isma'il. Al-Hasan engaged himself in fight with Mtisha'il 
and killed him, dispersing his troops. Things went on 
well with al-Hasan. The Nahr al-Hasan in al-Bailakan is 
named after this al-Hasan ; and so are the Bagh * at Bar- 
dha'ah named Bagh al-Hasan, and the crown-lands known 
as al-Hasaniyah. 

Different governors of Armenia. 'Uthman ibn-'Umarah 
ibn-Khuraim succeeded al-Hasan ibn-Kahtabah, and then 

1 Mukaddasi, p. 276 ; Istakhri, p. 192 ; Meynard, p. 353 : " Shamakhi." 

» " Salm," Tabari, vol. iii, p. 305. 

' St. Martin, vol. i, p. 342 ; Brosset, vol. i, p. 159. 

* Persian — garden, vineyard. 


came Rauh ibn-Hatim al-Muhallabi, Khuzaimah ibn-Kha- 
zim, Yazid ibn-Mazyad ash-Shaibani, 'Ubaidallah ibn- 
al-Mahdi, al-Fadl ibn-Yahya, Sa'id ibn-Salim, and Muham- 
mad ibn- Yazid ibn-Mazyad. Of these rulers, Khuzaimah 
was the severest. It was he who introduced the system by 
which Dabil and an-Nashawa paid land tax according to 
the area, not the produce. The Armenian patricians did 
not cease to hold their lands as usual, each trying to protect 
his own region ; and whenever a 'amil came to the frontier 
they would coax him; and if they found in him purity and 
severity, as well as force and equipment, they would give 
the khardj and render submission, otherwise they would 
deem him weak and look down upon him. 

The governorship of Khdlid ihn-Yazid. In the caliphate 
of al-Ma'mun, the Armenian patricians were under the rule 
of Khalid ibn- Yazid ibn-Mazyad, who accepted their pres- 
ents and associated personally with them. This corrupted 
them and encouraged them against the 'dmils of al-Ma'- 
mun who came after him. 

Al-Hasan ibn-' AH over the frontier region. Al-Mu'tasim- 
Billah appointed to the governorship of the frontier region 
al-Hasan ibn-'Ali-l-Badhaghisi, better known as al-Ma'- 
muni, who let its patricians and nobles go their way, and 
dealt so leniently with them that they became more disloyal 
to the Sultan and more severe on the people who came 
under their rule. Jurzan was subdued by Ishak ibn-Isma'il 
ibn-Shu'aib, a freedman of the banu-Umaiyah. Sahl ibn- 
Sanbat, the patrician, rose against the 'dmil of Haidar ibn- 
Kawus al-Afshin over Armenia and killed his secretary and 
had a narrow escape by flight. Armenia after this was 
ruled by 'dmils who would remit to its people what was 
due from them, and accept whatever khardj could be of- 

The governorship of Yusuf ibn-Muhammad. Two years 


after al-Mutawakkil became caliph, he conferred the gov- 
ernorship of Armenia upon Yusuf ibn-Muhammad ibn- 
Yusuf al-Marwazi. As he passed through Khilat, Yusuf 
seized its patrician Bukrat ibn-Ashiit and carried him off to 
Surra-man-ra'a, which act greatly offended the patricians, 
nobles and feudal lords [Ar. mutaghallibah]. Later a ^dmil 
of his, named al-'Ala' ibn- Ahmad, went to a convent at as- 
Sisajan, called Dair al-Akdah, which was highly respected 
and richly endowed with gifts by the Armenian Christians, 
and carried away all what was in it and oppressed its occu- 
pants. This act was too much for the patricians, who held 
communication with each other and urged each other to 
throw off their allegiance and rise in revolt. They insti- 
gated al-Khuwaithiyah,^ who were " uncircumcised " and 
were known by the name of al-Artan, to fall upon Yiisuf , 
and urged them against him in revenge for the carrying- 
away of their patrician Bukrat. Meanwhile, every one of 
the patricians and feudal lords sent them horses and men to 
help them bring that about. Accordingly, they fell upon 
Yusuf at Tarun, after he had distributed his followers in 
the villages, and slew him, carrying away all that his camp 

The governorship of Bugha the Elder. Al-Mutawakkil 
assigned to the governorship of Armenia Bugha-1-Kabir 
[the Elder] who, arriving in Badlis, seized Musa ibn-Zura- 212 
rah who, in revenge for Bukrat, had favored and taken part 
in killing Yusuf. Bugha warred against al-Khuwaithiyah, 
slaughtering a great number, and carrying many away as 
captives. He then invested Ashut ibn-Hamzah ibn-Jajik, 
the patrician of al-Busfurrajan, at al-Bak,^ compelled him 
to surrender his castle and carried him as captive to Surra- 

* St. Martin, vol. i, p. 100. 

* Khurdadhbih, p. 123, line 11; Tabari, vol. iii, p. 1410, line 3. 


man-ra*a. He then advanced to Jurzan and succeeded in 
laying hold on Ishak ibn-Isma*il, whom he kept in confine- 
ment until his death. Bugha reduced Jurzan, and carried 
away those Christians and non-Christians of Arran, of the 
elevated region of Armenia,^ and of as-Sisajan, who be- 
longed to the revolutionary party. Thus the political state 
of affairs in that frontier region became so quiet as never 
before. In the year 241, he came to Surra-man-ra'a. 

*Text corrupt. 




The Conquest of Egypt and al-Maghrib [Mauri- 

'Amr moves against Egypt. After the battle of al-Yar- 
muk, *Amr ibn-al-'Asi laid siege to Caesarea [Kaisariyah]. 
When Yazid ibn-abi-Sufyan assumed power, 'Amr left his 
son in his place at Caesarea and led, all of his own accord, 
an army of 3,500 to Egypt. 'Umar was angry because of it 
and wrote to him, rebuking and reprimanding him for fol- 
lowing his own opinion, without consulting 'Umar, and or- 
dering him to return home in case the message was received 
before his arrival in Egypt. 'Amr, however, received the 
message in al-'Arish,^ It is asserted by others that 'Umar 
wrote to 'Amr ibn-al-'Asi, ordering him to proceed to 
Egypt. *Amr received the message as he was besieging 
Caesarea. The one who delivered the message was Sharik 
ibn-'Abdah, to whom *Amr gave 1,000 dinars, which Sharik 
refused to accept. 'Amr asked him to conceal the matter 
and not disclose it to 'Umar. 

Al-Fustdt. The advance of 'x\mr against Egypt took 
place in the year 19. He first stopped at al-'Arish and then 
proceeded to al-Farama',^ in which were troops ready for 
the fight. 'Amr fought and defeated them, taking posses- 
sion of their camp. Thence he advanced straight on to al- 

1 Al-Makrizi, al-Khitat, vol. ii, p. 63 (Cairo, 1325) : " Raf j "; Zaidan, 
Ta'rikh Misr al-Hadith, vol. i, p. 77; "iRafh . . . modern Raf, ten 
hours* journey from al-*Arish." 

2 Pelusium. Mahasin, vol. i, p. 8. 



Fustat and camped at the myrtle gardens, as the people of 
al-Fustat had dug moats. The name of the city was Alyu- 
nah/ but the Moslems called it Fustat because they said, 
" This is the meeting place [Ar. fustat'] of the people, and 
the place where they assemble." Others say that *Amr 
pitched a tent [also fustat] in it, and it bore its name from 

As ^Amr ibn-al-Asi was besieging al-Fustat, he was 
joined by az-Zubair ibn-al-*A.uwam ibn-Khuwailid at the 
head of 10,000 — others say 12,000 men — among whom were 
Kharijah ibn-Hudhafah-l-*Adawi and 'Umair ibn-Wahb al- 
Jumahi. Az-Zubair was on the point of leading an incur- 
sion and wanted to go to Antioch; but *Umar said to him, 
" Abu-*Abdallah, wouldst thou like to take the governor- 
ship of Egypt?" To this az-Zubair replied, "I do not 
care for it, but would like to go there on a holy war and co- 
operate with the Moslems. If I find that 'Amr has already 
reduced it, I would not interfere with his affairs, but would 
go to some sea-coast and keep post at it; but if I find him in 
the struggle, I shall fight on his side." With this under- 
standing, he left. 

Az-Zubair led the attack on one side, and *Amr ibn-al- 
*Asi on the other. Finally az-Zubair brought a ladder and 
climbed on it until, with his sword unsheathed, he looked 
down upon the fort and exclaimed, " Allah is great ! " and 
so did the Moslems exclaim and follow him up. Thus he 
took the fort by assault, and the Moslems considered it legal 
to take all that was in it. 'Amr made its holders dhimmis, 
imposed a poll-tax on their person and khardj on their land, 
and communicated that to 'Umar ibn-al-Khattab who en- 
dorsed it. Az-Zubair marked certain lots in Misr [Old 

* Yakut, vol. i, pp. 355, 450. 
2 Makrizi, vol. ii, pp. 75-76. 


Cairo] for himself [ikhtatta] and built a well-known man- 
sion in which 'Abdallah ibn-az-Zubair resided when he in- 
vaded Ifrikiyah ^ in the company of ibn-abi-Sarh. The lad- 
der which az-Zubair used is still in Misr. 

'Affan ibn-Muslim from Hisham ibn-'Urwah: — Az- 
Zubair was sent to Misr ; and when he was told there were 
in it warfare and pest, he replied, " We have come here only 
for warfare and pest." The Moslems put ladders up and 
climbed on them. 

'Amr an-Nakid from Yazid ibn-abi-Habib : — 'Amr ibn- 
al-*Asi entered Egypt with 3,500 men. When *Umar ibn- 
al-Khattab heard about the situation in Egypt, he was af- 
fected with solicitude and fear and despatched az-Zubair 
ibn-al-'Auwam at the head of 12,000 men. Az-Zubair 214 
took part in the conquest of Misr and marked out in it cer- 
tain lots.^ 

The division of the land. 'Amr an-Nakid from Sufyan 
ibn-Wahb al-Khaulani: — When we conquered Misr with- 
out making a covenant with it, az-Zubair rose and said to 
*Amr, " Divide it " ; but 'Amr refused. Then az-Zubair 
said, " By Allah, thou shouldst divide it as the Prophet 
divided Khaibar." 'Amr wrote that to *Umar who wrote 
back, saying, " Leave it as it is, so that the descendants of 
the descendants ^ may profit by it." 

A tradition to the same effect was communicated to me 
by ^Abdallah ibn-Wahb on the authority of Sufyan ibn- 

'Amr and az-Zuhair conquer Egypt. Al-Kasim ibn-Sal- 
1am from Yazid ibn-abi-Habib: — *Amr ibn-al-*Asi entered 

1 Africa = Tunis. Ibn-'Adhari, al-Bayan al-Mughrib, vol. i, pp. 3 

' Ar. khitat. See Makrizi, vol. ii, pp. 76 seq. 

3 Ar. hahal al-hahalah. See Mutarrizi, p. 105 ; Caetani, vol. iv, p. 247 ; 
Makrizi, vol. ii, p. 72, line 23 ; p. JZ, line 25 ; an-Nihayah, vol. i, p. 198. 


Egypt at the head of 3,500 men. Just before that, 'Umar 
was affected with soHcitude and fear and sent az-Zubair ibn- 
al-'Auwam at the head of 12,000 men. Az-Zubair took part 
with 'Amr in the conquest of Egypt and marked out for 
himself two lots in Misr and Alexandria. 

Ibrahim ibn-Muslim al-Khawarizmi from 'Abdallah ibn- 
'Amr ibn-al-'Asi : — The latter said, " There is a disagree- 
ment regarding the conquest of Misr: some say it was 
conquered by force, and others by capitulation. The fact 
is that my father ['Amr ibn-al-'Asi] arrived in it and was 
resisted by the people of Alyiinah. He finally took posses- 
sion of it by force and led the Moslems in. Az-Zubair was 
the first to climb its fort. The chief of Misr said to my 
father, ' We have heard of what ye did in Syria and how ye 
assessed poll-tax on the Christians and Jews, leaving the 
land in the hands of its owners to utilize it and pay its 
khardj. If ye treat us the same way, it would do you more 
good than to kill, capture and expel us.' My father con- 
sulted with the Moslems and they all advised him to accept 
the terms, with the exception of a few men who asked him 
to divide the land among them. Accordingly, he assessed 
on every adult, excepting the poor, two dinars as poll-tax, 
and on every land-owner, in addition to the two dinars, 
three irdabbs of wheat, two kists of oil, two kists of honey 
and two kists of vinegar, to be given as a subsistence allow- 
ance to the Moslems, and gathered in the public house of 
provision [ddr-ar-risk] , where it is divided among them. A 
census was taken of the Moslems, and the inhabitants of 
Misr were required to provide every one of the Moslems 
with a woolen upper gown, an upper cloak or turban, 
breeches and a pair of shoes ^ per annum. Instead of the 
woolen gown, a Coptic robe would do. To this end, a state- 

1 Dozy, Noms des Vetements, s. v. jubbah, burnus, 'amdmah, sirwal 
and khuff. 


ment was written, in which it was stipulated that so long as 
they lived up to these terms, their women and children 
would neither be sold nor taken captives, and their posses- 
sions and treasures would be kept in their hands/ The 
statement was submitted to 'Umar, the ' Commander of the 
Believers,' who endorsed it. Thus, the whole land became 
khardj-land. Because, however, 'Amr signed the contract 
and the statement, some people thought that Misr was taken 
by capitulation." ^ 

After the king of Alyunah had made arrangements for 
himself and for the people in his city, he made terms on be- 
half of all the Egyptians similar to the terms of Alyunah. 
The Egyptians consented, saying, "If those of us who are 
protected by fortifications have accepted such terms, and 
were content with them, how much more should we be 
content who are weak and have no power of resistance." 
Khardj was assessed on the land of Egypt to the amount of 
one dinar and three irdabbs of wheat on every jarih, and 
two dinars on every adult. The statement was submitted to 
'Umar ibn-al-Khattab. 

The terms made with 'Amr. 'Amr an-Nakid from Yazid 
ibn-abi-Habib : — Al-Mukaukis ^ made terms with *Amr 
ibn-al-'Asi, stipulating that *Amr should let those of the 
Greeks go who wanted to leave, and keep those who wanted 
to stay, on certain conditions, which he specified, and that 
he would assess on the Copts, two dinars per head. Hear- 
ing this, the king of the Greeks was enraged and sent his 

* Gottheil, " Dhimmis and Moslems in Egypt ", O. T. and Semitic 
Studies, vol. ii, p. 363. 

^ Makrizi, vol. ii, pp. 72-74. 

' Ibn-Kurkub al-Yunani — perhaps Cyrus, the viceroy and archbishop 
of Alexandria under Heraclius. See Butler, The Arab Conquest of 
Egypt, pp. 508, 521; Byzant. Zeitschrift, year 1903, p. 1606; Casanova, 
Mohammed et la Fin du Monde, p. 26. 


troops, who, closing the gates of Alexandria, announced 
to *Umar their readiness for war. Al-Mukaukis presented 
himself before *Amr and said, " I have three requests to 
make : do not offer to the Greeks the same terms thou hast 
offered me, because they have distrusted me; do not vio- 
late the terms made with the Copts, for the violation was 
not started by them ; and when I die, give orders that I be 
buried in a church at Alexandria (which he named)/' 
'Amr answered, " The last is the easiest ^ for me." 

Bilhit, al-Khais, Sultais and Alexandria. Certain villages 
in Egypt resisted the advance of the Moslems, and 'Amr 
carried away some of their inhabitants as prisoners. These 
were the following : Bilhit,^ al-Khais,^ and Sultais.* Their 
captives were carried away to al-Madinah. *Umar ibn-al- 
Khattab sent them back and made them, together with the 
Coptic community, dhimmis. The covenant they had, they 
did not violate. The following is the report of the conquest 
of Alexandria made by 'Amr to 'Umar : " Allah has given 
to us the possession of Alexandria by force and against its 
will, without covenant or contract ". According to Yazid 
ibn-abi-Habib, however, the city was taken by capitulation. 

The tax of Egypt. Abu-Aiyub ar-Rakki from Yazid ibn- 
abi-Habib: — The khardj and poll-tax which 'Amr raised 
from Egypt amounted to 2,000,000 dinars; but that raised 
by 'Abdallah ibn-Sa'd ibn-Abi-Sarh, 4,000,000. When 
*Uthman remarked to *Amr, saying, " After thee the milch 
camels have yielded more milk ", 'Amr replied, " This is 
because ye have emaciated their young ".^ 

In the year 21, *Umar ibn-al-Khattab wrote to *Amr ibn- 

^ Makrizi, vol. i, p. 263. 

2C/. "Balhib" in Yakut, vol. i, p. 73Z' 

* Butler, p. 289, and note; ibn-Dukmak, i^ifa^ al-Intisar li-Wdsitat *Ikd 
al-Anisar, vol. v, p. 118 (Bulak, 1893). 

* C/. Dukmak, vol. v, pp. 118-119. '" Makrizi, vol. i, p. 159. 


al-'Asi informing him of the straits in which the inhabi- 
tants of al-Madinah were, and ordering him to transport 
by sea to al-Madinah all the food he had collected as khardj. 
Accordingly, the food with the oil was carried there; and 
when it reached al-Jar,^ it was received by Sa'd al-Jar.^ 
Later it was kept in a special house at al-Madinah and dis- 
tributed among the Moslems by measure. At the time of 
the first insurrection, the supply was cut off. In the days of 
Mu'awiyah and Yazid, it was again carried to al-Madi- 
nah. Then it was cut off until the time of 'Abd-al-Malik 
ibn-Marwan, after which it was carried until the caliphate 
of abu-Ja'far, or a little previous to that. 

Bakr ibn-al-Haitham from Yazid ibn-abi-Habib : — After 
the first peace was made, the tax-payers in Egypt made new 
terms in the caliphate of *Umar, stipulating that instead of 
the wheat, oil, honey and vinegar they offered, they would 
pay two dinars in addition to the other two dinars. Each 
one thus was bound to pay four dinars ; and they consented 
to that and preferred it. 

'Ain Shams, al-Faiyum and other places reduced. Abu- 
Aiyub ar-Rakki from al-Jaishani : — The latter said, " I 
heard it stated by a number of those who witnessed the con- 
quest of Egypt that when *Amr ibn-al-*Asi reduced al- 
Fustat, he despatched to *Ain Shams ^ 'Abdallah ibn-Hu- 
dhafah as-Sahmi, who took possession of its land and made 217 
terms with the inhabitants of its villages similar to those 
of al-Fustat. Likewise 'Amr despatched Kharijah ibn- 
Hudhafah al-*Adawi to al-Faiyum,* al-Ushmunain, Ikh- 

* Hamdani, Sifat Jazirat al-Arah, p. 47, line 17 (ed. Miiller). 

2 Sa'd al-Jari mentioned in Dhahabi, al-Mushtahih, p. 81 ; cf. ibn-Sa'd, 
vol. iii^, p. 240; Yakut, vol. ii. p. 6. 

* Heliopolis ; confused by some historians with Bab Alyunah (Baby- 
lon) ; Butler, p. 212, note. 

* Makrizi, vol. i, pp. 402-403. 


mim, al-Basharudat ^ and the villages of upper Egypt, 
which he reduced on the same terms. 'Amr also sent 
*Umair ibn-Wahb al-Jumahi to Tinnis, Dimyat, Tunah, 
Damirah, Shata, Dikahlah,^ Bana and Busir, which he re- 
duced on the same terms. *Amr also sent 'Ukbah ibn- 
*Amir al-Juhani (others say *Amr's freedman, Wardan 
after whom Suk [market] Wardan in Egypt is named) 
to the rest of the villages in the lower part of the country ; 
and he did the same. Thus did *Amr ibn-al-'Asi effect the 
conquest of all Egypt and make its land khardj-ldind." 

The Copts have no covenant. Al-Kasim ibn-Sallam 
from Aiyub ibn-abi-l-'Aliyah's father: — The latter said, 
" I heard 'Amr ibn-al-*Asi say from the pulpit, ' I have 
occupied this position and am bound to none of the Egyp- 
tian Copts by covenant or contract. If I want, I can kill; 
if I want, I can take one-fifth of the possessions ; if I want, 
I can sell captives. The people of Antabulus are excluded 
because they have a covenant which must be kept '." 

Al-Maghrib and Egypt taken by force. Al-Kasim ibn- 
Sailam from Musa ibn-*Ali ibn-Rabah al-Lakhmi's father : 
— All al-Maghrib was taken by force. 

Abu-'Ubaid from as-Salt ibn-abi-'Asim, the secretary of 
Haiyan ibn-Shuraih : — The latter said that he read the letter 
of *Umar ibn-*Abd-al-*Aziz to Haiyan, his 'dmil over Egypt, 
stating that Egypt was taken by force, with no covenant or 

Poll-tax of the Copts not to be increased. Abu-*Ubaid 
from 'Ubaidallah ibn-abi-Ja'far : — Mu'awiyah wrote to 
Wardan, a freedman of 'Amr, ordering him to increase the 
poll-tax of every Copt by one ktrdt, but Wardan wrote back, 
" How can I increase it while it is stated in their covenant 
that their tax should not be increased ?" 

1 Cf. Bakri, vol. i, p. i66. ' Yakut, vol. ii, p. 581. 


Egyptians overtaxed. Muhammad ibn-Sa*d from *Abd- 
al-Hamid ibn-Ja'far's father: — The latter heard 'Urwah 
ibn-az-Zubair say, *^ I spent seven years in Egypt and was 
married in it. I found its people exhausted, being burdened 
with more than they could bear. The country was con- 
quered by 'Amr through capitulation, covenant and some- 218 
thing assessed on the inhabitants." 

The statement of 'Amr. Bakr ibn-al-Haitham from 
*Ukbah ibn-*Amir al-Juhani : — The Egyptians had a cove- 
nant and a contract. *Amr gave them a statement to the 
effect that they were secure with respect to their posses- 
sions, lives and children, and that none of them would be 
sold as slaves. He imposed on them a khardj not to be in- 
creased, and promised to expel all fear of attack by an en- 
emy. 'Ukbah added, " And I was a witness thereunto ". 

The division of the land. Al-Husain ibn-al-Aswad from 
Sufyan ibn-Wahb al-Khaulani : — The latter said, " At the 
conquest of Misr by us, which was effected without cove- 
nant, az-Zubair ibn-al-*Auwam rose and said, ' *Amr, divide 
it between us !' *Amr replied, *By Allah, I will not divide it 
before I consult 'Umar.' He wrote to *Umar, and the latter 
wrote back, *Leave it as it is, so that the descendants of the 
descendants may profit by it.' " 

Its khardj. Muhammad ibn-Sa'd from Usamah ibn-Zaid 
ibn-Aslam's grandfather : — In the year 20, *Amr ibn-al-*Asi, 
accompanied by az-Zubair, subdued Egypt. When Egypt 
was conquered, the people made terms, agreeing to pay 
something he imposed on them, which was two dinars on 
every man, excluding women and boys. The khardj of 
Egypt during his governorship amounted to 2,000,000 
dinars', but later it reached 4,000,000. 

Two dinars on each Copt. Abu-*Ubaid from Yazid ibn- 
abi-Habib : — Al-Mukaukis, the chief of Egypt, made terms 
with *Amr ibn-al-*Asi, stipulating that each Copt pays two 


dmdrs. Hearing this, Heraclius, the chief of the Greeks, 
was enraged with anger and sent the troops to Alexandria 
and closed its gates ; but 'Amr reduced the city by force. 

The poll-tax of the native village of umm-Ibrdhtm an- 
nulled. Ibn-al-Kattat, i. e., abu-Mas'ud, from ash-Sha'bi: 
— 'All ibn-al-Husain, or al-Husain himself, interceded with 
Mu'awiyah regarding the poll-tax of the fellow-villagers in 
Egypt of the mother of Ibrahim,^ the Prophet's son; and it 
was cancelled. The Prophet himself used to recommend 
that the Copts be favorably treated. 

The Prophet recommends the Copts. 'Amr from Malik, 
and al-Laith from a son of Ka'b ibn-Malik : — The Prophet 
said, "If ye conquer Egypt, treat the Copts favorably, be- 
cause they have dhimmah and blood-relationship." It is 
stated by al-Laith that umm-Isma'il ^ was a Copt. 

'Umar confiscates 'Amr's possessions. Abu-1-Hasan al- 
Mada'ini from 'Abdallah ibn-al-Mubarak : — 'Umar ibn-al- 
Khattab used to record the possessions of his 'dmils at the 
time of their appointment ; and whatsoever was later added 
was partly or wholly confiscated by him. He once wrote to 
'Amr ibn-al-*Asi, '' It has become revealed that thou ownest 
commodities, slaves, vases and animals which thou didst not 
possess when thou wert made governor of Egypt." 'Amr 
wrote back, " Our land is a land of agriculture and trade; 
we, therefore, get as income more than what is necessary for 
our expenses." To this, 'Umar replied, '' I have had enough 
experience with the wicked 'dmils. Thy letter is the letter 
of one disturbed because justice has been meted out to him. 
Therefore, my suspicion has been aroused against thee, and 
I have sent to thee Muhammad ibn-Maslamah with a view to 
dividing with thee what thou hast. Reveal to him thy secret, 

^ Mariyah, the Copt ; Nawawi, p. 853. 
* The reference is to Hagar. 


and give out whatever he demands of thee; thereby thou 
wouldst be spared his severity. What is concealed has been 
revealed.^ " Thus were ^Amr's possessions confiscated by 

Al-Mada'ini from Isa ibn-Yazid: — When Muhammad 
ibn-Maslamah divided with 'Amr ibn-al-*Asi his possessions, 
*Amr made this remark, " An age in which the son of Han- 
tamah ^ treats us in this manner is certainly an evil age. Al- 
'Asi used to put on silk garments with brocade borders ! " 
" Hush," said Muhammad, " had it not been for this age of 
ibn-Hantamah which thou hatest, thou wouldst be found 
bending in the court-yard of thy house, at the feet of a goat, 
whose abundance of milk would please thee and scarcity 
would displease thee." ^ "I beg thee by Allah," exclaimed 
'Amr, " report not what I have just uttered to 'Umar. A 
conversation is always confidential." Muhammad replied, 
"So long as 'Umar lives, I shall not mention anything that 
took place between us." 

Egypt taken by force. *Amr an-Nakid from 'Abdallah 
ibn-Hubairah : — Egypt was taken by force. 

'Amr from ibn-An'am's grandfather (who witnessed the 220 
conquest of Egypt) : — Egypt was taken by force without 
covenant or contract. 

1 Freytag, Prov., vol. i, p. 160, number 33. 

2 'Ulnar ibn-al-Khattab's mother ; Nawawi, p. 447. 
^ Caetani, vol. iv, pp. 618-619. 

The Conquest of Alexandria 

The battle of al-Kiryaun. When *Amr ibn-al-*Asi con- 
quered Misr, he settled in it and wrote to *Umar ibn-al- 
Khattab soliciting his orders to march against Alexandria 
[al-Iskandariyah].^ 'Umar wrote and ordered him to do 
so; so 'Amr marched against it in the year 21, leaving as his 
substitute [lieutenant] over Misr Kharijah ibn-Hudhafah 
ibn-Ghanim ibn-'Amir ibn-*Abdallah ibn-*Ubaid ibn-'Awij 
ibn-*Adi ibn-Ka'b ibn-Lu'ai ibn-Ghalib. In the meantime, 
those Greeks and Copts who lived below Alexandria had 
gathered and said, " Let us attack him in al-Fustat before 
he reaches here and makes an attempt on Alexandria." 
*Amr met them at al-Kiryaun ^ and defeated them with a 
great slaughter. In their ranks were men from Sakha, Bil- 
hit, al-Khais and Sultais, and others who came to their as- 
sistance and support. 

Alexandria reduced. *Amr kept his way until he arrived 
in Alexandria, whose inhabitants he found ready to resist 
him, but the Copts in it preferred peace. Al-Mukaukis 
communicated with *Amr and asked him for peace and a 
truce for a time ; but *Amr refused. Al-Mukaukis then or- 
dered that the women stand on the wall with their faces 
turned towards the city, and that the men stand armed, with 
their faces towards the Moslems, thus hoping to scare them 

1 Dukmak, vol. v, p. 121. 

2 Chaereum, Butler, pp. 28&-289 5 al-Idrisi, Sifat al-Maghrib, as-Suddn, 
Misr w-al-Andalus, p. 160. 



[Moslems]. *Amr sent word, saying, " We see what thou 
hast done. It was not by mere numbers that we conquered 
those we have conquered. We have met your king Her- 
acHus, and there befell him what has befallen him." Hear- 
ing this, al-Mukaukis said to his followers, " These people 
are telling the truth. They have chased our king from his 
kingdom as far as Constantinople. It is much more prefer- 
able, therefore, that we submit." His followers, however, 
spoke harshly to him and insisted on fighting. The Mos- 
lems fought fiercely against them and invested them for 
three months. At last, *Amr reduced the city^ by the sword 
and plundered all that was in it, sparing its inhabitants of 221 
whom none was killed or taken captive. He reduced them 
to the position of dhimmis like the people of Alyunah. He 
communicated the news of the victory to 'Umar through 
Mu'awiyah ibn-Hudaij al-Kindi (later as-Sakuni) and sent 
with him the [usual] fifth. 

Some state that al-Mukaukis made terms with 'Amr to 
the effect that he should pay 13,000 dinars, that those who 
prefer to leave Alexandria should leave, and those who pre- 
fer to stay should stay, and that two dinars be assessed on 
every adult Copt. To this end, 'Amr wrote a statement. 
He then left in his place over Alexandria 'Abdallah ibn- 
Hudhafah ibn-Kais ibn-*Adi ibn-SaM ibn-Sahm ibn-'Amr 
ibn-Husais ibn-Ka*b ibn-Lu'ai at the head of a cavalry 
guard of the Moslems, and departed for al-Fustat.^ 

Manuwil captures Alexandria. The Greeks wrote to 
Constantine, son of Heraclius, who was their king at that 
time, telling him how few the Moslems in Alexandria were, 
and how humiliating the Greeks' condition was, and how they 
had to pay poll-tax. Constantine sent one of his men, called 

^ Cf. ibn-Iyas, Ta'rikh Misr, vol. I, p. 22. 
^ Makrizi, vol. i, pp. 263 seq. 


Manuwil ^ [Manuel], with three hundred ships full of fight- 
ers. Manuwil entered Alexandria and killed all the guard 
that was in it, with the exception of a few who by the use 
of subtle means took to flight and escaped. This took place 
in the year 25. Hearing the news, *Amr set out at the head 
of 15,000 men and found the Greek fighters doing mischief 
in the Egyptian villages next to Alexandria. The Moslems 
met them and for one hour were subjected to a shower of 
arrows, during which they were covered by their shields. 
They then advanced boldly and the battle raged with great 
ferocity until the " polytheists " were routed; and nothing 
could divert or stop them before they reached Alexandria. 
Here they fortified themselves and set mangonels. *Amr 
made a heavy assault, set the ballistae and destroyed the 
walls of the city. He pressed the fight so hard until he en- 
tered the city by assault, killed the fighters and carried away 
the children as captives. Some of its Greek inhabitants left 
to join the Greeks somewhere else; and Allah's enemy, Ma- 
nuwil, was killed. *Amr and the Moslems destroyed the wall 
of Alexandria in pursuance of a vow that *Amr had made 
to that effect, in case he reduced the city. 

According to certain reports, this invasion took place in 
the year 23 ; and according to others, the insurrection took 
place in the years 23 and 25 ; but Allah knows best. *Amr 
assessed on the land of Alexandria khardj; and on its peo- 
ple, poll-tax. 

Al-Mukaukis. Some report that al-Mukaukis forsook 
the people of Alexandria when they violated the covenant, 
but *Amr reinstated him with his people on the terms of 
their first capitulation. Others assert that he died before 
this invasion. 

Alexandria taken by capitulation. Muhammad ibn-Sa*d 

» Butler, pp. 468-475. 


from *Umar ibn-'Abd-al-'Aziz : — The latter said, " Not a 
town in al-Maghrib did we take by capitulation except 
three: Alexandria, Kafartis and Sultais. 'Umar used to 
say, ^ Whosoever of the inhabitants of these places accepts 
Islam will be set free together with his possessions '." 

How the dwellings were divided. 'Amr an-Nakid from 
Yazid ibn-abi-Habib : — 'Amr ibn-al-'Asi conquered Alex- 
andria, and some Moslems took up their abode in it as a 
cavalry guard. Later, they withdrew, after which they 
made an assault and hastened to secure dwellings. Some 
of them would come to the houses they once occupied and 
find them already held by a fellow Moslem. Regarding this, 
'Amr remarked, " I am afraid the dwellings would fall 
into ruins if different ones of you should occupy them in 
turn.'* Consequently, when the invasion was made and the 
Moslems arrived in al-Kiryaun, he said, ** Go with Allah's 
blessing. Whosoever of you sticks his lancet into a house, 
that house is his and his father's sons'." Thus, the Moslem 
would enter a house and stick his lancet into some apart- 
ment of it; then another would come and stand his lancet 
in the same house. The same house would thereby be in 
the possession of two or three persons,^ which they would 
occupy until their withdrawal, at which the Greeks would 
come and occupy it. 

Yazid ibn-abi-Habib used to say, " No money from the 
rent of these houses is legal.^ They can neither be sold nor 
bequeathed, but they are dwelling-places for the Moslems 
during the time they hold their post as guard." 

The second conflict. During the second conflict with 
Alexandria, when Manuwil, the Greek eunuch, came, the 
people closed the gates ; but ' Amr reduced it and destroyed 
its wall. 

* Makrizi, vol. i, p. 269: "tribes". ' Dukmak, vol. v, p. 118. 


^Ahdalldh ibn-Sa'd replaces 'Amr. No sooner had *Amr 
returned to al-Fustat after assigning his freedman, War- 
dan, as governor of Alexandria, than he was dismissed. In 
the place of *Amr, *Uthman appointed ^Abdallah ibn-Sa*d 
ibn-abi-Sarh ibn-al-Harith of the banu-*Amr ibn-Lu'ai,^ 
*Uthman's foster-brother. That took place in the year 25. 

According to others, 'Abdallah ibn-Sa'd was in charge of 
the khardj of Egypt in behalf of ^Uthman. Between 'Ab- 
dallah and 'Amr, a verbal dispute arose and 'Abdallah 
wrote and accused *Amr. *Amr was dismissed by 'Uthman, 
who assigned 'Abdallah to both functions, and wrote him 
saying that Alexandria was taken once by force and re- 
volted two times, and ordering him to station in it a cavalry 
guard that would never depart from it, and to assign abun- 
dant subsistence allowances to the guard, and change its 
personnel once in every six months.^ 

Ihn-Hurmuz. Muhammad ibn-Sa*d from al-Wakidi : — 
ibn-Hurmuz al-A*raj al-Kari [the lame " reader "] used to 
say, " Your best coast, from the standpoint of guard, is 
Alexandria." At last he left al-Madinah and joined the 
guard stationed in Alexandria, where he died in the year 

The capitation tax. Bakr ibn-al-Haitham from Musa 
ibn-* All's father: — The capitation tax from Alexandria 
was 18,000 dinars', but when Hisham ibn-*Abd-al-Malik 
became caliph, it amounted to 36,000.^ 

'Abdalldh ibn-Sa'd made governor. *Amr from Yazid 
ibn-abi-Habib : — *Uthman dismissed *Amr ibn-al-*Asi from 
Egypt and assigned in his place *Abdallah ibn-Sa'd. But 
when the Greeks occupied Alexandria, the Egyptians asked 

* Nawawi, pp. 345-347. 
' Makrizi, vol. i, p. 270. 
' Makrizi, vol. i, p. 269. 


*Uthman to keep 'Amr until he was through with the fight 
against the Greeks, because he had special knowledge of 
warfare and inspired awe in the enemy. 'Uthman did so; 
and 'Amr defeated the Greeks. 'Uthman then wanted 'Amr 
to be in charge of the army, and 'Abdallah in charge of the 
khardj; but 'Amr refused, saying, " My case is that of one 
who holds the horns of the cow while the chief milks it." 
^Uthman then appointed ibn-Sa*d to the governorship of 

The Abyssinians of al-Bima. For seven years after the 
conquest of Egypt, the Abyssinians of al-Bima ^ kept up 
their resistance, and could not be subjugated because of 
the water with which they flooded their thickets. 

The second conquest of Alexandria. ^Abdallah ibn-Wahb 
from Musa ibn-*Ali's father : — 'Amr conquered Alexandria 
for the second time by capitulation, which conquest took 
place in the caliphate of 'Uthman after the death of 'Umar. 

* Tabari, vol. iii, p. 1106. 

The Conquest of Barkah and Zawilah 

Barkah makes terms. Muhammad ibn-Sa'd from 'Abdal- 
lah ibn-Hubairah : — After reducing Alexandria, *Amr ibn- 
al-*Asi led his army intent upon the conquest of al-Magh- 
rib [Mauritania] until he arrived in Barkah, the chief 
city of Antabulus,^ whose inhabitants made terms on a 
poll-tax of 13,000 dinars to be raised as the price of those 
of their children whom they desired to sell.^ 

Bakr ibn-al-Haitham from *Abdallah ibn-Hubairah: — 
After investing and fighting the people of Antabulus and 
its city, Barkah,^ which lay between Egypt and Ifrikiyah 
[Africa == Tunis], 'Amr ibn-al-'Asi made terms with them, 
stipulating that they pay a poll-tax which might include the 
price of those of their children whom they desired to sell. 
*Amr wrote a statement to that effect. 

Muhammad ibn-Sa'd from Ishak ibn-'Abdallah ibn-abi- 
Farwah: — The inhabitants of Barkah used to send their 
khardj to the governor of Egypt without having anyone 
come to urge them for it.* Their land was the most fertile 
land of al-Maghrib, and it never saw an insurrection. 

Al-Wakidi states that 'Abdallah ibn-'Amr ibn-al-'Asi 
used to say, " Had it not been for my possessions in al- 

1 Pentapolis. Khurdadhbih, p. 91. Cf. Caetani, vol. iv, p. 534. 

^ Caetani in vol. iv, p. 533, nota, thinks it must have meant the right 
to offer to the Moslems their children as slaves according to a fixed 

• Barca. Butler, p. 429. 

* As-Suyuti, Husn al-Muhadarah, vol. i, p. 86. 



Hijaz, I would live in Barkah, because I know of no place 
that is more safe or isolated than it." 

'Amrs report to 'Umar. Bakr ibn-al-Haitham from 
Mu'awiyah ibn-Salih : — *Amr ibn-al-'Asi wrote to 'Umar 
ibn-al-Khattab informing him that he had appointed *Ukbah 
ibn-Nafi' al-Fihri governor of al-Maghrib and that the 
latter had reached as far as Zawilah. He also informed 
him that peace prevailed among all between Zawilah ^ and 
Barkah, that their allegiance was strong and that the Mos- 
lems among them had paid sadakah and the " people of the 
covenant " acknowledged the poll-tax imposed. *Amr also 
wrote that he had assessed on the inhabitants of Zawilah 
and on those living in the region between his town and Za- 
wilah, what he saw would be tolerated by them, and or- 
dered all his 'dmils to collect sadakah from the rich to be 225 
distributed among the poor, and poll-tax from the dhimmis 
to be carried to 'Amr in Egypt, and to raise from Mos- 
lem lands the tithe and half the tithe, and from those who 
capitulated, what had been agreed upon. 

The origin of the Berbers. Bakr ibn-al-Haitham once 
told me, " I asked 'Abdallah ibn-Salih regarding the Ber- 
bers,^ and he said, * They claim to be the descendants of 
Barr ibn-Kais; but Kais had no son with the name, Barr. 
In fact they are descended from the race of the giants 
[Philistines] against whom David fought. In ancient times, 
their home was Palestine; and they were tent-dwellers. 
Later on, they came to al-Maghrib, where they multiplied'." 

The Berbers of Luwdtah. Abu-'Ubaid al-Kasim ibn-Sal- 
1am from Yazid ibn-abi-Habib : — *Amr ibn-al-'Asi made 
this a condition on the Berber inhabitants of Luwatah ^ at 

^ Tabari, vol. i, p. 2646. 

' See article on Berbers in the Encyclopcsdia of Islam. 

' Butler, p. 430. 


Barkah. " Ye have to sell your children and wives in order 
to pay the poll-tax on you." Commenting on this, al-Laith 
said, " If they were slaves, that would not be a legal thing 
for them to do." 

Bakr ibn-al-Haitham from Yazid ibn-abi-Habib : — *Umar 
ibn-'Abd-al-*Aziz wrote regarding the Luwatah women, 
" Whoever has a Luwatah woman, let him either be en- 
gaged to her through her father, or return her to her peo- 
ple." Luwatah ^ is a village inhabited by Berbers who had 
a covenant. 

1 Cf. Khurdadhbih, pp. 90 and 91 ; ibn-Khaldun, Kitdb al-Ihar H- 
Aiydm al-Arah w-al-Ajam w-al-Barhar, vol. ii^, p. 128 (Bulak, 1284). 

The Conquest of Tripoli 

Bakr ibn-al-Haitham from 'AH ibn-abi-Talhah : — In 
the year 22/ 'Amr ibn-al-*Asi advanced to Tripoli.^ He 
met resistance but reduced the place by force, carrying 
away many loads of fine silk brocade from its merchants. 
This booty he sold and divided its price among the Mos- 
lems. He wrote to *Umar ibn-al-Khattab, " We have ar- 
rived in Tripoli which lies nine days from Ifrikiyah. 
If the * Commander of the Believers ' thinks it best to allow 
us to invade the latter, it will be well." 'Umar wrote back, 226 
ordering him not to go, saying, " This should not be called 
Ifrikiyah, but Mufarrikah,^ which is treacherous to others, 
and to which others are treacherous." 'Umar wrote that 
because its inhabitants used to pay something to the king of 
the Greeks and often treated him treacherously, while the 
king of al-Andalus, who had made terms with them, 
treated them treacherously. These facts were known to 

According to a tradition communicated to me by *Amr 
an-Nakid on the authority of certain sheikhs, Tripoli was 
taken by *Amr ibn-al-*Asi through a covenant made by him. 

1 Weil, Geschichte der Chalifen, vol. i, p. 124 note : " year 23 ". 

2 Tripolis ; Ar. Atrabulus. Yakut, vol. i, p. 309 ; Ya'kubi, Bulddn, p. 

3 Pun on words. Mufarrikah means causing deviation from the right 


The Conquest of Ifrikiyah 

'Uthmdn reinforces ihn-Sa'd . When 'Abdallah ibn-Sa'd 
ibn-abi-Sarh was appointed governor over Egypt and al- 
Maghrib, he sent out the Moslems in cavalry detachments, 
and they plundered as far as the extremities of Ifrikiyah 
[modern Tunis]. 'Uthman ibn-'Affan first hesitated to at- 
tack Ifrikiyah; but after consultation, he made up his mind 
to do so, and wrote to 'Abdallah in the year 27 (others say 
28, still others 29), ordering him to lead the attack, and re- 
inforced him with a large army in which were Ma'bad 
ibn-al-' Abbas ibn-'Abd-al-Muttalib, Marwan ibn-al-Hakam 
ibn-abi-l-'Asi ibn-Umaiyah and his brother al-Harith ibn- 
al-Hakam, 'Abdallah ibn-az-Zubair ibn-al-'Auwam, al- 
Miswar ibn-Makhramah ibn-Naufal ibn-Uhaib ibn-'Abd- 
Manaf ibn-Zuhrah ibn-Kilab, 'Abd-ar- Rahman ibn-Zaid 
ibn-al-Khattab, *Abdallah ibn-*Umar ibn-al-Khattab, 'Asim 
ibn-'Umar, 'Ubaidallah ibn-'Umar, *Abd-ar-Rahman ibn- 
abi-Bakr, *Abdallah ibn-*Amr ibn-al-*Asi, Busr ibn-Abi- 
Artah ibn-*Uwaimir al-'Amiri, and abu-Dhu'aib Khuwailid 
ibn-Khalid al-Hudhali, the poet. Abu-Dhu'aib died in this 
campaign and ibn-az-Zubair had charge of the burial. In 
this campaign, a great host of the Arabs from the environs 
of al-Madinah took part. 

The magnates of Ifrikiyah make terms with ^Abdalldh. 

Muhammad ibn-Sa*d from 'Abdallah ibn-az-Zubair : — The 

latter said : — " 'Uthman ibn-*Affan sent us on an expedition 

against Ifrikiyah, whose patrician exercised authority from 



Tripoli to Tanjah [Tangiers]. 'Abdallah ibn-Sa'd ibn-abi- 
Sarh marched against him and occupied 'Akiibah. After a 
few days' fight, I was enabled to kill, by Allah's help, the 
patrician. His army took to flight and was torn to pieces. 
Ibn-abi-Sarh sent detachments and scattered them all over 
the country ; and they carried away a large booty and drove 
before them all the cattle they could. Seeing that, the great 
men of Ifrikiyah met together and offered *Abdallah ibn- 
Sa'd 300 quintals ^ of gold provided he would let them 
alone and leave their land. Their request was granted." 

Muhammad ibn-Sa'd from ibn-Ka'b: — 'Abdallah ibn- 
Sa*d ibn-abi-Sarh made terms with the patrician of Ifriki- 
yah, stipulating that the latter should pay 2,500,000 dinars. 

'Ukbah ihn-Ndii\ Muhammad ibn-Sa'd from Musa 
ibn-Damrah-l-Mazini's father :— When *Abdallah ibn-Sa'd 
made terms with the patrician of Ifrikiyah, he returned to 
Egypt without appointing anyone to the governorship of 
Ifrikiyah, which at that time had no meeting-place ^ or cen- 
tral town. When 'Uthman was murdered and Muhammad 
ibn-abi-Hudhaifah ibn-'Utbah ibn-Rabi*ah ruled over 
Egypt, he sent nobody to Ifrikiyah; but when Mu'awiyah 
ibn-abi-Sufyan came to power, he assigned over Egypt Mu- 
*awiyah ibn-Hudaij as-Sakuni who, in the year 20, sent 
'Ukbah ibn-Nafi* ibn-*Abd-Kais ibn-Lakit al-Fihri to Ifriki- 
yah. *Ukbah invaded it and parceled it out into lots among 
the Moslems. 

'Ukbah sent Busr ibn-abi-Artah '^ to a castle in al-Kaira- 
wan, which he reduced, killing and capturing many. It is 
now known as Kal'at Busr and lies near a city called Maj ja- 
nah, near the silver mine. 

1 Ar. kintar = " 1,200 dinars, and in the language of Barbar = 1,000 

mithkals of gold or silver"; T.'A. 

2 Ar. kairawdn. See De Goeje's edition of Baladhuri, gloss., pp. 92-93. 
' Makrizi, vol. i, p. 272, does not have " abi " in the name. 


I heard it said that Musa ibn-Nusair sent Busr, who was 
then 82 years old, to this castle; and the latter reduced it. 
This Busr was born two years before the Prophet's death. 
Others than al-Wakidi claim that Busr was one of those who 
transmitted traditions from the Prophet; but Allah knows 

Various governors. It was stated by al-Wakidi that *Ab- 
dallah ibn-Sa*d held the governorship until Muhammad ibn- 
abi-Hudhaifah assumed authority over Egypt, which he had 
made to rise in rebellion against ^Uthman. Later on, *Ali 
assigned Kais ibn-Sa'd ibn-'Ubadah-l-Ansari as governor 
of Egypt, after which he dismissed him and chose Muham- 
mad ibn-abi-Bakr as-Siddik. The latter he also dismissed 
and assigned Malik al-Ashtar, who was taken sick ^ at 
al-Kulzum [Suez]. *Ali once more assigned Muhammad 
ibn-abi-Bakr, who was later killed by Mu'awiyah ibn-Hu- 
daij and burned in a donkey's belly.^ 

*Amr ibn-al-*Asi ruled in the name of Mu'awiyah ibn- 
abi-Sufyan. He died in Egypt on the feast of the breaking 
of the fast of Ramadan {al-iitr'] in the year 42 (others say 
43), and was succeeded by his son 'Abdallah whom Mu- 
'awiyah dismissed. Mu^awiyah assigned ibn-Hudaij, who 
spent four years in Egypt ; at the close of which he made a 
razzia and plundered. After that he returned to Egypt and 
sent there 'Ukbah ibn-Nafi* al-Fihri. Others say that 
*Ukbah was appointed by Mu^awiyah over al-Maghrib ; and 
so he invaded Ifrikiyah at the head of 10,000 Moslems and 
reduced it. He parceled out its Kairawan * in lots among 
the Moslems, the site being a thicket covered with tamarisk 
and other trees and which nobody could attempt because of 

* Mahasin, vol. i, pp. 116-117. 

' Ibid., vol. i, p. 125 ; Khaldun, vol. ii*, p. 182. 

* 'Adhari, vol. i, p. 12. 



the beasts, snakes and deadly scorpions. This ibn-Nafi' was 
a righteous man whose prayer was answered. He prayed 
to his Lord, who made the scorpions disappear; even the 
beasts had to carry their young and run away. 

Al-Wakidi says, " I once said to Musa ibn-*AH, ' Thou 
hast seen the buildings in Ifrikiyah that are connected to- 
gether and that we still see to-day. Who was it that built 
them ? ' And Musa replied, ' The first one was 'Ukbah ibn- 
Nafi' al-Fihri who marked out the plans for the buildings, 
himself built a home, and the Moslems at the same time 
built houses and dwelling-places. He also built the cathe- 
dral mosque that is in Ifrikiyah.' " 

It was in Ifrikiyah that Ma'bad ibn-al-' Abbas fell a mar- 
tyr in the campaign of ibn-abi-Sarh during the caliphate of 
'Uthman. Others say he met natural death during the 
war ; but that he fell a martyr is the more authentic report. 

According to al-Wakidi and others, Mu'awiyah ibn-abi- 
Sufyan dismissed Mu'awiyah ibn-Hudaij ^ and conferred 
the governorship of Egypt and al-Maghrib on Maslamah 
ibn-Mukhallad al-Ansari,^ who appointed his freedman, 
abu-1-Muhajir, governor of al-Maghrib. When Yazid ibn- 
Mu'awiyah, however, came to power, he reinstated *Ukbah 
ibn-Nafi* in his position, and the latter invaded as-Sus al- 229 
Adna,^ which lay behind Tan j ah. There he went about 
without being molested or fought by anybody. At last he 

Yazid ibn-Mu^awiyah died and his son Mu^awiyah ibn- 
Yazid, surnamed abu-Laila, was proclaimed caliph. Mu- 
*awiyah called a general public prayer meeting, and resigned 
the caliphate. He retired to his home where he died after 

1 'Adhari, vol. i, p. 14. 
' Suyuti, Husn, vol. ii, 7- 

*«. e., the nearer (= Dar'ah) in distinction from al-Aksa — the far- 
ther; Ya'kubi, Bulddn, pp. 359-3^- 


two months. Later came the rule of Marwan ibn-al-Hakam 
and the insurrection of ibn-az-Zubair. 

Then came 'Abd-al-MaHk ibn-Marwan to power; and 
everything went smoothly with him. He assigned as 'dmil 
over Egypt his brother *Abd-al-'Aziz who put over Ifrikiyah 
Zuhair ibn-Kais al-Balawi.^ Zuhair conquered Tunis and 
left for Barkah. Hearing that a band of Greeks had landed 
from their ships and were doing mischief, he went against 
them with a cavalry detachment. On meeting them, he fell 
a martyr with his companions. His tomb is still there. 
His and his companions' tombs are called Kuhur ash-Shu- 
haddf [the martyrs' tombs]. 

Then Hassan ibn-an-Nu'man al-Ghassani ^ became ruler. 
He made an incursion against al-Kahinah,^ the queen of 
the Berbers. He was defeated by her and came and occu- 
pied certain castles within the territory of Barkah. These 
castles were included within one whose roof was an arched 
structure upon which one could cross over. Since then, 
these castles were called Kusiir Hassan.* 

Hassan made another incursion, killed the queen and 
carried into captivity many Berbers whom he sent to *Abd- 
al-*Aziz. Regarding these captives, the poet, abu-Mihjan 
Nusaib, used to say, " I have seen in *Abd-al-* Aziz's home 
Berber captives who have faces more beautiful than which 
I never saw." 

According to ibn-al-Kalbi, Hisham assigned Kulthum 
ibn-Tyad ibn-Wahwah al-Kushairi to the governorship of 
Hrikiyah, whose people rebelled and put him to death. Ibn- 
al-Kalbi also states that Ifrikiyah was subdued in pre- 

* 'Adhari, vol. i, p. 16. 

' Ihid., vol. i, pp. 18 seq. 

* Fem. of kahin = soothsayer. 

* 'Adhari, vol. i, p. 21. 


Islamic times by Ifrikis ibn-Kais ibn-Saifi-1-Himyari and 
was named after him. He killed Jurjir ^ [Gregory] its king 
and said regarding the Berbers, "How barbarous they are!" 
Hence the name, Berbers. 

Al-Kairawdn. According to a tradition communicated 
to me by certain inhabitants of Ifrikiyah on the authority 
of their sheikhs, when 'Ukbah ibn-Nafi' al-Fihri wanted to 
build al-Kairawan,^ he began to think regarding the site of 
the mosque, and he saw in a dream as if a man called to 
prayer at a certain spot where he later erected the minaret. 
When he awoke, he started to erect the boundary marks 230 
where he had seen the man stand, after which he built the 

Muhammad ibn-Sa'd from al-Wakidi : — Muhammad ibn- 
al-Ash*ath al-Khuza'fi ruled over Ifrikiyah in the name of 
abu-l-'Abbas " the Commander of the Believers ", and re- 
paired the city of al-Kairawan with its mosque. He was 
later dismissed by al-Mansur, who assigned *Umar ibn- 
Haf s Hizarmard ^ in his place. 

* Cf. 'Adhari, vol. i, pp. S-6. 

' Istakhri, pp. 39-40. 

2 'Adhari, vol. i, p. 64. " *Amr ibn-IJaf s ibn-Kabisah." 


The Conquest of Tan j ah [Tangiers] 

According to al-Wakidi, 'Abd-al-'Aziz ibn-Marwan 
made Musa ibn-Nusair,^ a freedman of the banu-Umaiyah 
and who came originally from *Ain at-Tamr (some say he 
belonged to the clan of Arashah, a branch of the Bali ; others 
say, to the clan of Lakhm) governor over Ifrikiyah. Ac- 
cording to others, Musa ruled over it in the time of al- 
Walid ibn-'Abd-al-Malik, in the year 89. He reduced Tan- 
jah and occupied it, he being the first to occupy and mark 
it in lots for the Moslems. His horsemen went as far as 
as-Sus al-Adna,^ which was over twenty days' journey from 
as-Sus al-Aksa [the farther as-Sus = modern Morocco]. 
Thus he subjugated as-Sus al-Aksa, carrying many captives 
from the inhabitants and receiving homage. His 'dmil col- 
lected from them sadakah. Later he assigned Tarik ibn- 
Ziyad, his freedman, over it [Tanjah and environs] and 
departed to Kairawan Ifrikiyah. 

1 'Adhari, vol. i, pp. 24 seq. 
' Ibid., vol. i, p. 27. 




The Conquest of Andalusia 

Tdrik crosses the Straits. According to al-Wakidi, the 
first to invade Andalusia ^ was Tarik ibn-Ziyad,^ the 'dmil 
of Musa ibn-Nusair, and that was in the year 92. Tarik 
was met by Ulyan, the commander of the Majaz * al-Anda- 
lus, whom he promised safety provided he would trans- 
port him with his companions to Andalusia in his ships. 
When he arrived there, Tarik was resisted by the people, but 
he effected the conquest of the land in the year 92.* The 
king of Andalusia, it is claimed, belonged to the Ashban 
[Spanish] people whose origin was from Isbahan.^ Miisa 
ibn-Nusair wrote Tarik a severe letter for risking the lives 231 
of the Moslems and following his own opinion without con- 
sulting Miisa as regards the campaign. In the meantime, he 
ordered him not to go beyond Cordova [Ar. Kurtubah].® 
Musa himself proceeded to Cordova in Andalusia; and 
Tarik sought and was reinstated in his favor. Tarik then 
reduced the city of Tulaitulah,^ the capital of the kingdom 

1 Al-Andalus, Spain. Ya'kubi, Buldan, pp. 353-355. 
'''Adhari, vol. ii, pp. 11 seq. 

2 "The straits separating Morocco from Andalusia," al-Marakishi, 
al-Mu'jih H-Talkhis Akhhar al-Maghrih, p. 6. 

* 'Adhari, vol. ii, pp. 5 seq. 

5 Ispahan of Persia. The Arabs were misled to this conclusion by 
the accidental similarity between the two names. See Mas'udi, vol. ii, 
pp. 3-2^-^27. 

* Idrisi, Sifat al-Maghrih, pp. 208-214. 

^ Toledo. Mukaddasi, p. 235 ; Khurdadhbih, p. 89. 



of Andalusia and which Hes next to France [Ar. Faranjah]. 
Here he carried off a wonderful table ^ which Musa ibn- 
Nusair, on his return in the year 96, offered as a present to 
al-Walid ibn-'Abd-al-Malik in Damascus, who was sick at 
that time. When Sulaiman ibn-'Abd-al-Malik came to 
power, he demanded 100,000 dinars from Musa ibn-Nusair; 
but when Yazid ibn-al-Muhallab interceded in Musa's be- 
half, he was spared. 

Ismd'il governor of al-Maghrib. When 'Umar ibn-'Abd- 
al-'Aziz became caliph, he appointed over al-Maghrib 
Isma'il ibn-*Abdallah ibn-abi-1-Muhajir, a freedman of the 
banu-Makhzum, who behaved according to the best stan- 
dards and invited the Berbers to Islam. 'Umar ibn-*Abd-al- 
'Aziz also wrote them letters to that effect, which were 
read to them in the different districts by Isma'il. Thus did 
Islam prevail over al-Maghrib. 

Yazid as governor. When Yazid ibn-'Abd-al-Malik as- 
sumed power, he appointed Yazid ibn-abi-Muslim, a freed- 
man of al-Hajjaj ibn-Yusuf, over Ifrikiyah and al-Magh- 
rib. The latter arrived in Ifrikiyah in the year 102, and had 
his guard of Berbers. On the hand of every guard, he in- 
scribed the word " Guard ",^ which act displeased them and 
made them impatient with him. Some of them entered 
into a conspiracy and agreed to kill him. One evening, he 
went out for the sunset prayer, and they killed him in his 
place of worship. Yazid then appointed Bishr ibn-Saf- 
wan al-Kalbi. Bishr beheaded 'Abdallah ibn-Musa ibn- 
Nusair in revenge for Yazid [ibn-abi-Muslim] on the 
ground that he was suspected of killing him and arousing 
people against him. 

Bishr and other governors. Hisham ibn-*Abd-al-Malik 

1 " Once owned by king Solomon ", Marakishi, p. 8. 

2 Ar. harasi. 'Adhari, vol. i, p. 34. 


again appointed Bishr ibn-Safwan/ The latter died in al- 
Kairawan in the year 109. Hisham appointed in his place 
'Ubaidah ibn-'Abd-ar-Rahman al-Kaisi/ after whom Hi- 
sham appointed 'Abdallah ^ ibn-al-Habhab, a f reedman of 
the banu-Salul. 'Abdallah sent 'Abd-ar-Rahman ibn- 
Habib ibn-abi-'Ubaidah ibn-'Ukbah ibn-Nafi' al-Fihri to 
the invasion of as-Sus * and the land of as-Stidan. The 
victories won by 'Abd-ar-Rahman were unparalleled, and 232 
among the booty he carried away were two of the women 
slaves of that region, each with one bosom. These people 
are known by the name of Tarajan. 

After ibn-al-Habhab, Hisham appointed Kulthum ibn- 
Tyad al-Kushairi who arrived in Hrikiyah in the year 23 ^ 
and was killed in it. Hisham appointed after Kulthum, 
Hanzalah ibn-Safwan al-Kalbi,^ a brother of Bishr, who 
fought against the Kharijites "^ and died there while he held 
the governorship. 

When al-Walid ibn-Yazid ibn-'Abd-al-Malik assumed 
power, 'Abd-ar-Rahman ibn-Habib al-Fihri rose against 
him. 'Abd-ar-Rahman was in good favor with the inhabi- 
tants of this frontier region [northern Africa and al-Magh- 
rib], because of the good deeds done in it by his grand- 
father 'Ukbah ibn-Nafi'. Consequently, 'Abd-ar-Rahman 
subdued this region ; and Hanzalah departed, leaving 'Abd- 
ar-Rahman over it. 

^ 'Adhari, vol. i, p. 35. 

'^ Ibid., vol. i, p. 36: "as-Sulami". 

' Ibid., vol. i, p. 38 : " 'Ubaidallah " ; cf. Mahasin, vol. i, p. 319. 

* Idrisi, Sifat al-Maghrib, p. 165. 

* 'Adhari, vol. i, p. 41. 

*A1-Kindi, Kitab al-Wuldt w-al-Kuddt, pp. 71-72, 80-82 (ed. Guest). 
T Al-Khawdrij. Rebels led by the heretic 'Ukkashah as-Sufri; see 
'Adhari, vol. i, pp. 45-47. 


When Yazid ibn-al-Walid assumed the caHphate, he did 
not send to al-Maghrib any 'dmiL 

Then came Marwan ibn-Muhammad to power. *Abd- 
ar- Rahman ibn-Habib communicated with him and pro- 
fessed homage and sent him presents. Marwan had a sec- 
retary, KhaHd ibn-Rabi'ah-1-Ifriki, who was a special 
friend of 'Abd-al-Hamid ibn-Yahya and kept up a corres- 
pondence with him. Marwan confirmed 'Abd-ar- Rahman as 
governor of the region, and appointed after him Ilyas ibn- 
Habib, and after that, Habib ibn-'Abd-ar-Rahman. After 
this, the Ibadites ^ and the Berbers of the Kharijites had 
the upper hand. 

Towards the end of abu-1-* Abbas' caHphate, Muhammad 
ibn-al-Ash^ath al-Khuza*i came to Ifrikiyah as its ruler at 
the head of 70,000 men, according to others, 40,000. His 
rule lasted for four years, during which he repaired the city 
of al-Kairawan. At last, the troops of the city rose against 
him together with others. I heard it reported that the in- 
habitants of the town and the troops that were in it rose 
against him and he held out against them in his castle for 
40 days, during which his followers from Khurasan, and 
others who owed him allegiance, came to his help. Conse- 
quently, he succeeded in laying hold on those who fought 
against him. He then went over the names and put to 
death every one whose name was Mu'awiyah, Sufyan, 
Marwan or any other name that is borne by anyone of the 
banu-Umaiyah, sparing only those who had different names. 
He was thereupon dismissed by al-Mansiir. 

'Umar ibn-Hafs ibn-'Uthman ibn-Kabisah ibn-abi-Suf- 
rah-l-'Ataki, known as Hizarmard, was then made governor 
by al-Manstir, who had great admiration for him. *Umar 
entered Ifrikiyah and launched in it a campaign that carried 

1 Ash-Shahrastani, Kitab al-Milal w-an-Nihal, p. 100 (ed. Cureton). 


him to the extremity of the land of the Berbers, where he 
built a city which he called al-'Abbasiyah. Abu-Ha- 233 
tim as-Saddarati-1-Ibadi (one of the inhabitants of Sad- 
daratah and a freedman of the Kindah) fought against 
Hizarmard; and the latter suffered martyrdom together 
with some members of his family. The frontier region 
broke out in revolt, and the city he had established was de- 

Hizarmard was succeeded by Yazid ibn-Hatim ibn-Ka- 
bisah ibn-al-Muhallab,^ who rebelled at the head of 50,000 
men and was accompanied to Jerusalem by abu-Ja'far al- 
Mansur who spent large sums of money on him. Yazid ad- 
vanced until he met abu-Hatim in Tripoli [Ar. Atrabulus]. 
He killed him and made his entrance to Ifrikiyah, where 
everything went smoothly with him. 

Yazid ibn-Hatim was succeeded by Rauh ibn-Hatim, and 
the latter by al-Fadl ibn-Rauh, who was slain by the troops 
that rose up against him. 

I was informed by Ahmad ibn-Nakid, a freedman of 
the banu-1-Aghlab, that al-Aghlab ibn-Salim at-Tamimi,^ of 
Maru ar-Riidh,^ was among those who came from Khura- 
san with al-Musauwidah.* Al-Aghlab was appointed by 
Musa-1-Hadi governor of al-Maghrib. When al-Aghlab 
came to Kairawan Hrikiyah, Harish, who was once in 
the army of the frontier region of Tunis, gathered a body 
of men, with whom he marched against him and besieged 
him. Al-Aghlab later made a sortie, and in the battle which 
followed was hit by an arrow and fell dead. Neither his 
followers nor those of Harish knew of it. At last Harish 

* Kindi, pp. 111-117. 
2/Hd., p. no. 

3 Hamadhani, Buldan, pp. 319-322. 

* The partisans of the Abbasid dynasty, so called because they wore 
l)lack clothes. 


was defeated with his army and were pursued by the men 
of al-Aghlab for three days, during which many were killed, 
including Harish himself, who fell in a place called Suk al- 
Ahad. Al-Aghlab after this was called " the martyr " 

Ibrahim ibn-al-Aghlab, one of the leading men of the 
Egyptian army, arose one day with twelve men and carried 
away from the treasury the exact value of their subsistence 
allowances and no more. They ran away to a place called az- 
Zab which lay at a distance of more than ten days from al- 
Kairawan. The 'dmil of this frontier region, at that time 
under ar-Rashid Harun, was Harthamah ibn-A'yan.^ Ib- 
rahim ibn-al-Aghlab assumed the commandership of the 
troops that were in that region and offered presents to 
Harthamah, showing him kindness and telling him in writ- 
ing that he did not rebel or disobey, but was rather forced 
to what he did by urgency and necessity. Harthamah as- 
signed him to be governor of the region and intrusted to 
him its affairs. 

When Harthamah's resignation from the governorship 
of this region [Ifrikiyah] was accepted, he was succeeded 
by ibn-al-'Akki,^ whose rule was so bad that the people rose 
up against him. Ar-Rashid consulted Harthamah regarding 
a man whom he could assign to that post and intrust to him 
its management, and Harthamah advised him that Ibrahim 
be reconciled, won over and appointed over the region. Ac- 
cordingly, ar-Rashid wrote to Ibrahim, stating that he 
had forgiven him his crime, excused his fault and thought 
it wise to assign him to the governorship of al-Maghrib as 
an act of favor, expecting to receive from him loyalty and 
good counsel. Ibrahim became ruler of the region and 
managed its affairs thoroughly. 

* Kindi, p. 136. ' 'Adhari, vol. i, p. 80. 


One of the city troops named 'Imran ibn-Mujalid rose in 
a revolt and was joined by the army of the region, who de- 
manded that their subsistence allowances be given them, and 
laid siege to Ibrahim in al-Kairawan. Soon after that, 
those who pay allowances and stipends came bringing 
money from the khardj of Egypt; and when the dues were 
given, they [the rebels] dispersed themselves. Ibrahim built 
al-Kasr al-Abyad [the white citadel] two miles to the kib- 
lah of al-Kairawan, and parceled out the land around it 
among the Moslems, who established themselves and their 
residences there. Thus did that section become populated. 
Ibrahim also built a cathedral mosque with gypsum and 
brick and marble columns, and covered it with cedar wood, 
making it 200 dhird's in length and almost 200 dhiras in 
width. He bought slaves to the number of 5,000, emanci- 
pated them and made them settle around it. This city he 
called al-'Abbasiyah, which is still flourishing to-day. 

Al- Ahhdsiyah, Muhammad ibn-al-Aghlab ibn-Ibrahim 
ibn-al-Aghlab ^ built in the year 239 a city near Tahart ^ 
and named it al-'Abbasiyah, too. This city was de- 
stroyed by Aflah ibn-'Abd-al-Wahhab al-Ibadi, who wrote 
to the Umaiyad chief of Andalusia, infrrming him of his 
act in order to win his favor. The Umaiyad chief sent 
him 100,000 dirhams. 

Barak. There lies in al-Maghrib a land known as al- 
Ard al-Kabirah ^ [the big land], situated at a distance of 
1 5 days, more or less, from Barkah. In it lies a city on the 
coast, called Barah, whose inhabitants were Christians, but 
not Greeks. This city was invaded by Hablah,* the freed- 

1 'Adhari, vol. i, p. 107. 

' Tabari, vol. iii, p. 562. 

' Idrisi, Sifat al-Maghrib, p. 56. 

* " IJayah " in Athir, vol. vi, p. 370. 



man of al-Aghlab, who failed to reduce it. It was later in- 
vaded by Khalfun al-Barbari (supposed to have been a 
freedman of the Rabi'ah) who reduced it in the early part 231 
of al-Mutawakkil's caliphate. 

Al-Mufarraj ihn-Salldm, After Khalfiin there arose one 
called al-Mufarraj ibn-Sallam who conquered and brought 
under his control 24 forts. He then forwarded the news of 
the situation to the Master of the post ^ in Egypt, and told 
him that he and his followers could conduct no [public] 
prayer unless the imam confirms him over his district and 
makes him its ruler, so that he may not be included in the 
category of usurpers. Al-Mufarraj erected a cathedral 
mosque. Finally his men rose up against him and killed 

Surdn. He was followed by Suran who sent his messen- 
ger to al-Mutawakkil, the " Commander of the Believers," 
asking for a confirmation and a letter of appointment to a 
governorship. Al-Mutawakkil, however, died before his 
messenger departed with the message to Suran. 

Al-Muntasir-Billah died after holding the caliphate for 
six months. Then came al-Musta*in-Billah Ahmad ibn-Mu- 
hammad ibn-al-Mu*tasim who ordered his ^dmil over al- 
Maghrib, Otamish, a freedman of the '* Commander of the 
Believers ", to confirm Suran ; but no sooner had the mes- 
senger started from Surra-man-ra'a, than "Ctamish was 
slain. ^ That region was after that governed by Wasif, a 
freedman of the caliph, who confirmed Suran in his position. 

'^ Sahih al-hand. Ibn-at-Tiktaka, al-Fakhri, p. 129. 
'Tabari, vol. iii, pp. 1512, 1513. 



The Conquest of Certain Islands in the Sea 

Sicily. The first to invade Sicily ^ was Mu'awiyah ibn- 
Hudaij al-Kindi ^ in the days of Mu*awiyah ibn-abi-Sufyan. 
It was continually invaded after that. The descendants 
of al-Aghlab ibn-Salim al-Ifriki conquered more than 20 
cities in it, which are still in the hands of the Moslems. In 
the caliphate of al-Mutawakkil, Ahmad ibn-Muhammad ibn- 
al-Aghlab reduced in it the Yanah castle and Ghalyanah ® 

It is stated by al-Wakidi that 'Abdallah ibn-Kais ibn- 
Makhlad ad-Dizaki plundered Sicily and carried off idols of 
gold and silver studded with pearls, which he sent to Mu*a- 
wiyah. Mu'awiyah sent them to al-Basrah to be carried 
into India and sold there with a view to getting a higher 
price for them. 

Rhodes. Mu'awiyah ibn-abi-Sufyan sent expeditions by 
sea and by land. He sent to Rhodes* Junadah ibn-abi- 
Umaiyah-1-Azdi. Junadah was one of those on whose au- 
thority traditions were reported. He had chance to meet 
abu-Bakr, *Umar and Mu'adh ibn-Jabal, and died in the 
year 80. Junadah took Rhodes by force. Rhodes was a 
thicket in the sea. In pursuance of Mu'awiyah^s order, 
Junadah caused Moslems to settle in it. This took place in 
the year 52. 

1 Ar. Sikilliyah. Idrisi, " Italy ", in Nushat al-Mushtdk H-Ikhtira^ 
al-Afak, pp. 57-58 (Rome, 1878). 
' Kindi, pp. 17-19, 27-30. 

' Cf. Idrisi, " Italy ", p. 49 ; Amari, Bibliotheca Arabo-Sicula, p. 60. 
* Rudis. See Kindi, p. 38. 



Rhodes is one of the most fertile of all islands, and is 
about sixty miles in size. It is rich in olive trees, vineyards, 
fruits and fresh water. 

Muhammad ibn-Sa'd from al-Wakidi and others: — ^The 
Moslems occupied Rhodes for seven years, living in a fort 
made for them. At the death of Mu'awiyah, Yazid wrote 
to Junadah ordering him to destroy the fort and return. 
Mu'awiyah used to alternate its occupants, making them 
live there in turns. Mujahid ibn-Jabr ^ lived in it and 
taught the Koran. 

Arwdd. In the year 54, Junadah ibn-abi-Umaiyah re- 
duced Arwad,^ and Mu'awiyah made the Moslems settle 
in it. Among those who took part in conquering it was Mu- 
jahid and TubaiV a son of Ka'b al-Ahbar's * wife. It was 
here that Mujahid taught Tubai* the Koran. Others say 
that he did it in Rhodes. This Arwad is an island lying 
near Constantinople [al-Kustantiniyah]. 

Crete. Junadah led a razzia against Crete [Ikritish],^ 
a part of which he conquered at the time of al-Walid. Later, 
the island was lost to the Moslems. In the caliphate of ar- 
Rashid it was invaded again by Humaid ibn-Ma'yuk al- 
Hamdani, who reduced a part of it. In the caliphate of al- 
Ma'mtin, it was invaded by abu-Hafs 'Umar ibn-'lsa-l-An- 
dalusi, known by the name of al-Ikritishi, who first reduced 
one fort and occupied it. Then he kept on reducing one 
part after another until none of the Greeks were left. He 
also dismantled their forts. 

^ Kindi, p. 39. 

' Tabari, vol. ii, p. 163. 

* Tabari, vol. ii, p. 163 ; Dhahabi, p. 69. 

* A Jewish rabbi of IJimyar converted to Islam in the time of *Umar. 
Muir, Annals, p, 236, note i. 

»Idrisi, "Italy", p. 19; Rustah, p. 85; "Ikritiyah". 


Terms made with Nubia 

*Ukbah leads the attack. Muhammad ibn-Sa'd from abu- 
1-Khair : — When the Moslems subdued Egypt, *Amr ibn-al- 
*Asi sent to the surrounding villages, in order to overrun 
and pillage them, a detachment of cavalry under *Ukbah ibn- 
Nafi* al-Fihri (Nafi* being a brother of al-Asi on his 
mother's side). The cavalry entered the land of Nubia ^ as 237 
the summer expeditions of the Greeks do. The Moslems 
met in Nubia determined resistance. They were subjected 
to such severe showers of arrows until most of them were 
wounded and had to return with many wounds and blinded 
eyes. Therefore were the Nubians called the " archers of 
the eyes ". 

The terms made. This state of affairs continued until 
'Abdallah ibn-Sa*d ibn-abi-Sarh ruled over Egypt. The 
Nubians asked for peace and conciliation from ^Abdallah, 
who granted their request, the terms being that they pay no 
tax but offer as a present three hundred slaves per annum; 
and that the Moslems offer them as a present food equiva- 
lent to the value of the slaves. 

The Nubians as archers. Muhammad ibn-Sa*d from a 
sheikh of the tribe of Himyar : — The latter said, " I have 
been to Nubia twice during the caliphate of *Umar ibn-al- 
Khattab, and I never saw a people who are sharper in war- 
fare than they. I heard one of them say to the Moslem, 
* Where do you want me to hit you with my arrow ?' and 

* An-Nubah. See Tdrisi, Sifat al-Maghrih, p. 19. 



in case the Moslem would disdainfully say, ' In such a spot ', 
the Nubian would never miss it. They were fond of 
fighting with arrows; but their arrows would scarcely 
ever hit on the ground.^ One day, they arrayed themselves 
against us and we were desirous to carry the conflict with 
the sword ; but they were too quick for us and shot their ar- 
rows, putting out our eyes. The eyes that were put out 
numbered 150. We at last thought that the best thing to 
do with such a people was to make peace. We could carry 
very little booty away from them; and their ability to in- 
flict injury was great. 'Amr, however, refused to make 
peace with them and went on contending against them until 
he was dismissed and was succeeded by 'Abdallah ibn-Sa*d 
ibn-abi-Sarh, who concluded peace with them." 

According to al-Wakidi, Mu'awiyah ibn-Hudaij al-Kindi 
lost his eye in Nubia and thus became one-eyed. 

The legality of selling their children as slaves. Abu- 
'Ubaid al-Kasim ibn-Sallam from Yazid ibn-abi-Habib : — 
The latter said, "Between us and the black tribes [Ar. asd- 
wid], no treaty or covenant exists. Only a truce was ar- 
ranged between us, according to which we agreed to give 
them some wheat and lentils, and they to give us slaves. It 
is all right to buy their slaves from them or from others." 

Abu-'Ubaid from al-Laith ibn-Sa'd: — The latter said, 
" The terms we made with the Nubians stipulated only that 
we neither fight against them nor they against us, that they 
give slaves and we give them their value in terms of food. 
If they desire, therefore, to sell their wives or children, 
there is no reason why they should not be bought." 

In a report of abu-1-Bukhturi and others, it is stated that 
'Abdallah ibn-Sa'd ibn-abi-Sarh made terms with the Nu- 
bians to the effect that they give four hundred slaves per 

1 i. e. they scarcely ever missed their aim. 


year, whom they shall bring forth and for whom they shall 
receive food in exchange. 

The caliph al-Mahdi ordered that Nubia be held respon- 
sible every year for 360 slaves and one giraffe, and that 
they be given wheat, vinegar, wine, clothes and mattresses 
or the value thereof. 

The Nubians recently claimed that the tribute ^ is not 
due on them every year, and that it was demanded from 
them in the caliphate of al-Mahdi, at which time they told 
the caliph that the tribute was a part of what they took as 
slaves from their enemies and therefore they had, if they 
could not get enough slaves, to use their own children and 
offer them. Al-Mahdi ordered that they be tolerated, and 
that the tribute of one year be considered as if for three. 
No confirmation, however, could be found in the registers 
of al-Hadrah ; ^ but it was found in the register in Egypt. 

Al-Kummi in al-Bujah. Al-Mutawakkil ordered one, 
Muhammad ibn-*Abdallah, known as al-Kummi, to be 
sent and put in charge of al-Ma'din ^ in Egypt. He also 
put him in charge of al-Kulzum [Suez], the road of 
al-Hijaz, and the furnishing of guides to the Egyptians 
when on holy pilgrimage. Arriving in al-Ma*din, he con- 
veyed provisions in ships from al-Kulzum to the land of al- 
Bujah. He then proceeded to a sea-coast, called 'Aidhab,* 
where the ships met him. With these provisions, he and his 
followers were strengthened and fed until they came to the 
castle of the king of al-Bujah. Al-Kummi attacked him in 

* Ar. hakt, Quatremere, Memoires Geographiques et Historiques sur 
I'&gypte, vol. ii, pp. 42, 53- 

2 Perhaps al-Khadra'. See Idrisi, Sifat al-Maghrib, p. 84 ; Hama- 
dhani, Bulddn, pp. 79-80. 

3 The mine land. Makrizi, vol. i, pp. 313, 318; Mas'udi, Tanbih, p. 

* Idrisi, Sifat al-Maghrib, p. 27. 


small force, and the king of al-Bujah made a sally with 
his numerous men on camels fastened with girths. Al- 
Kummi brought bells and put them on his horses. As soon 
as the camels heard the bell sounds, they ran away with the 
al-Bujah men over hills and valleys. The chief of al-Bujah 
was killed and was succeeded by his sister's son,^ whose 
father was one of the kings of al-Bujah. He sued for a 
truce, which al-Mutawakkil granted only on condition that 23 
he [the chief] should tread on his [al-Mutawakkil's] carpet 
Accordingly, he came to Surra-man-ra'a and made terms 
in the year 241, agreeing to pay tribute in money and slaves. 
He was then sent back with al-Kummi. Thus, the people 
of al-Bujah are in a state of truce in which they pay tax 24 
and do not prevent the Moslems from working in the gold 
mine, which terms are mentioned in the conditions im- 
posed upon their chief. 

* Makrizi, vol. i, p. 317: "his brother's son"; cf. Quatremere, op, 
cit., vol. ii, p. 136. 

The Karatis ^ 

The Greeks used to get the kardtts from Egypt/ and the 
Arabs used to get the dinars from the Greeks. *Abd-al- 
Malik ibn-Marwan was the first to inscribe on the upper 
part of these fabrics ^ such phrases as " Declare : Allah is 
one ! " and others with the name of Allah. One day, he re- 
ceived from the Byzantine king a message, saying, " You 
have recently introduced upon your kardtts some inscription 
that we hate. If you leave that out, well and good ; otherwise, 
you shall see on the dinars the name of your Prophet asso- 
ciated with things you hate." This was too much for *Abd- 
al-Malik, who hated to abolish a worthy law that he had es- 
tablished. He thereupon sent for Khalid ibn-Yazid ibn- 
Mu'awiyah and said to him, " O abu-Hashim ! It is a 
calamity ! " Khalid replied, " Be free from your fright, 
* Commander of the Believers ' ; declare the use of their 
dinars illegal ; strike new coinage in place of them, and let 
not these infidels be free from what they hate to see on the 
fabrics." " Thou hast eased my mind," said 'Abd-al-Ma- 
lik, " may Allah give thee ease ! " He then struck the 

According to *Awanah ibn-al-Hakam, the Copts used to 

1 Rolls of papyrus for writing; also, cloth of Egyptian fabric used for 
carrying vases or clothes. Zaidan, Ta'rikh at-Tamaddun, vol. i, p. 103; 
Zeitschrift fur Assyrologie, pp. 187-190, yr. 1908. 

2 Al-Kindi, Fadafil Misr, p. 209, lines 9-10 (ed. Oestrup). 
s Ar. tawdmir. Fraenkel, op. cit., p. 251. 



inscribe the word " Christ " at the top part of the kardtls, 
and to ascribe divinity to him (may Allah be highly exalted 
above that!) ; and they used to put the sign of the cross in 
place of " In the name of Allah, the compassionate, the 
merciful ". That is why the Byzantine king was disgusted 
and his anger was aroused with the change that 'Abd-al- 
Malik introduced. 

According to al-Mada'ini, it was stated by Maslamah 
ibn-Muharib that Khalid ibn-Yazid advised 'Abd-al-Malik 
to declare the use of the Greek dinars illegal, to prohibit 
their circulation and to stop the sending of the kardtis to 
the Byzantine empire. Accordingly, no kardtis were carried 
there for some time. 



The Conquest of as-Sawad 

the caliphate of abu-bakr as-siddik 

Al-Muthanna invades as-Sawdd. Al-Muthanna ibn-Ha- 
rithah ibn-Salamah ibn-Damdam ash-Shaibani used to lead 
incursions with some of his men against as-Sawad/ Hav- 
ing heard of it, abu-Bakr made inquiries regarding him and 
learned from Kais ibn-'Asim ibn-Sinan al-Minkari that that 
was not a man with no reputation, or of unknown origin, 
or of no support ; but it was al-Muthanna ibn-Harithah ash- 
Shaibani. Later, al-Muthanna presented himself before 
abu-Bakr and said to him, " Caliph of the Prophet of Allah, 
make me your lieutenant over those of my people who have 
accepted Islam, that I may fight against those foreigners, 
the Persians." Abu-Bakr wrote him a covenant to that ef- 
fect. Al-Muthanna proceeded till he came to Khaffan ; and 
inviting his people to Islam, they accepted it. 

Khdlid in al-Ubullah. Abu-Bakr then wrote to Khalid 
ibn-al-Walid al-Makhzumi, ordering him to go against al- 
*Irak. Others say that he sent him from al-Madinah. In 
the meantime, abu-Bakr wrote to al-Muthanna ibn-Ha- 
rithah ordering him to receive Khalid and obey his word. 

Previous to this, Madh'ur ibn-'Adi-l-Tjli had written to 
abu-Bakr presenting his case and the case of his people, 
and asking to be put in charge of the campaign against the 
Persians. Now, abu-Bakr wrote and ordered him to join 
Khalid, stop with him when he stopped and move with him 

I'Irak, the region west of the Tigris. Rustah, p. 104. 



when he moved. On the arrival of KhaHd in an-Nibaj/ 
he was met by al-Muthanna ibn-Harithah. Thence KhaUd 
proceeded to al-Basrah in which there was at this time 
Suwaid ibn-Kutbah adh-DhuhH (others than abu-Mikhnaf 
say that there was in it Kutbah ibn-Katadah adh-DhuhH) 
of the tribe of Bakr ibn-Wa'il, accompanied by a band of 
followers. Suwaid had designs regarding al-Basrah simi- 
lar to those of al-Muthanna regarding al-Kufah, which at 
that time was not called al-Kiifah but al-Hirah. Suwaid 
said to Khalid, " The inhabitants of al-Ubullah had assem- 
bled against me but failed to make the attack simply because 
of thy presence, as I believe." " If that is so," answered 
Khalid " the advisable thing for me would be to leave al- 
Basrah in the day time and return in the night, at which 
time my companions would enter thy camp and we will 
fight together." Accordingly, Khalid left in the direction 242 
of al-Hirah and when darkness fell, he turned back until he 
got to the camp of Suwaid, which he entered with his men. 
In the morning, the inhabitants of al-Ubullah, hearing that 
Khalid had left al-Basrah, advanced towards Suwaid. 
Seeing the great number of men in his army, they were con- 
founded and turned back. Thereupon, Khalid shouted, *'0n 
them! I see in them the looks of a people whose hearts 
Allah has filled with terror!" Then the Moslems charged 
them, put them to flight, and by Allah's help, killed a great 
number and caused others to drown in Dijlat al-Basrah.^ 
Thence Khalid passed through al-Khuraibah,^ reduced it 
and carried its inhabitants away into captivity. He left over 
it in his place — as it is reported by al-Kalbi — Shuraih ibn- 

* Khurdadhbih, pp. 146, 147. 

* or Dijlat al-'Aura = the united course of the Tigris and the Eu- 
phrates before they empty into the Persian Gulf. Yakut, vol. iii, p. 745. 

* Hamadhani, Buldan, p. 189. 


'Amir ibn-Kain ^ of the banu-Sa'd ibn-Bakr ibn-Hawazin. 
The city was a fortified frontier town for the Persians. 

Nahr al-Mar'ah. It is also reported that Khahd came to 
the river known as al-Mar'ah ^ river, with whose people he 
made terms. He then fought against a body of men as- 
sembled at al-Madhar.^ 

Khdlid proceeds to al-Hirah. Khalid then proceeded to 
al-Hirah/ and left Suwaid ibn-Kutbah to rule over his dis- 
trict, saying, " We have crushed the Persians in thy dis- 
trict in a way that will humiliate them before thee." 

Others report that when Khalid was in the district of al- 
Yamamah, he wrote to abu-Bakr for reinforcements; and 
abu-Bakr sent him Jarir ibn-*Abdallah al-Bajali. Jarir 
met Khalid as the latter was on his way out of al-Yamamah, 
joined him and attacked the al-Madhar's chief by Khalid's 
orders. Allah knows if that is so. 

Al-Wakidi states, " Our friends in al-Hijaz maintain 
that Khalid left for al-'Irak, passing by Faid ^ and ath- 
Thalabiyah,^ after which he came to al-Hirah. 

Zandaward, Duma and other places reduced by Khdlid. 
Khalid ibn-al-Walid passed through Zandaward in Kaskar 
and reduced it; he also reduced Durna and its territory, 
which capitulated after one hour's shooting by the people 
of Zandaward on the Moslems. 

He then proceeded to Hurmuzjarad, to the inhabitants 
of which he made a promise of security. The city itself 
was taken. Khalid then came to UUais. Jaban,^ the chief 

* Tabari, vol. i, p. 2382. 

* i. e., the woman's river ; Tabari, vol. i, p. 2026. 
' Yakut, vol. iv, p. 468; Hamadhani, p. 211. 

* Haukal, p. 163. 

5 A town in central Najd. Mukaddasi, p. 254. 

* On the west bank of the Euphrates. Kuhrdadhbih, p. 127. 
' Tabari, vol. i, p. 2018. 


of the Persians, set out against him and KhaUd sent ahead 
al-Muthanna ibn-Harithah ash-Shaibani who met Jaban at 
Nahr ad-Damm [sanguine canal]. KhaHd made terms 
with the inhabitants of Ullais, stipulating that they act as 
spies, guides and helpers to the Moslems against the Per- 

Khdlid in al-Hirah. Khalid then proceeded to Mujtama* 
al-Anhar ^ [confluence of canals], where he was met by 
Azadhbih, the holder of the frontier fortifications of Kisra 
that lay between the Persian and the Arab territories. The 243 
Moslems fought against him and defeated him. Then 
Khalid came and stopped at Khaffan. Others say he pro- 
ceeded directly to al-Hirah, where he was met by *Abd-al- 
Masih ibn-*Amr ibn-Kais ibn-Haiyan ibn-Bukailah^ (Bukai- 
lah's proper name being al-Harith) of the Azd, Hani' ibn- 
Kabisah ibn-Mas'iid ash-Shaibani and lyas ibn-Kabisah at- 
Ta'i (others say Farwah ibn-Iyas), lyas being the 'dmil of 
Kisra Abarwiz over al-Hirah after an-Nu*man ibn-al- 
Mundhir. These men made terms with Khalid, stipulating 
that they pay 100,000 dirhams per year, others say 80,000 
per year, that they act as spies for the Moslems against the 
Persians, and that Khalid would not destroy any of their 
churches or citadels. 

It was reported by abu-Mikhnaf , on the authority of abu- 
1-Muthannah-l-Walid ibn-al-Katami, who is the same as 
ash-Sharki ibn-al-Katami-1-Kalbi, that *Abd-al-Masih, who 
was an aged man, appeared before Khalid who asked him, 
"Where dost thou come from, old man?" And he re- 
plied, " From my father's back." — '' What didst thou come 
out from?" — "From my mother's womb." — "Woe unto 
thee ! Where art thou now? " — " In my clothes." — " Woe 

1 Wellhausen, Skissen, vol. vi, p. 42 ; Caetani, vol. ii, p. 937- 
' Duraid, p. 285 ; Tabari, vol. i, p. 2019 ; Mas'udi, vol. i, p. 217. 


to thee ! Where dost thou stand now ?" — "On the ground." 
— " Dost thou have reason [Ar. ta'kul^ ?" — " Yes, I can 
bind [a'kul] and tie up [a camel]." ^ — "Woe to thee! I 
am speaking to thee Hke a man !" — " And I am answering 
thee Hke a man." — "Art thou for peace or for war?" — 
'' For peace." — " What are these forts then?" — " We built 
them for the rogue until the meek comes." ^ The two then 
discussed the question of peace and it was agreed that 100- 
000 [dirhams] be offered the Moslems every year. The 
money taken from these people was the first sum carried to 
al-Madinah from al-Trak. It was also stipulated that they 
seek no evil for the Moslems and that they act as spies 
against the Persians. All that took place in the year 12. 

Al-Husain ibn-al-Aswad from Yahya ibn-Adam: — The 
latter said : " I heard it said that the people of al-Hirah were 
6,000 men, on each one of whom 14 dirhams, each having 
the weight of 5 kirdts, were assessed, making 84,000 dir- 
hams in all, of 5 kirdts each, or 60,000 of 7 each. To that 
end, he [Khalid] wrote them a statement which I myself 
have read." 244 

It is reported that Yazid ibn-Nubaishah-l-*Amiri said, 
" We came to al-Trak with Khalid and went as far as the 
frontier fort of al-'Udhaib. We then came to al-Hirah 
whose people had fortified themselves in al-Kasr al-Abyad 
[white citadel], Kasr ibn-Bukailah and Kasr al-'Adasiyin. 
We went around on horseback in the open spaces among 
their buildings, after which they made terms with us." (Ac- 
cording to ibn-al-Kalbi al-'Adasiyin were a branch of the 
Kalb, and were named after their mother who was also of 
the Kalb tribe.) 

* Pun on words. Caetani, vol. iv, p. 657 takes it to mean, " I am 
rich enough to pay the blood-wit ['akl] and to retaliate by killing 
\kawad] ". 

^ Cf. Mas'iidi, vol. i, p. 218 ; Tabari, vol. i, p. 2019 ; Caetani, vol. iv. 
p. 657. 


Abu-Mas*ud al-Kufi from ash-Sha'bi : — Khuraim ^ ibn- 
Aus ibn-Harithah ibn-Lam at-Ta'i said to the Prophet, 
"If Allah enables thee to reduce al-Hirah, I shall ask thee 
to give me Bukailah's daughter." When Khalid wanted to 
make terms with the inhabitants of al-Hirah, Khuraim said 
to him, *' The Prophet has given me Bukailah's daughter. 
She should not therefore be included in thy terms." This 
was testified to by Bashir ibn-Sa'd and Muhammad ibn- 
Maslamah of the Ansdr; and therefore, Khalid did not in- 
clude her in the terms, but turned her over to Khuraim. 
She was then bought from Khuraim for i ,000 dirhams, she 
being too old for Khuraim to marry her. Some one re- 
marked to Khuraim, " She was sold very cheap. Her peo- 
ple would have paid thee many times the price thou hast 
charged." And he replied, " I never thought there was a 
number above ten hundred." 

Another tradition has it that the one who asked the Pro- 
phet to give him Bukailah's daughter was one of the 
Rabi'ah. The former view, however, is more authentic. 

Bdnikiya taken. Khalid ibn-al-Walid despatched Bashir 
ibn-Sa'd abu-an-Nu'man ibn-Bashir of the Ansdr to Bani- 
kiya.^ Bashir was met by the Persian horsemen headed by 
Farrukhbundadh. Bashir's men were shot with arrows ; but 
he led the charge and put the enemy to flight, killing Far- 
rukhbundadh. He then returned with a wound which be- 
came recrudescent, when he came to 'Ain at-Tamr, and 
caused his death. Others say that Khalid himself, accom- 
panied by Bashir, met Farrukhbundadh. 

Khalid then sent Jarir ibn-'Abdallah al-Bajali to the peo- 
ple of Banikiya. Jarir was met by Busbuhra ibn-Saluba, 
who refused to fight and proposed to make peace. Jarir 

^ Mawardi, p. 333; Tabari, vol. i, pp. 2047-2048. 
' Hamadhani, p. 165. 



made terms with him on 100,000 dirhams and one mantle.^ 
Others say that ibn-Saluba came to Khahd and, refusing to 
fight, made those terms. After the battle of an-Nukhailah 245 
and the death of Mihran, Jarir came and received from ibn- 
Saltiba's people and from the people of al-Hirah the sum 
agreed upon, and wrote them a receipt. Others deny that 
Jarir ibn-*Abdallah ever came to al-'Irak except in the 
caliphate of 'Umar ibn-al-Khattab. Abu-Mikhnaf and al- 
Wakidi, however, repeat that he went there twice. 

Khalid wrote a statement to Busbuhra ibn-Saluba and 
sent the mantle to abu-Bakr together with the money from 
al-Hirah and the thousand dirhams. Abu-Bakr offered the 
mantle as a present to al-Husain ibn-'Ali. 

Abu-Nasr at-Tammar from 'Abdallah ibn-Mughaffal ^ al- 
Muzani : — No part of al-*Irak made covenant [with the 
Moslems] except al-Hirah, Ullais and Banikiya. 

Al-Husain ibn-al-Aswad from ibn-Mughaffal : — No land 
below al-Jabal ^ is fit for sale except the land of the banu- 
Saluba and the land of al-Hirah. 

Al-Husain ibn-al-Aswad from al-Aswad ibn-Kais's 
father : — The latter said, " We arrived in al-Hirah and 
made terms on so much money and a camel's saddle." In 
answer to my question, " What did ye do with the saddle?" 
he replied, " One of us had no saddle and we gave it to 

Abu-*Ubaid from Humaid ibn-Hilal : — When Khalid ar- 
rived in al-Hirah, its inhabitants made terms without of- 
fering any resistance. The following verse was written by 
Dirar ibn-al-Azwar al-Asadi : 

1 Ar. tailasan = Persian apparel of dark wool. Dozy, Vetements, pp. 

2 Mughaffal and not Mughaffil as Baladhuri has it. See Dhahabi, p. 

3 Al-Jabal or al-Jibal =: Media. Hamadhani, pp. 209 seq. 



" I had insomnia in Banikiya and whosoever receives 
what I received there — a wound, would certainly have insomnia." 

Al-Wakidi states, " Our companions agree that this Dirar 
was slain in al-Yamamah." 

Al-Faldlij and Tustar. From Banikiya, Khalid came to 
al-Falalij,^ in which was massed a host of Greeks. They 
were soon dispersed, and KhaHd, meeting no resistance, re- 
turned to al-Hirah. Hearing that Jaban was at the head of 
a great army in Tustar,^ Khalid sent against him al-Mu- 
thanna ibn-Harithah ash-Shaibani and Hanzalah ibn-ar- 
Rabi* ^ ibn-Rabah al-Usaidi of the banu-Tamim (he is the 
one called Hanzalah-1-Katib[the scribe]). No sooner had 
these two come to the place where Jaban was, than he fled. 

Suk Baghdad and al-Anbdr. Khalid proceeded to al- 
Anbar * whose people betook themselves to their fortifica- 
tions. Here some one came to Khalid and pointed out to 
him Suk [market] Baghdadh,^ which later [after Baghdadh 
was founded] was called as-Suk al-'Atik [the old market] 
and which lay near Karn as-Sarat.^ Khalid sent al-Mu- 
thanna who made a raid on this market, and the Moslems 
filled their hands with gold and silver and commodities light 
to carry. They spent the night at as-Sailahin, and then 
came to al-Anbar where Khalid was. The Moslems then 
invested the inhabitants of al-Anbar and set fire to places in 
its district. Al-Anbar was thus called because the Persian 
granaries were in it and the friends and proteges of an-Nu* 

1 PI. of Fallujah. Yakut, vol. iii, p. 908. 

^ Haukal, p. 172. 

^"Rabi'ah" in Duraid, p. 127; and " Rabi'ah ibn-Saifi" in Kutaibah, 
Ma'drif, p. 153. 

* Istakhri, p. yy. 

^ Le Strange, Baghdad during the Abbasid Caliphate, p. 12. 

6 As-Sarat Point, where as-Sarat canal disembogued to the Tigris. 
See Ya'kubi, Bulddn, p. 235. 


man used to get their subsistence allowances from it. See- 
ing what had befallen them, the inhabitants of al-Anbar 
made terms which satisfied Khalid, and so he left them in 
their homes. 

Others assert that Khalid sent al-Muthanna before him 
to Baghdadh and then followed him and directed the raid 
against it, after which he returned to al-Anbar. This, how- 
ever, is not authentic. 

Al-Husain ibn-al-Aswad from ash-Sha'bi: — The people 
of al-Anbar have a covenant [with the Moslems]. 

A tradition communicated to me by certain sheikhs from 
al-Anbar states that terms were concluded with the people 
of al-Anbar in the caliphate of *Umar in which it was stipu- 
lated that they pay for their canton [tassuj^ 400,000 dir- 
hams and i ,000 cloaks fabricated in Katawan, per year. The 
terms were made by Jarir ibn-*Abdallah al-Bajali. Others 
say that the sum was 80,000 ; but Allah knows best. 

Jarir reduced Bawazij al-Anbar in which are to-day many 
of his freedmen. 

According to a report there came to Khalid ibn-al-Walid 
someone who pointed out to him a market above al-Anbar 
in which the Kalb, Bakr ibn-Wa'il and others from the 
tribe of Kuda'ah used to meet. Khalid despatched against 
this place al-Muthanna ibn-Harithah who made a raid 
against it, carried as booty what there was in it, slaughtered 
and took captives. 

'Ain at-Tamr. Thence Khalid advanced to 'Ain at- 
Tamr ^ and invested its fort in which a great frontier guard 
of Persians was stationed. The holders of the fort made a 
sally and fought, but after that, they confined themselves to 
their fort, where Khalid and the Moslems besieged them 247 
until they sued for peace. Khalid refused to give them 

* Yakut, vol. iii, p. 759. 


promise of security and reduced the fort by force, slaugh- 
tering and carrying away captives. Here he found certain 
persons in a church whom he took captives. Among these 
captives was (i) Humran ibn-Aban ibn-KhaHd at-Tamri. 
Others say his father's name was Abba. This Humran was 
the freedman of 'Uthman. He first belonged to al-Musai- 
yab ibn-Najabah-1-Fazari from whom 'Uthman bought 
him, and then released him. 'Uthman later sent him to al- 
Kufah to make inquiry regarding the conduct of his 'dmil 
there, on which occasion Humran did not tell the truth. So 
'Uthman denied him the rights of protection [Ar. jiwdr] 
and Humran went and settled in al-Basrah. Among other 
captives were (2) Sirin, father of Muhammad ibn-Sirin,^ 
whose brothers were Yahya ibn-Sirin, Anas ibn- Sirin, and 
Ma'bad ibn-Sirin, Muhammad being the eldest brother, and 
all being the freedmen of Anas ibn-Malik al-Ansari; (3) 
abu-'Amrah, a grandfather of 'Abdallah ibn-'Abd-al-A1a, 
the poet; (4) Yasar, a grandfather of Muhammad ibn- 
Ishak — the author of as-Strah ^ — and a freedman of Kais 
ibn-Makhramah ibn-al-Muttalib ibn-'Abd-Manaf ; (5) 
Murrah abu-'Ubaid, a grandfather of Muhammad ibn-Zaid 
ibn-'Ubaid ibn-Murrah (Nafis ibn-Muhammad ibn-Zaid 
ibn-*Ubaid ibn-Murrah, the owner of the citadel [kasr] 
near al-Harrah [volcanic tract of al-Madinah] was a son 
of this Muhammad. His descendants give the name of 
their ancestor as 'Ubaid ibn-Murrah ibn-al-Mu'alla-1-An- 
sari and later az-Zuraki) ; (6) Nusair, the father of Musa 
ibn-Nusair, the governor of al-Maghrib. This Nusair was 
a freedman of the banu-Umaiyah, as it is asserted by freed- 
men in the frontier towns descended from slaves whom he 

* Bakri, p. 199. 

^ The biography of the Prophet from which ibn-Hisham's was 


had released. Ibn-al-Kalbi says that abu-Farwah 'Abd ar- 
Rahman ibn-al-Aswad and Nusair abu-Musa ibn-Nusair 
were both Arabs of [the clan of] Arashah of [the tribe of] 
Bali and that they were taken captives from Jabal al-Jalil 
[Mt. Galilee] in Syria during the caliphate of abu-Bakr. 
Nusair's name was originally Nasr which was later used in 
the diminutive form — Nusair. Some one of the banu- 
Umaiyah gave him his liberty; and he returned to Syria 
where in a village called Kafarmara ^ his son Musa was 
born. Musa was lame. Al-Kalbi adds that some one said 
that the two [Nusair and abu-Farwah] were brothers taken 
captives from *Ain at-Tamr, and that they owed their lib- 
erty to the banu-Dabbah. 

According to *Ali ibn-Muhammad al-Mada'ini, it is stated 
by someone that abu-Farwah and Nusair were of the cap- 
tives of *Ain at-Tamr. Abu-Farwah was bought by Na'im 
al-Asadi who sold him later to *Uthman who used him for 
digging graves. When the people rose up against 'Uthman, 248 
abu-Farwah joined them and said to *Uthman, " Restore 
what thou hast wrongfully taken from others ! " To this 
'Uthman replied, " Thou representest the first thing. I 
bought thee out of the sadakah funds that thou mayest dig 
the tombs; but thou hast left that." His son ^Abdallah ibn- 
abi-Farwah was one of the illustrious freedmen. One of 
his descendants ^ was ar-Rabi' ibn-Yunus ibn-Muhammad 
ibn-abi-Farwah, a companion of al-Mansur. Abu-Farwah 
was thus called because of a furred garment [Ar. farwah] 
which he had on when he was taken captive.* 

According to certain reports, Khalid made terms with the 

1 " Kaf armathra " in Mardsid, vol. ii, p. 504. 
* Caetani, vol. ii, p. 945. 

^ Aghdni, vol. Hi, p. 127, adds Kaisan, one of the ancestors of abu-1- 
'Atahiyah, to the list of captives. 


holders of *Ain at-Tamr fort and these captives [mentioned 
above] were found in a church in a certain canton/ Some 
say that Sirin was one of the inhabitants of Jarjaraya and 
that he came there on a visit to a relative of his and was 
taken captive together with those in the church. 

Al-Husain ibn-al-Aswad from Yahya ibn-Adam from 
ash-Sha'bi : — Khalid ibn-al-Walid made terms with the peo- 
ple of al-Hirah and 'Ain at-Tamr, and stated them in a 
letter to abu-Bakr, which the latter endorsed. Yahya adds, 
" I asked al-Hasan ibn-Salih,^ ' Have the people of 'Ain at- 
Tamr, like those of al-Hirah, to pay something for their 
lands, but nothing for their persons ? ' To this al-Hasan 
replied, ' Yes.' " 

It is stated by someone that there was at *Ain at-Tamr 
at the head of the an-Namir ibn-Kasit tribe, Hilal ibn-'Ak- 
kah ibn-Kais ibn-al-Bishr an-Namiri,^ who gathered an 
army and fought against Khalid. He was defeated, killed 
and crucified. According to ibn-al-Kalbi, there was at the 
head of the an-Namir at that time 'Akkah ibn-Kais ibn-al- 
Bishr himself. 

The wound of Bashir ibn-Sa*d al-Ansari became recru- 
descent and caused his death. He was buried at 'Ain at- 
Tamr. By his side was buried *Umair ibn-Ri'ab ibn-Mu- 
hashshim ibn-Sa'id ibn-Sahm ibn-*Amr, who was hit by an 
arrow at *Ain at-Tamr and fell a martyr. 

The razzias of an-Nusair ihn-Daisam. When Khalid 
ibn-al-Walid was at *Ain at-Tamr he sent an-Nusair ibn- 
Daisam ibn-Thaur to a spring of water by which were set- 
tled the banu-Taghlib, whom he surprised by night, killing 
and carrying away many captives. One of the prisoners 

1 tassuj. Noldeke, ZDMG, 1874, vol. xxviii, p. 94» note. 

* One of the intermediate authorities of this tradition. 

• Tabari, vol. i, p. 2122 : " an-Namari ". 


asked Khalid to release him, promising to point out to him 
a quarter inhabited by the banu-Rabi'ah. KhaHd did so 
and an-Nusair came to the Rabi'ah quarter, where he fell 
upon them in the night-time and carried away booty and 
captives. He then proceeded inland towards Takrit. Thus 
did the Moslems enrich themselves with booty. 249 

According to a tradition communicated to me by abu- 
Mas'ud al-Kufi, on the authority of Muhammad ibn-Mar- 
wan, an-Nusair came to 'Ukbara' and gave promise of se- 
curity to its inhabitants, who brought forth food for his 
men and their animals. He then passed through al-Bara- 
dan, whose people hurried to present themselves before the 
Moslems. An-Nusair said, " Never mind !" ; which was 
enough to guarantee their safety. 

Thence an-Nusair advanced to al-Mukharrim which ac- 
cording to abu-Mas*ud was not called then Mukharrim,^ but 
was so called after being occupied by a certain descendant 
of Mukharrim ibn-Hazn ibn-Ziyad ibn-Anas ibn-ad-Daiyan 
al-ilarithi, as it is mentioned by Hisham ibn-Muhammad 

The Moslems then crossed a bridge lying near Kasr 
[castle] Sabiir, known to-day by the name of Kasr *Isa ibn- 
'Ali. The bridge was in charge of Khurzad ibn-Mahibun- 
dadh who went out against the Moslems, but was fought 
and defeated by them. The Moslems then retreated to 
'Ain at-Tamr. 

An-Nusair and Hudhaifah. It is stated by al-Wakidi 
that after the battle of al-Jisr [bridge] and after making 
the Moslems withdraw to Khaffan, al-Muthanna ibn-Ha- 
rithah sent in the caliphate of 'Umar ibn-al-Khattab an- 
Nusair and Hudhaifah ibn-Mihsan at the head of a body 
of horsemen, who destroyed a band of the banu-Taghlib 

* Ya'kubi, Bulddn, p. 253. 


and crossed over to Takrit from which they carried away 
camels and goats. 

" One of the things told me by abu-Mas'ud/' said 'Attab 
ibn-Ibrahim, " was that an-Nusair and Hudhaifah promised 
security to the people of Takrit and wrote a statement 
which was carried out by 'Utbah ibn-Farkad as-Sulami 
when he reduced at-Tirhan [or Tirahan] and al-Mausil. 
He also mentioned the fact that an-Nusair, directed by 
Khalid ibn-al-Walid, made a raid against villages in Maskin 
and Katrabbul [or Kutrubbul] from which he carried off 
large booty." 

From *Ain at-Tamr, Khalid advanced to Syria and said 
to al-Muthanna ibn-Harithah, "Return [to al-Hirah?] — 
may Allah have mercy on thee — to thy Sultan, untired and 
unfailing." ^ 

The departure of Khalid for Syria took place in Rabi* II, 
according to others, Rabi^ I, year 13. It is claimed by 
some that Khalid came from *Ain at-Tamr to Dumah,* 
which he reduced, and after that he proceeded to al-Hirah 
and thence to Syria. That he departed for Syria from 
'Ain at-Tamr, is, however, more reliable. 

* Certain verses describing the battles referred to above are here 
omitted from the translation. This was done in a few other cases. 

' Skizsen, vol. iv, p. 47, n. 3. De Goeje, Memoire, p. 15, takes this to 
be Dumah al-Hirah and not al-Jandal. Cf. Miiller, Der Islmi, vol. i, 
p. 229, note. 

The Caliphate of 'Umar ibn-al-Khattab 

Ahu-Ubaid chief commander. When *Umar ibn-al- 
Khattab was proclaimed caliph, he directed abu-*Ubaid ibn- 
Mas'ud ibn-'Amr ibn-'Umair ibn-'Auf ibn-*Ukdah ibn-Ghi- 
yarah ibn-'Auf ibn-Thakif (who is identical with abu-1- 
Mukhtar ibn-abi-'Ubaid) to al-'Irak with i,ooo men. 
Meanwhile, he wrote to al-Muthanna ibn-Harithah, order- 
ing him to receive abu-'Ubaid and obey his word. In the 
company of abu-'Ubaid, he sent Salit ibn-Kais ibn-'Amr al- 
al-Ansari, saying to him, '* Had it not been for the fact that 
thou art too hasty, I would have put thee in chief com- 
mand. But warfare is a stubborn thing, and only the cau- 
tious man is fit for it." 

Ahu-Uhaid defeats Jdbdn, al-Jdlinus and other Persian 
chiefs. Abu-'Ubaid marched forward and left no Arab 
tribe by which he passed without arousing its interest in 
the " holy war " and plunder. Thus, he was joined by a 
large host. On arriving in al-^Udhaib, he heard that Jaban, 
the Persian, was at Tustar with a laige body of men. Abu- 251 
*Ubaid met Jaban and put his troops to flight, taking some 
of them captive. 

Thence abu-*Ubaid proceeded to Durna ^ in which there 
was assembled a body of Persians. These abu-'Ubaid 
chased to Kaskar. He then advanced to meet al-Jalinus,^ 

* Tabari, vol. i, p. 2169: "Durtha"; cf. Yakut, vol. ii, pp. 565, 569; 
Bakri, p. 345- 
' " Jalinus ", in Tabari, vol. i, p. 2170. 



who was at Barusma [or Marusma] ; but ibn-al-Andarz- 
*azz ^ made terms with him, agreeing to pay four dirhams 
on every person, provided abu-'Ubaid should keep his way. 
Abu-*Ubaid sent al-Muthanna to Zandaward,^ and find- 
ing that its inhabitants had violated their covenant, al-Mu- 
thanna fought against them, won the victory and carried 
away [many] captives. Abu-*Ubaid also sent 'Urwah ibn- 
Zaid-al-Khail at-Ta'i to az-Zawabi, with whose chief \^dih- 
kdn] me made terms similar to those made with Barusma. 

* Tabari, vol. i, pp. 2029 seq, 
2 Yakut, vol. ii, pp. 951-952. 

The Battle of Kuss an-Natif, or the Battle of al-Jisr 

DhU'l-Hdjih. Hearing that the Arabs were massing their 
forces, the Persians sent dhu-1-Hajib [the eye-browed] 
Mardanshah who was nicknamed by Anushirwan " Bah- 
man '* [potent, endowed with great means] because he au- 
gured good from him.^ He was called dhu-1-Hajib because, 
in his pride, he tied up his brows, to lift them above his 
eyes. His name, it is said, was Rustam.^ 

The elephant, Abu-'Ubaid ordered that the bridge [on 
the Euphrates] be erected; and it was, the people of Bani- 
kiya helping in the construction. It is said that this bridge 
once belonged to the people of al-Hirah on which they 
crossed over to their farms. Being in ruins, abu-*Ubaid or- 
dered it repaired. Over this bridge, abu-'Ubaid and the 
Moslems crossed from al-Marwahah * and met dhu-1-Hajib 
who was accompanied by 4,000 men armed from head to 
foot, and one elephant — others say many elephants. A 
fierce fight ensued, in the course of which many wounds 
were inflicted on the Moslems. At this, Salit ibn-Kais said 
to abu-*Ubaid, " I have warned thee against crossing this 
bridge and advised thee to withdraw to some quarter and 
write for reinforcements to the ' Commander of the Be- 
lievers ' ; but thou hast refused." Salit fought until he was 
killed. Abu-'Ubaid asked, " Which is the vulnerable point 
in this creature?'* and he was told that it was its trunk, 252 
upon which he made a rush and struck the trunk of the ele- 

* Cf. Caetani, vol. iii, p. 148. ' Ya'kubi, vol. ii, p. 161. 

* Yakut, vol. iv, p. 505. 



phant. Abu-Mihjan ibn-Habib ath-Thakafi also charged 
the elephant and struck and broke its leg. The " polythe- 
ists ", thereupon, made an attack which resulted in the 
death of abu-'Ubaid. Others say that the elephant threw 
its weight upon him and crushed him/ 

The Moslems zvho fell. After abu-'Ubaid, the flag was 
carried by his brother, al-Hakam, who was then killed, and 
the flag passed to the hands of his son, Jabr, who also fell. 
Al-Muthanna " ibn-Harithah carried it for one hour, after 
which he withdrew his men as some of them defended the 
others. On this occasion, 'Urwah ibn-Zaid al-Khail fought 
so fiercely that his action was estimated to be equivalent to 
that of a whole group of men. 

Among those who took part in the defense of the Mos- 
lems on the west bank of the river, was the poet abu-Zubaid 
at-Ta'i, who happened to be at al-Hirah on some personal 
business. Abu-Zubaid was a Christian. 

Al-Muthanna came and occupied Ullais and communi- 
cated the news in a letter to 'Umar ibn-al-Khattab sent with 
'Urwah ibn-Zaid. 

Among those killed in the battle of al-Jisr [the bridge], 
according to abu-Mikhnaf, was abu-Zaid al-Ansari, one of 
those who compiled the Koran in the days of the Prophet. 

The battle of al-Jisr was fought on Saturday at the end 
of Ramadan, year 13. 

Abu-*Ubaid al-Kasim ibn-Sallam from Kais ibn-abi- 
Hazim : — As abu-*Ubaid was crossing Banikiya with a band 
of followers, the " polytheists " cut the bridge and many 
of his men lost their lives. Isma'il ibn-abi-Khalid adds that 
abu-'Amr ash-Shaibani stated that the battle of Mihran was 
fought at the beginning of the year, and al-Kadisiyah at the 
end of it. 

^ Tabari, vol. i, pp. 2178-2179; Athir, vol. ii, pp. 332-333- 
' Dinawari, p. 119. 

The Battle of Mihran or an-Nukhailah 253 

Jarir ihn- AhdalldW s campaign in al-Irdk. According 
to abu-Mikhnaf and others, for one year after the calamity 
that befell abu-'Ubaid and Salit, 'Umar ibn-al-Khattab re- 
frained from the mention of the name of al-'Irak. In the 
meantime, al-Muthanna ibn-Harithah was staying in the 
region of UUais summoning the Arabs to the '' holy war ". 
At last 'Umar invited the Moslems to an expedition to al- 
Trak, but they kept aloof and hesitated to go there, so much 
so that he was on the point of carrying the expedition in 
person. Now, a body of al-Azd came to 'Umar intent on 
the invasion of Syria; but he asked them to go to al-*Irak 
and aroused their interest in the spoils to be taken from the 
Kisra family. They left it for him to choose for them, and 
he ordered them to start [for al-Trak]. 

Jarir ibn-'Abdallah came from as-Sarah at the head of the 
Bajilah ^ tribe, and offered to go to al-Trak, provided one- 
quarter of what they took possession of be allotted to him 
and his men. 'Umar accepted the offer and Jarir started 
towards al-Trak. Some claim that he went via al-Basrah 
and had a conflict with the satrap [Marzuban] of al-Ma- 
dhar, whom he defeated. Others claim that the conflict with 
the Marzuban took place when Jarir was in the company of 
Khalid ibn-al-Walid. Still others assert that Jarir took the 
road to al-'Udhaib, passing through Paid and ath-Tha*- 

^ Tabari, vol. i, p. 2186; Caetani, vol. iii, p. 155. 



*Affan ibn-Muslim from ash-Sha'bi : — After the death of 
abu-'Ubaid, who was the first to be directed by 'Umar to 
al-Kufah, 'Umar directed Jarir ibn-'Abdallah there, saying, 
" Wouldst thou go to al-'Irak if I allow thee one-third of 
the spoils after the [usual] fifth has been taken?" and 
Jarir said,. " I will." 

Dair Hind. The Moslems assembled in Dair Hind ^ in 
the year 14 immediately after the death of Shirawaih, and 
the succession of Bdran, daughter of Kisra, who was to rule 
until Yazdajird ibn-Shahriyar came of age. Yazdajird " 
sent against them Mihran ibn-Mihribundadh al-Hamadhani 
at the head of 12,000 men. The Moslems offered no resist- 
ance until he crossed the bridge on the Euphrates and ar- 
rived next to Dair al-AVar.^ 

The battle of al-Buwaib. It is reported by Saif that 
Mihran, after crossing al-Jisr [the bridge], came to a place 
called al-Buwaib.^ It was in this place that he was killed. 

Someone has said that the irregularities in the land of 
al-Buwaib were filled up with bones in the time of the civil 
war,^ made level with the surface and covered with pow- 
dered soil [and that whenever the soil was removed the 
bones were seen].® The spot lay between as-Sakun [canal] 
and the banu-Sulaim [canal]. ^ This was the place in which 
the water of the Euphrates sank in the time of the Kisras 
and from which it poured into al-Jauf.^ 

^ A convent near al-Hirah. Hamadhani, Bulddn, p. 183 ; Bakri, pp. 
362-364; Yakut, vol. ii, pp. 707-709. 
' Cf. Dinawari, p. 125 ; Tabari, vol. i, p. 2163. 
' Yakut, vol. ii, p. 644. 

* Ibid., vol. i, p. 764. 

' The reference is, perhaps, to the insurrection of Mus'ab ibn-az- 

• The text is corrupt. ' Tabari, vol. i, p. 2191. 
^ Ibid., vol. i, p. 2187, line? 12-13; r/. Caetani, vol. iii, pp. 256-257. 


The Moslems camped at an-Nukhailah ^ and were led, ac- 
cording to the Bajilah, by Jarir ibn-*Abdallah, and, accord- 
ing to the Rabi'ah, by al-Muthanna ibn-Harithah. Others 
affirm that the Moslems were commanded in turn by the 
heads of the various tribes. The Moslems met their enemy, 
and Shurahbil ibn-as-Simt al-Kindi distinguished himself 
in the fight that ensued. Mas'iid ibn-Harithah was slain. 
So al-Muthanna said, " Fear not, Moslems, because my 
brother is killed. Such is the fate of the best among you." 
Upon this, the Moslems charged, as if they were one body, 
with confidence and patience which resulted, by Allah's 
help, in the death of Mihran and the defeat of the " infi- 
dels ".^ The Moslems pursued them with slaughter; and 
few were those who escaped. On this day, Kurt ibn-Jam- 
mali al-'Abdi applied his sword until its edge was bent. 
When the night fell, they returned to their camp. This took 
place in the year 14. 

The death of Mihran was effected by Jarir ibn-'Abdallah 
and al-Mundhir ibn-Hassan ibn-Dirar ad-Dabbi, each one 
of whom claimed that he had killed him, which led to a 
fierce dispute.^ At last, al-Mundhir carried away Mihran's 
belt; and Jarir, the rest of the spoils from him. Some as- 
sert that among those who killed him was al-Hisn ibn-Ma*- 
bad ibn-Zurarah ibn-*Udas at-Tamimi. 

Moslem raids. After this victory, the Moslems did not 
cease to make raids in the regions between al-Hirah and 
Kaskar, Sura, Barbisma [ ?] and Sarat * Jamasib and 
between al-Falliijatain, an-Nahrain and ^\in-at-Tamr.^ 

* Yakut, vol. iv, pp. y7i-7y2. 

^ Cf. Mas'udi, vol. iv, pp. 205-206. 
.;' Yusuf, p. 16, lines 16-17. 

* Cf. Dinawari, p. 121. 

* See Le Strange, The Lands of the Eastern Caliphate, p. 25, map. 


The Moslems also attacked Hisn Malikiya, which was 
a watching post, and reduced it. They drove the Persians 
from other watching posts at at-Taff, the Persians by this 
time having become emaciated and having become weak and 
feeble in power. Certain Moslems crossed Nahr [canal] 
Siira and came to Kiitha, Nahr al-Malik and Badiiraiya; 
some reaching as far as Kalwadha. The Arabs in these raz- 255 
zias lived on what they plundered. 

There are those who say that between the battles of Mih- 
ran and al-Kadisiyah, 18 months elapsed. 

The Battle of al-Kadisiyah 

'Umar sends Sa'd ibn-abi-Wakkds. The Moslems wrote 
to 'Umar ibn-al-Khattab telling him of the great number 
of the Persians massing against them, and asked for rein- 
forcements. 'Umar desired to lead the razzia in person 
and collected an army for that purpose; but he was ad- 
vised by al-*Abbas ibn-'Abd-al-Muttalib and other sheikhs 
from among the Companions of the Prophet to stay at 
home and send out the forces and troops; and 'Umar did 
that. 'Ali ibn-abi-Talib advised him to go himself; but 
'Umar replied, '' I have made up my mind to stay." 'Umar 
proposed to *Ali the idea of going; but the latter refused, 
upon which 'Umar wanted Sa'id ibn-Zaid ibn-'Amr ibn- 
Nufail al-'Adawi to go. Finally, it occurred to him to send 
Sa*d ibn-abi-Wakkas, which he did. The name of abu- 
Wakkas was Malik ibn-Uhaib ibn-'Abd-Manaf ibn-Zuh- 
rah ibn-Kilab. Sa'd was a man of valor and a good shot. 
Others say that at this time Sa'id ibn-Zaid ibn-'Amr was 
on an expedition in Syria. 

Sa'd proceeded to al-Trak and stayed at ath-Tha'labiyah 
for three months, in the course of which all the troops over- 
took him. Thence he came, in the year 15, to al-'Udhaib. 
Al-Muthanna ibn-Harithah happened to be ill at that time, 
and he advised Sa'd to meet the enemy between al-Kadisi- 
yah and al-'Udhaib. His case soon became serious and he 
was carried to his clan among whom he died. Sa'd mar- 
ried his wife. 



Rustam. According to al-Wakidi, al-Muthanna died be- 
fore Rustam came to al-Kadisiyah. This Rustam, who 
was from ar-Rai — or from Hamadhan as others say — came 
and occupied Burs from which he left for a place between 
al-Hirah and as-Sailahin, where he stayed for four months 
without trying measures or fighting with the Moslems. The 
Moslems, in the meantime, lay camped between al-'Udhaib 
and al-Kadisiyah. Rustam sent ahead of him dhu-l-Ha- 
jib, who camped at Tizanabadh. The " polytheists " num- 
bered about 120,000, and were accompanied by thirty ele- 
phants, and had a great banner called Dirafsh Kabiyan; ^ 
while the Moslems, taken together, numbered between 9,000 
and 10,000. When the Moslems were in need of fodder 
or food, they sent horsemen into the interior of the land 
who would make raids along the lower course of the Eu- 
phrates. From al-Madinah, 'Umar used to send them 
sheep and camels for slaughter. 

Al-Mughirah reinforces Sa'd. Al-Basrah was built some- 
time between the battle of an-Nukhailah and al-Kadisiyah 
by *Utbah ibn-Ghazwan. When 'Utbah asked leave for a 
pilgrimage, he assigned as successor al-Mughirah ibn-Shu'- 
bah, who was confirmed in his position by a letter from 
*Umar. Before long, the charge ^ that was brought against 
al-Mughirah was brought against him, and 'Umar ap- 
pointed abu-Miisa governor of al-Basrah and recalled al- 
Mughirah to al-Madinah. Later, 'Umar sent al-Mughirah 
back to al-Basrah together with those who gave witness 
against him. Now, on the day of the battle of al-Kadisi- 
yah, *Umar wrote to abu-Miasa, ordering him to reinforce 

1 or Diraf shikabiyan. In Persian : diraf sh-i-Kawiyan = the royal 
standard of the Sassanians; see Vullers' Persian Dictionary; Tabari, 
vol. i, p. 2175. 

' Of having immoral relations with umm-Jamil, which is discussed 
later by al-Baladhuri. See abu-1-Fida, vol. i, p. 163. 


Sa'd; upon which abu-Musa sent al-Mughirah with 800 
(others say 400) men. Having taken part in the battle, al- 
Mughirah returned to al-Madinah. 

Kais reinforces Sa'd. In the meantime, *Umar wrote to 
abu-'Ubaidah ibn-al-Jarrah, and he sent to the reinforce- 
ment of Sa'd Kais ibn-Hubairah ibn-al-Makshiili al-Mu- 
radi, who according to some, took part in the battle of al- 
Kadisiyah, and according to others, did not arrive until the 
battle was over. Kais commanded 700 men. 

The battle of al-Kadisiyah took place at the end of the 
year 16. Some say that it was 'Utbah ibn-Ghazwan who 
isent al-Mughirah to the reinforcement of Sa'd, that al- 
Mughirah was assigned governor of al-Basrah only after he 
returned from al-Kadisiyah and that *Umar, after calling 
al-Mughirah back to al-Madinah . because of the charge 
brought against him, never sent him out of al-Madinah ex- 
cept when he assigned him governor of al-Kufah. 

[AI-* Abbas ibn-al-Walid an-Narsi from ash-Sha'bi :— 
*Umar wrote to abu-'Ubaidah, '' Send to al-Kadisiyah Kais 
ibn-Makshuh at the head of the men he invites to join him." 
Kais summoned a body of men and arrived, at the head of 
700 of them, to find the victory already won by Sa'd. Kais's 
men asked for a share in the booty. Sa'd wrote to 'Umar, 
who wrote back, " If Kais arrived before the burial of 
those that were killed, then thou shouldst give him his 

Al-Mughirah's interview with Rustam. Rustam asked 
Sa'd to send some companions of his to consult with him. 
Sa'd delegated al-Mughirah ibn-Shu'bah. Al-Mughirah 
betook himself towards Rustam's throne, in order to sit by 
him, but was not allowed to do so by the Persian cavalry 
guard [asdwirah]. Rustam said many things, among 
which was the following, " I have learned that ye were 
forced to what ye are doing by nothing but the narrow 257 



means of livelihood and by poverty. We are ready to give 
you what will satisfy you, and to see you leave with certain 
things that ye choose." ^ Al-Mughirah answered, '' Allah 
has sent us his Prophet by following and obeying whom 
we were made prosperous, and he has ordered us to fight 
those who differ from our faith * Until they pay tribute 
out of hand and in a humbled state '.^ We, therefore, call 
thee to the worship of Allah alone and the belief in his Pro- 
phet, which if thou shouldst do, well and good; otherwise, 
the sword will decide between us." Rustam, snorting with 
anger, said, " By the sun and by the moon, the day will not 
break to-morrow before w^e kill you all." '' No strength 
and no force but in Allah," answered al-Mughirah, and de- 
parted riding a lean horse with a sword broken at its edge 
and wrapped up in rags.^ 

*Amr and al-Ash'afh interviezv Rustam. 'Umar wrote 
to Sa'd instructing him to send to the magnate of the Per- 
sians a delegation to invite him to Islam. Accordingly, 
Sa*d sent 'Amr ibn-Ma'dikarib az-Zubaidi and al-Ash'ath 
ibn-Kais al-Kindi at the head of a delegation. They passed 
by Rustam, and on being brought before him, he asked 
them, ''To whom are ye going?" to which they replied, 
" To your chief." A long conversation followed in which 
they said, " Our Prophet has promised us the conquest of 
your land," upon Avhich Rustam called for a palm-leaf 
basket full of soil and said, " This is for you from our 
land !" *Amr ibn-Ma'dikarib immediately arose, spread his 
cloak and departed, carrying in it some of the soil. When 
he was asked later, " Why didst thou do that? ". 'Amr re- 
plied, " Because I considered it a good omen, indicating that 

* Dinawari, p. 127; Tabari, vol. i, p. 2271. 

2 Koran, 9 : 29. 

^ Tabari, vol. i, p. 2270. 


their land will one day be ours, and we will take possession 
of it." Finally, they presented themselves before the king 
and invited him to Islam. The king became angry and or- 
.dered them to leave, saying, " Had ye not been envoys, I 
would have put you to death!" He also wrote and rebuked 
Rustam for sending them to him. 

A Moslem forage expedition. Later, a forage expedi- "^ 
tion ^ of the Moslems, headed by Zuhrah ibn-Hawiyah ibn- 
'Abdallah ibn-Katadah at-Tamimi — later as-Sa'di — (others 
say it was headed by Katadah ibn-Hawiyah^), came across 
some Persian cavalry, which was the occasion for the final 
conflict. The Persians rallied to the succor of their cavalry, 258 
and the Moslems to those on their expedition; and a fierce 
battle raged between the two. The time was an afternoon. 
'Amr ibn-Ma'dikarib az-Zubaidi rushed forward and, seiz- 
ing a Persian chief by the neck, lifted him to the saddle in 
front of him, saying [to his men] , 'T am abu-Thaur ! Do ye 
as I do ! " He then stabbed the nose of one of the elephants, 
saying, " Apply your swords to their trunks ; the vulnerable 
point in the elephant is his trunk." 

Sa'd slaps his wife. Sa'd ibn-abi-Wakkas had, for a 
special reason, appointed Khalid ibn-'Urfutah-l-'Udhri, an 
ally of the banu-Zuhrah, to be commander of the army and 
director of the affairs of the Moslems. Sa'd lived in Kasr 
[tower] al-'Udhaib. His wife, Salma, daughter of Hafsah 
of the tribe of the banu-Taimallah ibn-Tha'labah, and for- 
merly the wife of al-Muthanna ibn-Harithah, often re- 
peated, " O, Muthanna ! But there is no more Muthanna 
to aid the cavalry !" Hearing that, Sa'd slapped her on the 
face; upon which she said, "Is it jealousy or cowardice, 
Sa'd ? " 

* Ar. 'allafah. 
^Hajar, vol. ii, p. 23. 


Abu-Mihjan in prison. Abu-Mihjan ath-Thakafi ^ was 
alienated to Badi' ^ by 'Urnar ibn-al-Khattab in punishment 
for his being addicted to wine. He somehow managed to 
run away and followed Sa'd; he, according to al-Wakidi, 
not being one of those who had started with Sa'd. In the 
army of Sa'd, abu-Mihjan again drank wine on account of 
which Sa'd flogged and imprisoned him in al-'Udhaib tower. 
Here he asked Zabra', a concubine of Sa'd, to release him 
that he might take part in the fight, promising to return to 
his fetters.* She made him swear by Allah that he would 
do so if released. Riding on Sa'd's mare, he rushed on the 
Persians, pierced through their line and thrust his sword 
into the nose of the white elephant. Sa'd who was watch- 
ing him, said, " The mare is mine; but the charge is that of 
abu-Mihjan." Abu-Mihjan then returned to his fetters. 
Others say that it was Salma, daughter of Hafsah, who 
gave him the mare ; but the former report is more authentic. 
When the question of Rustam was settled, Sa*d said to abu- 
Mihjan, " By Allah, I shall never punish thee for wine 
after seeing what I saw of thee." " As for me," an- 
swered abu-Mihjan, " by Allah, I shall never drink it 
again." * 

The slayer of Rmtam. On that day, Tulaihah ibn-Khu- 
wailid al-Asadi distinguished himself in fighting, and with 
a blow, cut the under-helmet of al-Jalinus, but did not in- 
jure his head. On the same occasion, Kais ibn-Makshuh 
turned to the people and said, " To be killed is the fate of 
the noble. Let not those ' uncircumcised ' have more pa- 

* Yusuf, pp. 17-18; Mas'udi, vol. iv, pp. 213-219; al-'Ikd al-Farid, 
vol. Hi, p. 407. 

2Hamdani, p. 133, 1. 22; p. 41, 1. 7: "Nasi"'; Yakut, vol. i, p. 471; 
Tabari, vol. i, p. 2480. 
' Dinawari, p. 129. 

* Mas'udi, vol. iv, p. 219 ; Athir, vol. ii, p. 369. 



tience or be more anxious to die than yourselves." Saying 
this, he rushed and fought fiercely. By Allah's help, Rus- 259 
tarn was slain and his body was found covered with so many 
blows and stabs that the one who gave the fatal blow could 
not be determined. *Amr ibn-Ma'dikarib, Tulaihah ibn- 
Khuwailid al-Asadi, Kurt ibn-Jammah al-'Abdi and Dirar 
ibn-al-Azwar al-Asadi had all rushed at him. This Dirar, ac- 
cording to al-Wakidi, was killed in the battle of al-Yama- 
mah. Some say that Rustam was killed by Zuhair ibn- 
*Abd-Shams al-Bajali; others, by 'Auwam ibn-*Abd-Shams ; 
and still others by Hilal ibn-*Ullafah at-Taimi.^ 

This battle of al-Kadisiyah was fought on Thursday, 
Friday and the night of Saturday, which last was since 
called " Lailat al-Harir ".' The night of the battle of Sif- 
f in was also thus called. 

Some say that Kais ibn-Makshiah took no part in the fight 
at al-Kadisiyah, having arrived there after the Moslems 
had been through with the fighting. 

Salman ihn-RahVaWs part. Ahmad ibn- Salman al-Ba- 
hili from certain sheikhs: — Salman ibn-Rabi^ah invaded 
Syria in the company of abu-Umamah as-Sudai ibn-*Ajlan 
al-Bahili, and took part in the battles fought by the Moslems 
there. He then went forth to al-'Irak together with those 
who, under great urgency, hastened to al-Kadisiyah as a 
reinforcement, and took part in the decisive conflict. He 
settled at al-Kufah and was killed in Balanjar. 

According to al-Wakidi, a group of Persians, planting 
their banner firmly in the ground, said, " We shall not leave 
our position until we die;" upon which Salman ibn-Rabi'ah- 
1-Bahili made an attack and killed them, carrying their ban- 
ner away. 

* Ya'kubi, vcl. ii, p. 165. 

^ The night of yells of pain. Caetani, vol. iii, pp. 643, 675 ; Skizzen, 
vol. vi, p. 75 ; Tabari, vol. i, p. 2327. 


Khdlid ibn-'Urf Utah's part . Sa'd sent Khalid ibn-'Urfu- 
tah at the head of the cavalry charged with pursuing the 
enemy. KhaHd and his men killed every one they over- 
took until they arrived in Burs. Here Khalid was the guest 
of one, Bistam, who treated him with kindness and loyalty. 
A canal that ran there was called Nahr Bistam. Khalid 
then passed through as- Sarah [canal] and caught up with 
Jalinus. Kathir ibn-Shihab al-Harithi charged Jalinus and 
stabbed him, and according to others, killed him. Ibn-al- 
Kalbi says that it was Zuhrah ibn-Hawiyah as-Sa'di who 
killed him. The former report is more authentic. 

The Persians fled to al-Mada'in, following Yazdajird 
[their king]. Sa'd immediately communicated with 'Umar, 
announcing the victory and giving the names of those who 
had fallen. 

The Persian arrows. Abu-Raja' al-Farisi from his 
grandfather : — ^The latter said : '' I took part in the battle 
of al-Kadisiyah when I was still a Magian. When the 
Arabs sent their arrows against us, we began to shout, 
' diik ! dijik !' ^ by which we meant, spindles. These spindles, 
however, continued to shower upon us, until we were over- 
whelmed. Our archer would send the arrow from his Na- 
wakiyah bow, but it would not do more than attach itself 
to the garment of an Arab; whereas their arrow would tear 
the coat of mail and the double cuirass that we had on." 

According to Hisham ibn-al-Kalbi, the first to kill a Per- 
sian in the battle of al-Kadisiyah was Rabi'ah ibn-'Uth- 
man ibn-Rabi*ah of the banu-Nasr ibn-Mu*awiyah ibn- 
Bakr ibn-Hawazin ibn-Mansiir. 

In this battle, Sa*d ibn-'Ubaid al-Ansari fell a martyr. 
His death afflicted *Umar so much that he said, " His death 
almost marred the joy of the victory for me." 

* Yusuf, p. i6: "dus!" Cf. Tabari, vol. i, p. 2236. 

The Conquest of al-Mada'in 

An-Nakhirkhdn slain by Zuhair. After the battle of al- 
Kadisiyah, the Moslems started off, and after passing Dair 
[monastery] Ka'b [?]/ they were met by an-Nakhir- 
khan,^ who appeared at the head of a large body of men from 
al-Mada'in.^ In the conflict that ensued, Zuhair ibn-Sulaim 
al-Azdi seized an-Nakhirkhan by the neck; and they both 
fell to the ground. Zuhair took a dagger that was in the 
other man's belt and cut open his abdomen, thereby putting 
him to death. 

Bahurasir, Sa'd and the Moslems went and occupied 
Sabat. They then assembled in the city of Bahurasir,* 
which lay in the Shikk al-Kiifah [western bank of the 
Tigris], where they spent nine months (others say i8),^ 
during which they ate fresh dates for two seasons. The 
inhabitants of that city fought against them until they could 
offer no more resistance, at which the Moslems entered the 
city. When the city was thus reduced, Yazdajird ibn-Shah- 
riyar, the Persian king, resolved to flee and was suspended 
in a basket from the wall of al-Abyad fort in al-Mada'in 
and was therefore called by the Nabateans Barzabil [the 263 

1 Yusuf, p. 17, 1. 8: "Dair al-Masalih " ( ?). 

^ Tabari, in Noldeke, Geschichte der Perser, pp. 152-153. 

' Seleucia-Ctesiphon. Meynard, Dictionnaire de la Perse, p. 518. 

* Noldeke, Perser, p. 16, n. 4. 

^ Dinawari, p. 133. 



son of the basket] . Yazdajird thence left for Hulwan ^ with 
the principal dignitaries of his kingdom, and carried with 
him the treasury of the kingdom, his precious but light ^ 
pieces of furniture, private treasury, wives and children. 
In the year in which he fled, plague and famine ravaged all 
Persia. The Moslems then crossed [the Tigris] through a 
ford, and took possession of the city on the eastern bank 
of the river. 

The Arabs cross the Tigris. 'Affan ibn-Muslim from abu- 
Wa il : — The latter said, '' When the Persians were put to 
flight at al-Kadisiyah, we pursued them. They reunited 
at Kutha ^ and we pursued them until w^e reached the 
Tigris, at which the Moslems said, 'Why do you gaze at this 
small body of water? Let us wade through.''' Accord- 
ingly, we waded through, and once more put the enemy to 

Muhatnmad ibn-Sa'd from Aban ibn-Salih : — When they 
were defeated at al-Kadisiyah, the fugitive Persians came 
to al-Mada'in. The Moslems having arrived at the Tigris, 
whose water was flowang higher than ever, found that the 
Persians had removed the ships and ferry-boats to the east- 
ern bank and burned the bridge. Sa'd and the Moslems find- 
ing no way to cross over were greatly afflicted. At last, Sa'd 
chose one of the Moslems who swam across on horseback. 
Likewise, the other Moslems crossed on horseback and, on 
landing, made the owners of the ships transport the bag- 
gage. Seeing that, the Persians said, " By Allah, those we 
are fighting are nothing less than demons [jinn] !" and they 
took to flight. 

^ Yakut, vol. ii, p. 312. 

" Ar. khiff; Caetani, vol. iii, p. 724, takes it to be k/iaffa and stretches 
the meaning into " ma abbandonando in gran parte le sue masserizie "► 
Cf. Dinawari, p. 133. 

' Yakut, vol. iv, p. 318. 

* Text not clear. Caetani, vol. iii, p. 723. 


Sdhdt and ar-Rumiyah. 'Abbas ibn-Hisham from 
'Awanah ibn-al-Hakam, and abu-'Ubaidah Ma'mar ibn-al- 
Muthanna from abu-'Amr ibn-al-'Ala : — Sa'd ibn-abi-Wak- 
kas sent at the head of the van of his army KhaHd ibn-'Ur- 
futah, who succeeded in reducing Sabat ^ before Sa'd's ar- 
rival. KhaHd proceeded and camped at ar-Rumiyah ^ until 
its people made terms, agreeing to have those of them who 
wanted to leave, do so, and those who wanted to stay, stay, 
on condition that they offer homage and give counsel, pay 
khardj, and act as guides for the Moslems, without enter- 
taining any treachery against them. Sa'd [in crossing the 
river] found no ferry-boats, but was shown a ferry near 
as-Saiyadin village. The horses waded through while the 
Persians shot them with their arrows. All the Moslems, 
however, escaped, and only one of them from the tribe of 264 
Taiyi', whose full name was Salil ibn-Yazid ibn-Malik as- 
Sinbisi, was killed. 

Kisra's concubines. 'Abdallah ibn-Salih from ash- 
Sha'bi :— The latter said, " In the battle of al-Mada'in, the 
Moslems carried away many of Kisra's maids [concubines] 
who had been brought from all quarters of the world and 
lavishly adorned for him. My mother was one of them. 
On that day, too, the Moslems found camphor and, taking 
it for salt, put it in their cooking-pans." ^ 

According to al-Wakidi, Sa'd was all done with the con- 
quest of al-Mada'in and Jalula' in the year 16. 

* Sometimes called Sabat Kisra. Yakut, vol. i, p. 3 ; Caetani, vol. iii, 
p. 724, 1. 4. 

* Perhaps a suburb of Mada'in. Yakut, vol. ii, p. 867. 
3 Dinawari, p. 134; Yiisuf, p. 17. 


The Battle of Jalula' 

A description of the battle. After spending several days 
in al-Mada'in, the Moslems received word that Yazdajird 
had massed a great host, which was then at Jalula', and had 
directed it against them. Sa'd ibn-abi-Wakkas thereupon 
dispatched Hashim ibn-'Utbah ibn-abi-Wakkas at the head 
of 12,000 men to meet them. The Moslems found that the 
Persians, having left their families and heavy baggage at 
Khanikin,^ had dug trenches and fortified themselves, bind- 
ing themselves with a pledge never to flee. Reinforcements 
were coming to them all the time from Hulwan and al-Jibal 
[the mountains, i. e., Media]. The Moslems, thinking it 
best to hasten the attack before the reinforcements became 
too strong, met them with Hujr ibn-'Adi-l-Kindi command- 
ing the right wing, 'Amr ibn-Ma'dikarib commanding the 
cavalry and Tulaihah ibn-Khuwailid commanding the in- 
fantry. Tlie Persians were on this occasion led by Khur- 
razad, a brother of Rustam. The fight that ensued was the 
fiercest they ever had, in which arrows and lances were used 
until broken to pieces, and swords were applied until they 
were bent. Finally the Moslems altogether made one on- 
slaught and drove the Persians from their position, 
putting them to flight. The Persians fled away and the 
Moslems kept pursuing them at their very heels with fear- 
ful slaughter until darkness intervened and they had to re- 
turn to their camp. 

* Yakut, vol. ii, p. 393. 


Hashim ibn-'Utbah left Jarir ibn-'Abdallah in Jalula' 
with a heavy force of cavalry to act as a check between the 
Moslems and their enemy. Yazdajird thereupon left Hul- 265 

Mahrudh. The Moslems carried on many raids in the re- 
gions of as-Sawad on the east bank of the Tigris. Com- 
ing to Mahrudh/ Hashim made terms with its dihkdn, 
stipulating that the latter should pay a jarih of dirhams [ ?] 
and the former should not kill any of the men. 

Ad-Daskarah. On a charge of treachery, against the 
Moslems, Hashim put the dihkdn of ad-Daskarah ^ to death. 
Al-Bandanijain. Hashim then proceeded to al-Bandani- 
jain,^ whose inhabitants sued for peace, agreeing to pay tax 
and khardj. Consequently, Hashim promised them security. 
KMnikin. At Khanikin there was a small remnant of 
the Persians against whom Jarir ibn-*Abdallah now 
marched and whom he put to death. Thus was no region 
of the Sawad Dijlah left unconquered by the Moslems or 
unpossessed by them. 

According to Hisham ibn-al-Kalbi, the leader of the 
army in the battle of Jalula' in behalf of Sa'd was *Amr 
ibn-'Utbah ibn-Naufal ibn-Uhaib ibn-'Abd-Manaf ibn- 
Zuhrah whose mother was 'Atikah, daughter of abu-Wak- 

After the battle of Jalula', Sa'd left for al-Mada'in where 
he gathered a host of men, and then kept on his way to the 
region of al-Hirah. 

The battle of Jalula' took place at the close of the year 16. 

The converts. Those who embraced Islam were among 

others, Busbuhra — the dihkdn of al-Falalij and an-Nahrain, 

* Yakut, vol. iv, p. 700. 

^ Ibid., vol. ii, p. 575 ; Noldeke, Perser, p. 295, n. i. 

' Persian : Bandanikan ; Yakut, vol. i, p. 745. 



Bistam ibn-Narsi — the dihkdn of Babil and Khutarni- 
yah/ ar-Rufail — the dihkdn of al-'Al," and Fairuz — the 
dihkdn of Nahr al-Mahk ^ and Kutha. 'Umar ibn-al- 
Khattab did not interfere with them but left their lands in 
their own hands and annulled the poll-tax they paid. 

Hdshim's campaign. Abu-Mas'iid al-Kufi from 'Awa- 
nah's father: — Sa'd ibn-abi-Wakkas dispatched Hashim 
ibn-'Utbah ibn-abi-Wakkas accompanied by al-Ash'ath ibn- 
Kais al-Kindi. Hashim passed through ar-Radhanat * and 
visited Dakiika and Khanijar, conquering all that region 
together with all the district of Bajarma. Hashim pene- 
trated towards Sinn Barimma '^ and Bawazij al-Mulk as far 
as the border of Shahraziir. 

'Umars message to Sad. Al-Husain ibn-al-Aswad from 
Yazid ibn-abi-Habib : — When Sa'd ibn-abi-Wakkas com- 
pleted the conquest of as-Sawad, he received the following 
letter from 'Umar ibn-al-Khattab : 

" I have received thy letter in which thou statest that thy 
men have asked thee to divide among them whatever spoils 
Allah has assigned them. At the receipt of my letter, find 
out what possessions and horses the troops on * horses and 
camels ' ^ have acquired and divide that among them, after 
taking away one-fifth. As for the land and camels, leave 
them in the hands of those men who work them, so that 
they may be included in the stipends [pensions] of the Mos- 
lems. If thou dividest them among those present, nothing 
will be left for those who come after them." 

* Yakut, vol. ii, p. 453. 
' Yakut, vol. iii, p. 592, 

* Ibid., vol. iv, p. 846. 

* Ibid., vol. ii, p. 729. 

* Ibid., vol. iii, p. 169. 
•Kor.. 59:6. 


How the land and the inhabitants of as-Sawdd should be 
considered. Al-Husain from 'Abdallah ibn-Hazim: — The 
latter said, " I once asked Mujahid regarding the land of 
as-Sawad and he answered, ' It can neither be bought nor 
sold.' This is because it was taken by force and was not 
divided. It belongs to all the Moslems." 

Al-Walid ibn-Salih from Sulaiman ibn-Yasar : — 'Umar 
ibn-al-Khattab left as-Sawad for those who were still in 
men's loins and mothers' wombs [i. e., posterity], consider- 
ing the inhabitants dhimmis from whom tax should be 
taken on their person, and khardj on their land. They are 
therefore dhimmis and cannot be sold as slaves. 

The following statement was made by Sulaiman : " Al- 
Walid ibn-'Abd-al-Malik wanted to consider the inhabitants 
of as-Sawad as having been acquired without fighting [Ar. 
fai'] ; but when I told him of the position 'Umar took re- 
garding them, Allah prevented him from doing so." 

Al-Husain ibn-al-Aswad from Harithah ibn-Mudarrib : 
— 'Umar ibn-al-Khattab, desiring to divide as-Sawad 
among the Moslems, ordered that they be counted. Each 
Moslem had three peasants for his share. 'Umar took the 
advice of the Prophet's Companions, and 'Ali said, " Leave 
them that they may become a source of revenue and aid ^ 
for the Moslems." Accordingly, 'Umar sent 'Uthman ibn- 
Hunaif al-Ansari who assessed on each man 48, 24, or 12 

Abu-Nasr at-Tammar from 'Ali : — The latter said, " If 
ye were not to strike one another on the face [have civil 
war] I would divide as-Sawad among you." 

Al-Husain ibn-al-Aswad from *Amir: — The people of 
as-Sawad have no covenant, rather they came under our 
control by surrender. 

* Ar. maddah ; see an-Nihdyah, vol. iv, p. 84. 


Al-Husain from ash-Sha*bi: — The latter was asked 
whether the people of as-Sawad had a covenant, to which 
he replied, '' At first, they had none ; but when the Mos- 
lems consented to take khardj from them, then they came to 
have one.'' 

Al-Husain from 'Amir : — The latter said, " The people 
of as-Sawad have no covenant." 

The Magians . 'Amr an-Nakid from Ja'far ibn-Muham- 
mad's father: — ^The Emigrants had a sitting place in the 
mosque in which 'Umar used to discuss with them the news 
he received from the different regions. One day he said, "I 
know not how to treat the Magians;" upon which 'Abd- 
ar-Rahman ibn-*Auf rose and said, '* I bear witness that the 
Prophet said, * Treat them according to the same law with 
which ye treat the People of the Book '." 

The Bajilah's share in as-Sawdd. Muhammad ibn-as- 
Sabbah al-Bazzaz from Kais ibn-abi-Hazim : — The Baji- 
lah tribe constituted one-fourth of the Moslems in the battle 
of al-Kadisiyah, and 'Umar had allotted them one-fourth 
of as-Sawad. Once when Jarir [ibn-'Abdallah] called on 
'Umar, the latter said, " Had I not been responsible for 
what I divide, I would leave to you the share already given ; 
but I see that the Moslems have multiplied, so ye have to 
restore what ye have taken." Jarir and the others did as 
'Umar said; and 'Umar offered Jarir a present of 80 

A woman of the tribe of Bajilah, called umm-Kurz, came 
to 'Umar and said, " My father died and his share in as- 
Sawad holds good. I shall never deliver it !" 'Umar turned 
to her and said, " But, umm-Kurz, thy people have all con- 
sented to do so." '' I shall never consent," said she, " un- 
less thou carry me on a submissive she-camel covered with 

1 Yusuf, p. 18. 


a red nappy mantle [Ar. katifah] and fill both of my hands 
with gold," which *Umar did. 

Al-Husain from Jarir : — 'Umar gave to the Bajilah one- 
quarter of as-Sawad which they held for three years. 

Kais said : — " Jarir ibn-'Abdallah accompanied by *Am- 
mar ibn-Yasir called on *Umar who said, * Had I not been 268 
held responsible for what I divide, I would leave to you the 
shares already given ; but I see now that ye ought to restore 
what ye have taken.' And they did, upon which *Umar of- 
fered a present of 80 dinars to Jarir." ^ 

According to a tradition communicated by al-Hasan ^ 
ibn-*Uthman az-Ziyadi on the authority of Kais, *Umar 
gave Jarir ibn-*Abdallah 400 dinars. 

Humaid ibn-ar-Rabi* from al-Hasan ibn-Salih: — 'Umar 
gave the Bajilah, in exchange for the fourth of as-Sawad 
they held, a stipend of 2,000 dirhams. 

Al-Walid ibn-Salih from Jarir ibn-Yazid ibn- Jarir ibn- 
^Abdallah's grandfather: — *Umar allotted to Jarir and his 
men one-quarter of what they had conquered in as-Sawad. 
When the spoils of Jalula' were brought together, Jarir de- 
manded his quarter. Sa'd communicated the demand to 
*Umar who wrote back as follows : '* If Jarir wants him- 
self considered as having with his men, fought for a pay 
similar to the pay of al-Mu'allafah Kuluhuhum,^ then ye 
may give them their pay. If, however, they have fought 
in Allah's cause and will accept his remuneration, then they 
are part of the Moslems, having their rights and their ob- 
ligations." Hearing that, Jarir said, " Truly and honestly 
has the ' Commander of the Believers ' spoken. We do 
not want our quarter." 

^ Yahya ibn-Adam, pp. 29 seq. 
' Dhahabi, p. 244. 

' Those whose hearts are won to Islam by special gifts. See De 
Goeje, Memoire, p. 51; Tabari, vol. i, p. 1679; Kor., 9:60. 


Al-Husain from Ibrahim an-Nakha'i : — ^Someone came 
to 'Umar ibn-al-Khattab, saying, '' I have accepted Islam 
and ask thee to exempt my piece from the la.nd-khardj/' 
to which 'Umar repHed, " Thy land has been taken by 

Khalaf ibn-Hisham al-Bazzar from Ibrahim at-Taimi : 
— When 'Umar conquered as-Sawad, the troops said to him, 
" Divide it among us because we have reduced it by force 
through our swords." But 'Umar refused, saying, *' What 
will then be left for those Moslems who come after you? 
Moreover, I am afraid that if I divide it, ye may come to 
be at variance with one another on account of its water." 
'Umar, therefore, left the people of as-Sawad in possession 
of their lands, assessing a tax on their person and a fixed 
tax ^ on their lands which he did not divide. 

A survey of as-Sazvdd. Al-Kasim ibn-Sallam from ash- 
Sha'bi : — 'Umar ibn-al-Khattab sent 'Uthman ibn-Hunaif 
al-Ansari to make a survey [yamsah] of as-Sawad, which 
he found to be 36,ocx>,ooo jaribs, on every jarth of which he 
assessed one dirham and one kaft:s. Al-Kasim adds, " I 
heard that the kaft^ was a measure of theirs also called ash- 
shdhurkdn." ' According to Yahya ibn-Adam, it is equiva- 
lent to al-makhtum al-Hajjdji.^ 

The tax assessed. 'Amr an-Nakid from Muhammad ibn- 
'Abdallah ath-Thakafi : — 'Umar assessed on every jarih in 
as-Sawad, whether cultivated or uncultivated, provided it 
was accessible to water, one dirham and one kafU, on every 
jarib of ratbah [trefoil or clover] five dirhams and five 
kafises, and on every jarih of trees ten dirhams and ten ka- 

* Ar. task or tisk. J. Wellhausen, Das Arabische Reich, pp. 172-173, 
Noldeke, Perser, p. 241, n. i ; Caetani, vol. ii, p. 930, n. 6. 

' Mawardi, pp. 272, 304. 

' Introduced through al-IJajjaj ibn-Yusuf who died in the year 90 
A. H. 



fizes (palm trees not mentioned). On every man, he as- 
sessed 48, 24, or 12 dirhams as poll-tax. 

Al-Kasim ibn-Sallam from abu-Mijlaz Laliik ibn-Hu- 
maid : — 'Umar ibn-al-Khattab assigned 'Ammar ibn-Yasir 
to act as religious head ^ for the people of al-Kufah and to 
command their militia, 'Abdallah ibn-Mas'ud to be their 
kadi and treasurer, and 'Uthman ibn-Hunaif to measure the 
land. To these three, he assigned each day one goat, one- 
half of which, together with the appendages " to be taken 
by 'Ammar and the other half to be divided between the 
other two. 'Uthman ibn-Hunaif measured the land and 
assessed on each janh of palm trees, 10 dirhams \ of vine 
trees, 10 dirhams \ of sugar-cane, 6 dirhams; of wheat, 4 
dirhams; and of barley, 2 dirhams. To this end, he wrote 
to *Umar, who endorsed the assessments. 

Al-Husain ibn-al-Aswad from 'Amr ibn-Maimun: — 
'Umar ibn-al-Khattab sent Hudhaifah ibn-al-Yaman be- 
yond the Tigris, and 'Uthman ibn-Hunaif below the Tigris; 
and they assessed on every jarib one kafiz and one dirham. 

Al-Husain from Muhammad ibn-'Abdallah ath-Tha- 270 
kail : — When al-Mughirab ibn-Shu*bah was governor of as- 
Sawad, he wrote, " We find here other products than wheat 
and barley," and mentioned Indian peas, grapes, clover ^ 
and sesame, upon each of which he assessed 8 dirhams and 
excluded palm-trees.* 

Khalaf al-Bazzar from al-'Aizar ibn-Huralth: — *Umar 
ibn-al-Khattab assessed on one jarib of wheat two dirhams 
and two jaribs; on one jartb of barley, one dirham, and 

1 Ar. ala as-salah ; Caetani, vol. iii, p. 756, translates : " I'autorita 

' Ar. sawakit. Yusuf , p. 20 : " hatn " = belly. 

' Ar. rathah or rutbah may also be applied to cucumber, melon and 
the like; see Caetani, vol. v, pp. 370 and 371 ; Yusuf, pp. 20-22. 

* Cf. Adam, p. 98. 


one jarib ; and on every two jaribs in the uncultivated land 
that can be sown, one dirham. 

Khalaf al-Bazzar from al-'Aizar ibn-Huraith: — *Umar 
assessed on one jarib of vine-trees lo dirhams, on one jarib 
of clover, lo; of cotton, 5; on one Farisi palm-tree, one 
dirham and if of inferior quality, one dirham on two trees. 

*Amr an-Nakid from abu-Mijlaz : — 'Umar assessed on a 
jarib of palm-trees 8 dirhams. 

Al-Husain ibn-al-Aswad from ash-Sha'bi : — *Umar ibn- 
al-Khattab sent 'Uthman ibn-Hunaif ^ who assessed on the 
people of as-Sawad 5 dirhams on one jarib of clover, and 
10 dirhams on one jarib of vine-trees; but he assessed no 
tax on what was grown among the vines. 

Al-Walid ibn-Salih from al-Miswar ibn-Rifa'ah :— 
*Umar ibn-*Abd-al-*Aziz said that the khardj of as-Sawad 
in the time of *Umar ibn-al-Khattab was 100,000,000 dir- 
hams; but in the time of al-Hajjaj, it amounted to 40,- 

Al-Walid from Aiyub ibn-abi-Umamah ibn-Sahl ibn- 
Hunaif's father. — ^Uthman ibn-Hunaif put seals around 
the necks ^ of 550,000 of the ''uncircumcised", and the 
khardj during his governorship amounted to 100,000,000. 

Al-Walid ibn-Salih from Mus'ab ibn-Yazid abu-Zaid al- 
Ansari's father : — ^The latter said, *' 'Ali-ibn-abi-Talib sent 
me to the land irrigated by the Euphrates, mentioning dif- 
ferent cantons and villages, and naming Nahr al-Malik ^ 
Kutha, Bahurasir, ar-R{imakan, Nahr Jaubar, Nahr Durkit 
and al-Bihkubadhat. He ordered me to assess on every 
jarib of wheat, if thickly sown, one dirham and a half and 
one sd' ] if thinly sown, two-thirds of a dirham and if not so 

* Ya'kubi, vol. ii, pp. 173-175. 

' Yusuf, p. 72>, 1- 12-16; Caetani, vol. v, pp. Zl^-yi^- 

' Yakut, vol. iv, p. 846. 


thickly or thinly sown one dirham ; and on barley, one-half 
of that. He also ordered me to assess on the gardens that 
include palm-trees and other kinds, 10 dirhams per jarib; 
on one jarib of vine-trees, if its trees had been planted for 
three full years and a part of the fourth, and if it bears 
fruit, ten dirhams, with nothing on palm-trees that are out- 
side the villages and the fruits of which are eaten by the 
passers-by. On vegetables, including cucumbers, grains, 
sesame and cotton, he ordered me not to assess anything. 
On those landlords [dihkdns] who ride mules and wear 
rings of gold around their feet, he ordered me to assess 48 
dirhams each ; and on those of them who are merchants of 
medium means, 24 dirhams per annum each; but on the 
farmers and the rest of them, 12 dirhams each." 

Humaid ibn-ar-Rabi* from al-Hasan ibn-Salih : — The 
latter said, " I asked al-Hasan, ' What are those different 
rates of assessed land-tax [task] ? ' And he replied, * They, 
one after the other, have been assessed according to the 
nearness and distance of the land from the markets ^ and 
the drinking places in the river [furad].' Yahya ibn- 272 
Adam says, ' The Moslems of as-Sawad asked al-Mansiir 
towards the end of his caliphate to introduce the system by 
which they turn over to the authorities as tax a part of the 
produce of the land ; ^ but he died before the system was 
introduced. Later, by al-Mahdi's orders, the system was 
introduced in all places with the exception of 'Akabat 

iMawardi, p. 306, 1. 12. 

2 Ar. mukdsamah, as contrasted with misdhah, is the system of land 
tenure by which the kharaj is levied on the produce and not the area, 
and is from one-tenth to one-half of the produce of the lands. Cf. 
Mawardi, p. 260; De Goeje's Baladhuri " Glossarium ", pp. 86-87; 
ibn-Tiktaka, p. 215, 1. 16, p. 260, 1. 5 ; Berchem, La Propriete Territoriale, 
p. 45* 


The survey of Hudhaifah. 'Abdallah ibn-Salih al-'Ijli 
from certain authorities : — Hudhaifah who measured the 
surface of the land irrigated by the Tigris, died at al-Ma- 
da'in. The Kanatir Hudhaifah [arches of Hudhaifah] are 
named after him, because he camped near them ; but others 
say because he renewed them. His cubit [Ar. dhira], Hke 
that of ibn-Hunaif, is the length of a man's arm, hand and 
thumb, stretched out. When the inhabitants of as-Sawad 
had the system of khardj proportioned to the produce of the 
land, after they had that based on the area [misdhah], one 
of the officials said : " The tithe levied on the fiefs was a 
tenth which was not equivalent [ ?] to one-fifth of the half 
levied on the istdns [administrative districts]. Therefore, 
it is necessary that there should be levied on the jarib of 
the fiefs subject to the area [misdhah] system of khardj 
also one-fifth of what is levied on the jarib of the is- 
tdns [ ?]." ^ Such was the case. 

Abu-'Ubaid from Maimun ibn-Mihran : — *Umar sent 
Hudhaifah and ibn-Hunaif to Khanikin, which was one of 
the first places they conquered ; and after they attached seals 
to the necks of the dhimmis, they collected its khardj. 

Lands confiscated by 'Uniar. Al-Husain ibn-al-Aswad 
from 'Abd-al-Malik ibn-abi-Hurrah's father: — The latter 
said, " *Umar ibn-al-Khattab confiscated for himself ten 
pieces of land in as-Sawad of which I remember seven, the 
remaining three having slipped me. The lands he confis- 
cated were (i) a piece covered with woods; (2) one cov- 
ered with marshes; (3) one belonging to king Kisra; (4) 
all of Dair Yazid ; ^ ( 5 ) the land of those who were killed 
during the war; (6) the land of those who fled the country. 

* Caetani, vol. v, p. 374; Mukaddasi, p. I33- 

' Caetani, vol. v, p. 373, gives it "dayr mubad ( ? nel testo : barid)". 
Cf. Yusuf, p. 32, 1. 20. 


This state of affairs lasted until the register was burned in 

the days of al-Hajjaj ibn-Yiisuf, upon which the people 273 

seized the [domanial] land bordering on their property." ^ 

Abu-'Abd-ar-Rahman al-Ju'fi from 'Abd-al-Malik ibn- 
abi-Hurrah's father: — 'Umar ibn-al-Khattab confiscated in 
as-Sawad the land of those who were killed during the war, 
the land of those who fled the country, all the land of king 
Kisra, all the land belonging to Kisra's family, every 
swampy place, all Dair Yazid and all the land that was ap- 
propriated by Kisra for himself. Thus, the value of what 
*Umar took amounted to 7,000,000 dirhams. In the battle 
of [Dair] al-Jamajim, the people burnt the register and 
every one of them seized what bordered on his land. 

Fiefs assigned by 'Uthmdn. Al-Husain and *Amr an- 
Nakid from Musa ibn-Talhah : — 'Uthman assigned as fief 
to 'Abdallah ibn-Mas'ud a piece of land in an-Nahrain; to 
*Ammar ibn-Yasir, Asbina ; ^ to Khabbab ibn-al-Aratt, Sa'- 
naba; and to Sa'd [ibn-abi-Wakkas] the village of Hur- 

'Abdallah ibn-Salih al-Tjli from ash-Sha'bi : — 'Uthman 
ibn-'Affau assigned as fief to Talhah ibn-'Ubaidallah an- 
Nashastaj f and to Usamah ibn-Zaid, a piece of land which 
he later sold. 

Shaiban ibn-Farrukh from Musa ibn-Talhah: — 'Uth- 
man ibn-'Affan gave fiefs to five of the Companions of the 
Prophet: 'Abdallah ibn-Mas'ud, Sa'd ibn-Malik az-Zuhri, 
az-Zubair ibn-al-'Auwam,* Khabbab ibn-al-Aratt and Usa- 
mah ibn-Zaid.^ Musa ibn-Talhah adds, 'T noticed that ibn- 

^ Athir, vol. ii, p. 407 ; Adam, pp. 45-46. 

^ Yusuf, p. 25, 1. 9: " Istiniya." 

' Yakut, vol. iv, p. 783. 

* Ibn-Sa'd, vol. iii^, pp. 75-77. 

^ Cf. Ya'kubi, vol. ii, p. 202, 1. 4. 


Mas'ud and Sa'd, who were my neighbors, used to cultivate 
their. lands for one-third and one-fourth [of the produce]." 

Al-AValid ibn-Salih from MCisa ibn-Talhah :— The first 
one to give out al-Trak in fiefs was 'Uthman ibn-'Affan 
who gave out pieces of land appropriated by Kisra, and 
others evacuated by their owners. Thus, he assigned to 
Talhah as fief an-Nashastaj ; to Wail ibn-Hujr al-Had- 
rami, the land bordering on Zurarah's ; to Khabbab ibn-al- 
Aratt, Asbina; to 'Adi ibn-Hatim at-Ta'i, ar-Rauha', to 
Khalid ibn-'Urfutah, a piece of land near Hammam [bath] 
A'yan; to al-Ash'ath ibn-Kais al-Kindi, Tizanabadh; and 
to Jarir ibn-'Abdallah al-Bajali, his land on the bank of the 

Ajamat Burs. Al-Husain ibn-al-Aswad from al-Hasan 
ibn-Salih : — The latter said, " I was informed that *Ali 
assessed on the owners of Ajamat [forest] Burs 4,000 dir- 
hams; and to that end, he wrote them a statement on a 
piece of parchment.^ 

I was told by Ahmad ibn-Hammad al-Kufi that Ajamat 
Burs lies in the vicinity of the Namrudh [Nimrod] palace 
in Babil [Babylon]. In this forest, there is a precipice of 
great depth, which, according to some, is a well from the 
soil of which the bricks of the palace were made, and 
which, according to others, is a landsUde. 

Nahr Sa'd. I learnt from abu-Mas'iid and others that 
the landlords [dihkdns'] of al-Anbar asked Sa'd ibn-abi- 
Wakkas to dig for them a canal which they had previously 
asked the Persian magnate [king] to dig ^ for them. Sa'd 
wrote to Sa'd ibn-'Amr ibn-Haram, ordering him to dig 
the canal for them. Accordingly, they dug until they 
reached a mountain which they could not cut through, upon 

^ Adam, p. 18. 

"^ Cf. Mas'udi, vol. i, p. 225. 


which they gave it up. But when al-Hajjaj became gov- 
ernor of al-'Irak, he gathered workmen from all regions, 
and said to his superintendents, *' Take note of what one of 
the diggers eats per day. If it is the weight of what he digs 
out, then continue the work.'' Thus, they spent money ^ 
on it until it was completed. The mountain excavated was 
therefore named after al-Hajjaj ; but the canal, after Sa'd 
ibn-'Amr ibn-Haram.^ 

Nahr Mahdiid. Al-Khaizuran, the mother of the caliphs, 
[u7nm-al-khulafa] ordered that the canal known by the 
name of Mahdud be dug; and she gave it the name of ar- 
Raiyan.^ Her superintendent over the work had divided 
it into sections, put limits for every section, and put it in 
charge of a group of men to dig; hence the name Mahdud 
[i. e., limited]. 

Nahr Shaila. As for the canal known by the name of 
Shaila, it is claimed by the banu-Shaila ibn-Farrukhzadan 
al-Marwazi that Sabur [Persian king] had dug it out for 
their grandfather when he sent him to guard the frontier 
of the dominion at Nighya in the canton of al-Anbar. Ac- 
cording to others, however, the canal was so called after 275 
one, Shaila, who made a contract for digging the canal in 
the days of the caliph al-Mansur; the canal being old but 
buried, al-Mansiar ordered that it be excavated. Before the 
work was brought to an end, al-Mansur died and the work 
was completed in the caliphate of al-Mahdi. According to 
others, al-Mansur ordered that a mouth [only] be dug for 
the canal above its old mouth ; but he did not complete the 
work. Al-Mahdi completed it. 

* Cf. Caetani, vol. iii, p. 864. 
' Cf. Marasid, vol. iii, p. 248. 

* Marasid, vol. iii, p. 48: " al-Marban." 

The Founding of al-Kufah 

Al-Kufah chosen. Muhammad ibn-Sa*d from 'Abd-al- 
Hamid ibn-Ja'far and others: — *Umar ibn-al-Khattab 
wrote to Sa*d ibn-abi-Wakkas ordering him to adopt for 
the Moslems a place to which they could emigrate, and 
which they could use as a meeting place [kairawdn], pro- 
vided that between him ['Umar] and the Moslems, no sea 
should intervene. Accordingly, Sa'd came to al-Anbar ^ 
with the idea of occupying it. Here, however, flies were so 
numerous, that Sa'd had to move to another place, which 
proved to be unsatisfactory, and therefore he moved to al- 
Kufah which he divided into lots, giving the houses as 
fiefs and settling the different tribes in their quarters. He 
also erected its mosque. All this took place in the year 17. 

Suk Hakmnah. The following was communicated to me 
by *Ali ibn-al-Mughirah-1-Athram, on the authority of 
sheikhs from al-Kufah: — When Sa'd ibn-abi-Wakkas was 
through with the battle of al-Kadisiyah, he went to al-Ma- 
da'in, made terms with the inhabitants of ar-Rumiyah and 
Bahurasir, reduced al-Mada'in,^ Asbanbur ^ and Kurdban- 
dadh ^ and settled his troops in them. The troops occupied 
these places. Subsequently, Sa'd was ordered [by *Umar] 
to remove them; and so he removed them to Suk Haka- 
mah, others say to Kuwaifah on this side of al-Kufah. Ac- 

* Dinawari, p. 131. 

^ The Arabic and Persian names of Ctesiphon; Yakut, vol. i, p. 2Z7. 
' Perhaps a quarter in Ctesiphon ; Caetani, vol. iii, p. 848. 



cording to al-Athram, the word takauwuf ^ means " the re- 
union of people ". Others say that circular places when 
sandy are called kufah ; and still others call the land rich in 
pebbles, mud and sand, kufah. 

Mosquitoes in al-Madd'in. It is stated that when the 
Moslems in al-Mada'in were attacked by the mosquitoes, 
Sa'd wrote to *Umar telling him that they were badly af- 
fected by them; in answer to which *Umar wrote back, 276 
" Arabs are like camels ; whatever is good for the camels is 
good for them. Choose for them, therefore, a habitable 
place; and let no sea intervene between them and me." 
The determining of the dwelling-place was entrusted to abu- 
1-Haiyaj al-Asadi *Amr ibn-Malik ibn-Junadah. 

Al-Knfah founded. Then 'Abd al-Masih ibn-Bukailah 
presented himself before Sa*d and said to him, " I can point 
out to thee a site which is outside the waterless desert, and 
higher than the muddy places where mosquitoes abound." ^ 
Saying this, he pointed out the site of al-Kufah which was 
then called Suristan. When Sa'd arrived on the spot des- 
tined to be the site of the mosque, a man shot, by his orders, 
an arrow towards the kihlah, another towards the north, 
another to the south, a fourth to the east, and marked the 
spots where the arrows fell. Sa'd then established the 
mosque and the governor's residence on the spot where the 
man who shot the arrows had stood, fencing in all the space 
around that spot. He then drew lots with two arrows be- 
tween the tribe of Nizar and the tribes of al-Yaman, prom- 
ising the left side, which was the better of the two, to the 
one whose arrow was drawn first. The people of al-Yaman 
had theirs first ; and they were, therefore, allotted the pieces 
on the east side. The pieces allotted to the Nizar fell on 

1 From which noun Kufah comes. 
' Cf. Tabari, vol. i, p. 2389. 


the west side beyond the boundaries fixed for the mosque, 
leaving \yhat was fenced in within the marks for the 
mosque and the governor's residence. Later, al-Mughirah 
ibn-Shu'bah enlarged the mosque; and Ziyad ^ [ibn-Abihi] 
rebuilt it strongly and rebuilt the governor's residence. 
Ziyad often repeated, " On every one of the pillars of the 
mosque at al-Kufah, I spent i,8oo [dirhams]." Another 
building was established by 'Amr ibn-Huraith al-Makh- 
zumi, whom Ziyad used to leave in his place over al-Ku- 
fah whenever he absented himself in al-Basrah. Ziyad's 
agents erected many buildings which made the place 
crowded and thickly set.^ 

The lane called Kukak 'Amr in al-Kufah takes its name 
from the banu-'Amr ibn-Huraith ibn-*Amr ibn-'Uthman 
ibn-'Abdallah ibn-'Umar ibn-Makhzdm ibn-Yakazah. 

The Yamanites. Wahb ibn-Bakiyah-1-Wasiti from ash- 
Sha'bi : — ^The latter said, *' We (the Yamanites) were 
12,000 men; the Nizar were 8,000; from which you can 
easily see that we constituted the majority of the settlers 
of al-Kufah. Our arrow went to the east side of the 
mosque. That is why we hold the pieces we now hold." 

The mosque. *Ali ibn-Muhammad al-Mada'ini from Mas- 
lamah ibn-Muharib and others : — Al-Mughirah enlarged the 
mosque ^ of al-Kdfah and rebuilt it. Ziyad later enlarged 
it still more. Pebbles were spread in this mosque and in 
that of al-Basrah, because when people prayed their hands 
were covered with dust, which they used to remove by clap- 
ping their hands. This made Ziyad say, " I am afraid that 
in course of time, the clapping of hands will be taken for a 
part of the religious ceremony." When he, therefore, en- 

^ Yakut, vol. iv, pp. z^^-Z^A- 

* Athir, vol. ii, pp. 410 seq. 

• Hamadhani, pp. 173-174. 



larged the mosque and added to it, he ordered that pebbles 
be strewn in the courtyard of the mosque. The overseers 
of the work used to oppress those who gathered the peb- 
bles, saying, " Bring us only this kind which we show you", 
choosing special samples, and asking for similar ones. By 
such means, they enriched themselves. Hence, the saying, 
"It is good to be in authority even over stones." ^ This say- 
ing, however, is, according to al-Athram, explained by abu- 
'Ubaidah by the fact that al-Hajjaj ibn-'Atik ath-Thakafi, 
or his son, had charge of cutting the pillars for the al-Bas- 
rah mosque from Jabal al-Ahwaz where he discovered a 
mine. This gave rise to the expression : ''It is good to be 
in authority even over stones." 

Abu-*Ubaidah states that the colonization of al-Kufah 
took place in the year i8. 

Ziyad took for himself in the al-Kufah mosque a maksu- 
rah which afterwards was renewed by Khalid ibn-'Abdallah 

The version of al-Haitham. Hafs ibn-'Umar al-'Umari 
from al-Haitham ibn-'Adi at-Ta'i : — After having settled 
in al-Mada'in, planned it out and established a mosque, the 
Moslems found the place too dirty and productive of pesti- 
lence. Sa'd ibn-abi-Wakkas communicated the fact to 
*Umar who wrote back that they should move westward. 
Sa*d came to Kuwaifah ibn-'Umar, but finding the water 
all around it, the Moslems left it and came to the site on 
which al-Kufah now stands. They hit on the ridge called 
Khadd al-'Adhra' [the virgin's cheek] on which lavender, 
daisies, broom-plants [shili and kaisilm] and poppies grew. 
On this site, they established themselves. 

I was told by a Kufite sheikh that the region between 
al-Kufah and al-Hirah was known by the name of al- 278 

* Freytag, vol. ii, p. 917, n. 47. 


The house of 'Abd-al-Malik ibn-'Umair was used for 
entertaining guests, 'Umar having ordered that some house 
be put to that use for those who came from the different 

Charges against Sa'd . Al-'Abbas ibn-Hisham al-Kalbi 
from Muhammad ibn-Ishak: — Sa'd ibn-abi-Wakkas made 
a wooden door for his mansion which he surrounded with 
a fence of reeds. *Umar ibn-al-Khattab sent Muhammad 
ibn-Maslamah-1-Ansari who set fire to the door and fence, 
and made Sa'd leader in the mosques of al-Ktifah where 
nothing but good was spoken of him. 

Al-'Abbas ibn-al-Walid an-Narsi and Ibrahim al-*Allaf 
al-Basri from Jabir ibn-Samurah : — The people of al-Kiifah 
reported Sa'd ibn-abi-Wakkas to 'Umar on the ground 
that he did not lead properly in prayers. In answer to the 
charge, Sa'd said, " As for me, I have always followed the 
prayer of the Prophet and never deviated from it. In the 
first two [prostrations] I repeat prayer slowly, in the last 
two, quickly." ^ *'That was what was thought of thee, abu- 
Ishak," said 'Umar. 'Umar then sent certain men to in- 
quire in al-Kiafah regarding Sa'd, about whom nothing but 
good was told in the different mosques, until they came to 
the mosque of the banu-'Abs. Here someone called abu- 
Sa'dah said, " As for Sa'd, he does not divide shares 
equally, nor judge cases justly." Hearing this, Sa'd ex- 
claimed, " O God, if he is telling a lie, make his age long, 
perpetuate his poverty, take away his eyesight and expose 
him to troubles ! " 'Abd-al-Malik said, " I later saw abu- 
Sa'dah intercepting the way of the maids in the streets; 
and when somebody asked him, * How are you, abu-Sa'- 
dah ? ' he always replied, ' I am old and crazed, being af- 
flicted with the curse of Sa'd '." 

1 Bukhari, vol. i, p. 195 ; Zamakhshari, Fa'ik, vol. i, p. 212. 


In another tradition transmitted by al-' Abbas an-Narsi, 
Sa'd made the following petition, regarding the people of 
al-Kufah : " O God, let no ruler be satisfied with them, and 
let them be never satisfied with a ruler ! " 

I was informed by al-'Abbas an-Narsi that al-Mukhtar 
ibn-abi-*Ubaid, or someone else, said, " To love the people 
of al-Kufah is honor; and to hate them is destruction." 

Al-Hasan ibn-'Uthman az-Ziyadi from ash-Sha'bi : — 
After the victory of al-Kadisiyah, 'Amr ibn-Ma'dikarib 279 
visited *Umar ibn-al-Khattab and was asked by him about 
Sa'd and whether the people were satisfied with him. 'Amr 
gave the following answer, " I left him laying up for them 
as an ant lays up, having as much sympathy with them as 
a kind mother. In his love of dates, he is an Arab ; in the 
collection of taxes, he is Nabatean. He divides shares 
equitably, judges cases justly and leads the bands success- 
fully." " It looks," said 'Umar, "as if ye both have agreed 
to compensate each other with praise (Sa'd having before 
written to 'Umar in commendation of 'Amr)." "No, 
* Commander of the Believers '," answered ^Amr, " I rather 
said what I knew." " Well, 'Amr," said 'Umar, " describe 
war." " It is bitter in taste when waged. He, who perse- 
veres in it, becomes known; but he who grows weak, per- 
ishes." — " Describe the arms." — " Ask me about which- 
ever thou wantest." — "The lancet?" — "It is a brother 
which may betray thee." — " The arrows ? " — " Arrows are 
messengers of death which either err or hit." — " The 
shield ?" — " That is the defense which has most to suffer." 
— " The coat of mail ?" — " Something that keeps the horse- 
man busy; a nuisance for the footman; but in all cases, a 
strong protection." — " The sword?" — " May it be the cause 
of thy death!"— "TA3; death!"— "The fever has abased 
me to thee." ^ 

1 A proverb applied to the case of abasement on the occasion of need. 
Lane's " Dictionary " s. v. adra'a. 



'Umar appoints 'Ammdr and then al-Mughirah. At last, 
'Umar dismissed Sa'd and appointed 'Ammar ibn-Yasir. A 
complaint was made against 'Ammar to the effect that he 
was weak and knew nothing about politics. He was there- 
fore dismissed after holding the office of governor over al- 
Kiafah for one year and nine months. In this connection, 
*Umar remarked, " What am I to do with the people of al- 
KCifah? If I appoint a strong man over them, they at- 
tribute transgression to him; and if a weak man, they de- 
spise him." ^ Calling al-Mughirah ibn-Shu'bah, he asked 
him, " Wouldst thou commit again what thou didst once 
commit, if I should assign thee over al-Kiifah? " And al- 
Mughirah answered, " No." Al-Mughirah went to al- 
Madinah, after the conquest of al-Kadisiyah, and was ap- 
pointed by 'Umar over al-Kufah, w^hich position he held 
until 'Umar's death. 

Sa'd, then al-WaUd, then Sa'id as governors. Then came 
'Uthman ibn-'Affan and appointed over al-K{ifah Sa'd; 
but later dismissed him and appointed al-Walid ibn-'Ukbah 
ibn-abi-Mu^ait ibn-abi-'Amr ibn-Umaiyah. When al-WaHd 
visited Sa'd, the latter said, '' Either thou hast become in- 
telligent after me, or I have become foolish after thee." Al- 
Walid was later dismissed and Sa'id ibn-al-Asi ibn-Sa'id 
ibn-al-Asi ibn-Umaiyah was nominated to his place. 

Persians unite with the Arabs. Abu-Mas'ud al-Kufi 
from Mis'ar ibn-Kidam : — In the battle of al-Kadisiyah, 
Rustam led 4,000 men called Jund [army] Shahanshah, 
who asked for peace provided they be allowed to settle 
wherever they wanted, be confederates with whomever they 
wanted and receive soldiers' stipends. Their request hav- 
ing been granted, they united in a confederacy with Zuhrah 

'^'Ikd, vol. iii, p. 360; Hamadhani, p. 184; Kazwini, Athdr al-BUad, 
p. 167. 


ibn-Hawiyah as-Sa'di of the banu-Tamim. Sa'd [ibn-abi- 
Wakkas] allowed them to settle where they chose, and as- 
signed 1,000,000 dirhams for stipends. Their chief [na^ 
ktb] was one of them called Dailam ; ^ hence the name of 
the place Hamra' Dailam. Later Ziyad [ibn-Abihi], fol- 
lowing the orders of Mu'awiyah, sent some of them to 
Syria where they are called al-Furs [Persians], others to 
al-Basrah where they were combined with the Asawirah 
[Persian cavalry]. 

According to abu-Mas'ud, the Arabs call the non-Arabs 
Hamra' [the red], and would say, " I came from Hamra' 
Dailam," as they would say, *' I came from Juhainah " or 
some other place. Abu-Mas'ud adds, " I heard someone 
say that these Asawirah lived near ad-Dailam and when 
they were attacked by the Moslems in Kazwin, they ac- 
cepted Islam on the same terms as the Asawirah of al-Bas- 
rah. Then they came to al-Kufah and settled in it." 

According to al-Mada'ini, Abarwiz brought from ad- 
Dailam 4,000 men who acted as his servants and escort, 
which position they held until the Arab invasion. They 
then took part in the battle of al-Kadisiyah under Rus- 
tam. When Rustam was killed and the Magians were de- 
feated, they withdrew, saying, " We are different from 
those others [i. e., Arabs] ; we have no refuge, and have al- 
ready left a bad impression on the Moslems. Let us then 
adopt their faith, and we will be strengthened by them." 
Having deserted to the Moslem camp, Sa'd wanted to know 
the cause; and al-Mughirah ibn-Shu'bah asked them about 
it. Thus, they presented their case, saying, "We will adopt 
your faith." Al-Mughirah came back to Sa'd and told 
him about it. Sa'd promised them security; and they ac- 
cepted Islam. They witnessed the conquest of al-Ma- 

1 " Dilam " in Persian. 


da'in under Sa'd and the conquest of Jalula' ; after which 
they returned to al-Kufah where they settled with the 

Places of interest and the persons after whom they are 
named.^ The Jabbanat [cemetery] as-Sabi', after a son of 
as-Sabi' ibn-Sabu' ibn-Sa'b al-Hamdani. 

The Sahra [desert] Uthair/ after Uthair of the banu- 

The Dukkan [shop] 'Abd-al-Hamid, after 'Abd-al-Ha- 
mid ibn-'Abd-ar-Rahman ibn-Zaid ibn-al-Khattab, the 
'dmil of 'Umar ibn-'Abd-al-'Aziz over al-Kufah. 

The Sahra bani-Kirar after the banu-Kirar ibn-Tha'- 
labah. . . . ibn-Nizar. 

Dar ar-Rumiyin was a dunghill where the inhabitants of 
al-Kufah cast their rubbish and which was taken as fief 
from Yazid ibn-'Abd-al-Malik by 'Anbasah ibn-Sa'id ibn- 
al-Asi, who removed the soil in it for 150,000 dirhams. 

The Suk [market] Yusuf in al-Hirah, after Yiisuf ibn- 
'Umar . . . ath-Thakafi. 

Hammam [bath] A'yan, after A*yan, a freedman of Sa'd 

Bi'at [church] bani-Mazin in al-Hirah, after some of al- 
Azd of Ghassan. 

Hammam 'Umar, after 'Umar ibn-Sa'd ibn-abi-Wakkas. 

Shaharsuj Bajilah in al-Kufah, after the banu-Bajlah.^ 

Jabbanat 'Arzam, after a certain 'Arzam, who used to 
shake in it milk in a skin [so that its butter might come 

Jabbanat Bishr, after Bishr ibn-Rabi'ah . . . ibn-Ku- 
mair al-Khuth'ami. 

Zurarah, after Zurarah ibn- Yazid . . . ibn-Sa'sa'ah. 

* The following list is a shortened form of the original. 

^ Dhahabi, pp. 5-6. 

^ Yaktit, vol. iii, p. 338; Hamadhani, p. 182; Marasid, vol. ii, p. 135. 


Dar [house] Hukaim in al-Kufah, after Hukaim ibn- 
Sa'd ibn-Thaur al-Buka'i. 

Kasr [castle] Mukatil, after Mukatil ibn-Hassan ^ . . . 
of the banu-Amru'i-1-Kais. 

As-Sawadiyah - in al-Kufah, after Sawad ibn-Zaid ibn- 283 
*Adi. . . . 

Karyat [village] abi-Salabah on the Euphrates, after 
Salabah ibn-Malik ibn-Tarik. . . . 

Aksas Malik, after Malik ibn-Kais . . . ibn-Nizar. 

Dair [monastery] al-A'war, after one of the lyad of the 

Dair Kurrah after Kurrah of the banu-Umaiyah ibn- 

Dair as-Sawa, after the same banu-Umaiyah. 

Dair al-Jamajim, after the lyad tribe who in a battle with 
the banu-Bahra' and the banu-1-Kain lost many who were 
buried there and whose skulls [jamdjim] were later ex- 
cavated as one was digging in the ground. 

Dair Ka'b, after the lyad. 

Dair Hind, after the mother of 'Amr ibn-Hind. 

Dar Kumam, after the daughter of al-Harith ibn-Ha- 284 
ni' al-Kindi. 

Bi'at bani-'Adi, after the banu-'Adi ibn-adh-Dhumail 
of the Lakhm. 

Tizanabadh, after ad-Daizan ibn-Mu'awiyah ibn-al-'Abid 

Masjid [mosque] Simak in al-Kiifah, after Simak ibn- 
Makhramah ibn-Humain al-Asadi. . . . 

Mahallat [quarter] bani-Shaitan, after Shaitan ibn-Zu- 
hair ^ . . . ibn-Tamim. 

^ Kdmus, vol. iv, p. 36, 1. 22 : " Haiyan." 

^"Sauwariyah" in Hamadhani, p. 182; cf. Taj al-Arus, vol. ii, p. 
390; Yakut, vol. iii, p. 180. 
'"Zubalr" in Yakut, vol. iii, p. 356, 1. 12; cf. Hajar, vol. i, p. 585. 


The site of Dar '!sa ibn-Musa belonged to al-'Ala' ibn- 
'Abd-ar-Rahman . . . ibn-'Abd-Manaf. 

There is a path in al-Kufah named after 'Amirah ibn- 
Shihab. ... 

Sahra' Shabath, after Shabath ibn-Rib'i ar-Riyahi of the 

Dar Hujair in al-Kufah, after Hujair ibn-al-Ja'd al-Ju- 

Bi'r [well] al-AIubarik [Mubarak ?], after al-Mubarik 
[Mubarak ?] ibn-Tkrimah ibn-Humairi [Himyari ?]-l-Ju'fi. 

Raha [hand-mill] 'Umarah, after ^Umarah ibn-'Ukbah 
. . . ibn-Umaiyah. 

Jabbanat Salim, after Salim ibn-'Ammar . . . ibn-Ha- 

Sahra' Albardakht, after the poet Albardakht ad-Dabbi. 

Masjid bani-^\nz, after the banu-'Anz ibn-Wa'il ibn- 

Masjid bani-Jadhimah, after the banu-Jadhimah ibn-Ma- 
lik ibn-Nasr . . . ibn-Asad. 

There is a mosque in al-Kufah named after the banu-1- 

Masjid bani-Bahdalah, after the banu-Bahdalah ibn-al- 
Mithl ibn-Mu'awiyah of the Kindah. 

Bi'r al-Ja*d in al-Kufah, after al-Ja*d, a freedman of 

Dar abi-Artat, after Artat ibn-Malik al-Bajali. 

Dar al-Mukatta', after al-Mukatta' ibn-Sunain al-Kalbi. 

Kasr al-*Adasiyin at the extremity of al-Hirah, after the 
banu-'Ammar ibn-'Abd-al-Masih. . . . 

The cathedral mosque in al-Kufah was built with ma- 
terial taken from the ruins of the castles in al-Hirah that 
belonged to the al-Mundhir clan, the price of that material 
constituting a part of the tax paid by the people of al-Hirah. 

Sikkat al-Barid [post-office] in al-Kufah was once a 


church buih by KhaHd ibn-'Abdallah ... of the Bajilah 
for his mother, who was a Christian. 

KhaHd built shops, dug the canal called al-Jami', and 
erected the Kasr Khalid. 

S{ik Asad, after Asad ibn-'Abdallah, Khalid's brother. 

Kantarat [arch] al-Kufah was built by 'Umar ibn-Hu- 
bairah, and later repaired by Khalid and others. 

Al-Hdshiniiyah. The following tradition was trans- 287 
mitted to me by abu-Mas'ud and others : — Yazid ibn-'Umar 
ibn-Hubairah laid out a city in al-Kiifah on the Euphrates 
and occupied it before it was fully completed. He then re- 
ceived a letter from Marwan, ordering him to avoid the 
neighborhood of the people of al-Kufah ; and he, therefore, 
left it and built the castle known by the name of Kasr ibn- 
Hubairah near the Sijra bridge. 

When caliph abu-l-'Abbas came to power, he occupied 
this city, completed the erection of certain mansions [mak- 
surahs] defended by walls in it, established new buildings 
and called it al-Hashimiyah. People in general called it by 
its old name after ibn-Hubairah ; and abu-l-'Abbas making 
the remark, " I see that the name of ibn-Hubairah will 
always cling to it ", gave it up and established on a site 
opposite to it another city by the name of al-Hashimiyah. 
After residing there for some time, he decided to settle in 
al-Anbar, where he built his well-known city ^ in which he 
was buried. 

Madinat as-Saldm, When abu-Ja'far al-Manstir became 
caliph, he occupied the city of al-Hashimiyah in al-Kiafah 
after completing its erection, enlarging it and preparing it 
according to his own idea. Later, he abandoned it in favor 
of Baghdadh, where he built his city. He founded Bagh- 
dadh and called it Madinat as-Salam,^ and repaired its old 

* Le Strange, Baghdad, pp. 5-6. " 

'"The city of peace." Le Strange, p. 10. '"' 


wall which begins at the Tigris and ends at as-Sarat 
[canal] . 

It was in this al-Hashimiyah that al-Mansur imprisoned 
'Abdallah ibn-Hasan ibn-Hasan ibn-'Ali ibn-abi-Talib be- 
cause of his two sons Muhammad and Ibrahim ; and it was 
here that he was buried. 

Ar-Rusdfah. Al-Mansur built in al-Kufah ar-Rusafah 
[causeway] and by his orders, his freedman abu-1-Khasib 
Marzuk built for him on an old foundation the castle that 
bears his name : abu-1-Khasib. Others say that abu-1-Kha- 
sib built the castle for himself ; and al-Mansur used to visit 
him in it. 

Al-Khawarnak. As for al-Khawarnak, it was an old 
Persian castle built by an-Nu*man ibn-Amru*i-l-Kais 
(whose mother was ash-Shakikah, daughter of abu-Rabi'ah 
ibn-Dhuhl ibn-Shaiban) for Bahram Jur ibn-Yazdajird ibn- 
Bahram ibn-Sabur dhu-1-Aktaf, who was brought up in the 
home of an-Nu'man.^ It was this same an-Nu'man who 
left his kingdom and traveled around, as mentioned by 
*Adi ibn-Zaid al-*Ibadi in his poem. When the " blessed 
dynasty" appeared, al-Khawarnak was given as fief to Ibra- 
him ibn-Salamah, one of their propagandists in Khurasan 
and a grandfather of *Abd-ar-Rahman ibn-Ishak al- 
Kadi. During the caliphate of ai-Ma'mun and al-Mu'tasim, 
Ibrahim lived in Madinat as-Salam and was a freedman of 
ar-Ribab. In the caliphate of abu-l-'Abbas, he erected the 
dome of al-Khawarnak which did not exist before. 

Bab al-Fil. Abu-Mas'iid al-Kufi from certain sheikhs 
of al-Kufah: — ^When the Moslems conquered al-Mada'in, 
they captured an elephant ; all the other elephants they came 
across before having been killed by them. They wrote to 

1 Tha'alibi, Muluk al-Furs, pp. 530-540 (ed. Zotenberg) ; Hamadhani, 
pp. 178-179. 



*Umar about it and he told them to sell it if possible. The 
elephant was bought by a man from al-Hirah who used to 
cover its back with a cloak and go round the villages ex- 
hibiting it. Sometime after that, umm-Aiyub, daughter of 
*Umarah ibn-*Ukbah ibn-abi-Mu'ait (who was the wife of 
al-Mughirah ibn-Shu'bah and later of Ziyad) wanted to see 
the elephant as she was in her father's home. The elephant 
was brought before her and stood at the door of the mosque 
which is now termed Bab al-Fil. After looking at it, she 
gave its owner something and dismissed him. But no sooner 
had the elephant taken a few strides, than it fell dead. That 
is why the door was called Bab al-Fil.^ Some say that the 
one who looked at it was the wife of al-Walid ibn-'Ukbah 
ibn-abi-Mu'ait ; others that it was a sorcerer who made the 
people see an elephant appearing from the door riding on 
a donkey; still others that the trough of the mosque was 
brought on an elephant and passed through this door, which 
was for that reason called Bab al-Fil. These explanations 
are false. There are those who claim that the trough of the 
mosque was carried on an elephant and brought in through 
this door. Others think that an elephant owned by one of 
the governors once rushed against this door which was later 
called after it. The first explanation, however, is the most 

Jabbdnat Maimun. According to abu-Mas'ud, the Mai- 
mian cemetery at al-Kufah was named after Maimun, a 
freedman of Muhammad ibn-*Ali ibn-'Abdallah, surnamed 
abu-Bishr, who built at-Takat'^ in Baghdadh near Bab ash- 
Sham. ' 

* " The ekphant door " ; cf. Tabari, vol. ii, p. 27. 

^ Archways or arcades. Cf. Le Strange, Baghdad, p. 130. 

'"The Syrian gate", Le Strange, pp. 17-18; Hamadhani, p. 184; 
Ya'kubi, pp. 240-242. 


Sahra umm-Salamah. The umm-Salamah desert was so 
called after umm-Salamah, daughter of Ya'kub ibn-Sala- 
mah . . . ibn-Makhzum and the wife of abu-1-' Abbas. 

Al-Kufah moat. I was told by abu-Mas'ud that al-Man- 
sur held the people of al-Kufah responsible for its moat and 
that he imposed on every one of them forty dirhams to 
meet its expenses, he being displeased with them on account 
of their tendencies toward the Talibite party and their 
spreading false news regarding the sultan [the chief au- 
thority] . 

The inhabitants of al-Kufah commended. Al-Husain 
ibn-al-Aswad from *Amir : — *Umar writing to the people of 
al-Kufah called them " the head of the Arabs." 

Al-Husain from Naii' ibn-Jubair ibn-Mut'im : — 'Umar 
said, '' In al-Kiafah are the most distinguished men." 

Al-Husain and Ibrahim ibn-Muslim al-Khawarizmi from 
ash-Sha'bi : — 'Umar in addressing the people of al-Kufah 
wrote, *' To the head of Islam." 

Al-Husain ibn-al-Aswad from Shamir ibn-'Atiyah: — • 
*Umar said regarding the people of al-Kufah, '' They are 
the lance of Allah, the treasure of the faith, the cranium of 
the Arabs, who protect their own frontier forts and rein- 
force other Arabs." 

Abu-Nasr at-Tammar from Salman : — The latter said : 
— " Al-Kufah is the dome of Islam. There will be a time 
in which every believer will either be in it or will have his 
heart set upon it." 

Wasit al-'Irak 

The first cathedral mosques. *Abd-al-Hamid ibn-Wasi* 
al-Khatli-i-Hasib from al-Hasan ibn-Salih: — The first 
cathedral mosque ^ built in as-Sawad was that of al-Ma- 
da'in built by Sa'd and his companions. It was later made 
larger and stronger under the supervision of Hudhaifah 
ibn-al-Yaman who died at al-Mada'in in the year 36. 
After that, Sa*d established the mosque of al-Kdfah and 290 
that of al-Anbar. 

Wdsit built by al-Hajjdj. The city of Wasit was built 
in the year 83 or 84 by al-Hajjaj who also built its mosque, 
castle and Kubbat al-Khadra'.^ The site of Wasit having 
been covered with reeds [^kasab'], the city acquired the name 
of Wasit al-Kasab. This city is equidistant from al- 
Ahwaz, al-Basrah and al-Ktifah. Ibn-al-Kirriyah remarks, 
" He [al-Hajjaj] has built it but not in his town, and shall 
leave it but not for his son." 

One of the sheikhs of Wasit from other sheikhs : — ^\\^hen 
al-Hajjaj completed the erection of Wasit, he wrote to 
*Abd-al-Malik ibn-Marwan, " I have built a city in a hol- 
low of the ground [kirsh'] between al-Jabal and al-Misrain, 
and called it Wasit [lying halfway between]." That is why 
the people of Wasit were called the Kirshiyi^n.^ Before he 

^ Masjid jdtni' = the chief mosque of the city in which people as- 
semble on Friday for prayer and the khutbah. 

^ i. e., " the green dome." It was later occupied by al-Mansur and 
called Bab adh-Dhahab. Le Strange, 31 seq.; Yakiit, vol. i, p. 683; 
Ya'kubi, Bulddn, p. 240, and Ta'rikh, vol. ii, p. 450; Tabari, vol. iii, p. 

' Taj al-' Arils, s. v. kirsh. 



erected Wasit, al-Hajjaj had the idea of taking up his 
abode in as-Sin of Kaskar. He, therefore, dug Nahr 
[canal] as-Sin and ordered that the workmen be chained to- 
gether so that none of them might run away as a deserter. 
After that it occurred to him to estabHsh Wasit ^ which he 
later occupied, then he dug out an-Nil ^ and az-Zabi canals. 
The latter was so called because it branched off from the 
old Zabi. He thus reclaimed the land around these two 
canals and erected the city called an-Nil ^ and populated it. 
He then turned his attention to certain crown-domains 
which 'Abdallah ibn-Darraj, a freedman of Mu'awiyah ibn- 
abi-Sufyan, had reclaimed (when with al-Mughirah ibn- 
Shu'bah he had charge of the khardj of al-Kufah) for Mu- 
'awiyah. These domains included waste lands, swamps, 
ditches and thickets. Al-Hajjaj built dams * in these do- 
mains; uprooted the reeds in them and added them to the 
domains of 'Abd-al-Malik ibn-Marwan after populating 

To his castle and the cathedral mosque in Wasit, al- 
Hajjaj brought doors from Zandaward,^ ad-Daukarah, Da- 
rusat, Dair Masirjasan ^ and Sharabit, whose people pro- 
tested, saying, " We have been guaranteed the security of 
our cities and possessions;" but he did not mind what they 

Al-Muharak. Al-Mubarak ^ canal was dug by Khalid 
ibn-*Abdallah-l-Kasri al-Mubarak and commemorated by 
al-Farazdak in certain verses. 

* Kazwini, pp. 320-321 ; Qaukal, pp. 162-163. 
^ Ya'kubi, Buldan, p. 322. 

' Tanbih, p. 52. 

* musannaydt; Taj al-Arus, s. v. saniya; Mawardi, p. 311. 
' Tabari, vol. iii, p. 321. 

* Marasid, vol. i, p. 439. 

' Tabari, vol. iii, pp. 1981, 1985. 



Khdlid's bridge. Muhammad ibn-Khalid ibn-'Abdallah 291 
at-Tahhan from his sheikhs: — KhaHd ibn-'Abdallah al- 
Kasri wrote to Hisham ibn-'Abd-al-Mahk asking for per- 
mission to make an arch over the Tigris. Hisham wrote 
back, " If this were possible, the Persians would have done 
it." Khalid wrote again; and Hisham answered: *' li thou 
art sure that it is feasible, thou mayst do it." Khalid built 
the arch at a great expense; but it was soon destroyed by 
the water. Hisham made Khalid pay the expenses out of 
his own pocket. 

Al-Bazzdk. The canal known by the name of al-Baz- 
zak was an old one of w^hich the Nabatean form is al-Bas- 
sak, which means that which cuts the water off from what 
comes after it and takes it over to itself. In this canal the 
superfluous water from as-Sib jungles and some water of 
the Euphrates gather. This name was corrupted into al- 

Al-Maimiln. As for al-Maimiin ^ it was first dug out by 
Sa'id ibn-Zaid, an agent of umm-Ja*far Zubaidah, daughter 
of Ja'far ibn-al-Mansiar. The mouth of al-Maimiin was 
near a village called Maimun. In the time of al-Wathik- 
Billah, the position of the mouth was shifted by 'Umar ibn- 
Faraj ar-Rukhkhaji, but the river kept its old name al-Mai- 
mun [the auspicious], lest the idea of auspiciousness be dis- 
sociated from it. 

I was informed by Muhammad ibn-Khalid that by the 
order of caliph al-Mahdi, Nahr as-Silah was dug out and 
the lands around it were entrusted to farmers. The income 
thereof was used as stipends to the inhabitants of the sacred 
territories of Makkah and al-Madinah [ahl al-Haramain] 
and for other expenses there. It was stipulated on the ten- 
ants who came to those lands that they should yield two- 

^ Tabari, vol. iii, p. 1760: "Nahr Maimun." 



fifths [ ?] of the produce, with the understanding that after 
holding their share for fifty years, they should yield as tax 
one-half of its produce. This stipulation is still in force.^ 

Al-Amir. As regards Nahr al-Amir, it was ascribed to 292 
*lsa ibn-'Ali and lay in his fief. 

Mashra'at al-Fil. We were informed by Muhammad ibn- 
Khalid that Muhammad ibn-al-Kasim presented to al-Haj- 
jaj an elephant from as-Sind ^ which was transported 
through al-Bata'ih [the great swamp] on a ship and was 
landed at a watering place, which has since been called 
Mashra'at al-Fil or Furdat ^ al-Fil. 

^ Cf. Kudamah, pp. 241-242. 

'A country bordering upon India, Karman and Sijistan; Meynard, 
p. 324- 

3 mashra'at = wharf ; furdat = harbor. 


Al-Aurd\ I was informed by certain learned men that 
the Persians often discussed the future fall of their king- 
dom and thought that earthquakes and floods would be the 
sign thereof. Now, the Tigris emptied its water into Dijlat 
al-Basrah, also called al-'AuraV by means of branching 
streams which drew their water from the main stream 
which carried the rest of the water and looked like one of 
those streams. 

The formation of al-Bataih. In the days of Kubadh ibn- 
Fairuz,^ the water at the lower part of Kaskar broke 
through a great breach which was neglected until its waters 
drowned large, flourishing tracts of land. Kubadh was a 
feeble man and cared little for the breach. But when his 
son Anushirwan came to rule, he ordered that dams be made 
and thus the water was stopped and some of the lands flour- 
ished again. 

When the year came in which the Prophet sent 'Abdallah 
ibn-Hudhafah as-Sahmi to Kisra Abarwiz, which was the 
year 7 A. H. (others say 6) , the waters of the Tigris and the 
Euphrates rose to a height never reached before or since, 
causing many great breaches. Abarwiz made special effort 
to stop the breaches; but the water had the better of him, 

1 The united course of the Tigris and Euphrates before they empty 
into the Persian Gulf. Yakut, vol. ii, p. 745. 

2 Tha'alibi, pp. 586-603. 




turned towards al-Bata'ih ^ and overflowed the buildings 
and plants, drowning many cantons that were there. 
Kisra ^ rode out in person to block the breaches ; he scat- 
tered money right and left, put many workmen to death 
and, according to a report, crucified on certain breaches 
forty dam builders in one day ; but all that was of no avail 
against the force of water. ^ 

With the advent of the Arabs into al-'Irak, the Persians 
were kept too busy fighting to mind the breaches which 
would burst and no one would mind them; and the feudal 
lords [dihkans^ failed to block them. Consequently, al- 
Batihah was made wider and more extensive."* 

'Abdalldh ihn-Darrdj. When Mu'awiyah ibn-abi-Sufyan 
became ruler, he appointed 'Abdallah ibn-Darraj, his f reed- 
man, over the khardj of al-'Irak. 'Abdallah, by cutting 
down the reeds and stopping the water by dams, reclaimed 
for his master lands in al-Bata'ih, the income of which 
amounted to 5,000,000 {dirha^ns']. 

Hassan an-Nabati. Then came Hassan an-Nabati, the 
freedman of the banu-Dabbah, the builder of Hand [reser- 
voir] Hassan in al-Basrah and the one after whom Mana- 
rat [light-house] Hassan in al-Bata'ih is named. Hassan 
reclaimed certain lands in al-Bata'ih for al-Hajjaj in the 
days of al-Walid and for Hisham ibn-'Abd-al-Malik.^ 

Al-Janh canal. Before al-Bata'ih was formed, there was 
at Kaskar a canal called al-Janb, along the south bank of 
which ran the post-road to Maisan, Dastumaisan and al- 
Ahwaz. When al-Bata'ih was formed, that part of the 

* The great swamp in which water overflowing from the Tigris and 
Euphrates disappeared. Rustah, p. 94. 

' Aniishirwan ; Tha'alibi, p. 603. 

* Mas'iidi, vol. i, p. 225. 

* Kudamah, p. 240. 

* Cf. ^udamah, p. 240. 

AL-BATA'Ifl 455 

post- road which became a thicket was called A jam al- 
Barid; and the other part was called A jam Aghmarbathi ^ 
in which the great thickets lie. The canal is now seen in 
the al-Jdmidah [solid] lands that have recently been re- 
claimed and rendered fit for use. 

The version of abu-Mas'ud. Abu-Mas'ud al-Kufi from 
his sheikhs : — Al-Bata'ih was formed after the " flight " 
of the Prophet and during the reign of Abarwiz over the 
Persians. Many great fissures were formed which Kisra 
was unable to block, thus making the rivers overflow and 
producing al-Bata'ih. At the time of the Moslem wars with 
the Persians, the water overflowed and no one took the 
trouble to block the fissures. This enlarged the Batihah 
and made it wider. The banu-Umaiyah had reclaimed a 
part of the Batihah, which part was again sunk in the time 
of al-Hajjaj when new breaches appeared which al-Hajjaj 
did not care to block, trying thereby to injure the Persian 
feudal lords whom he suspected to be on the side of ibn-al- 
Ash'ath who had broken off his allegiance to al-Hajjaj. 
Hassan an-Nabati reclaimed for Hisham certain tracts of 
the Batihah land. 

Ahu-l-Asad. Abu-1-Asad, from whom Nahr abu-1-Asad 
takes its name, was one of the generals of the caliph al- 
Mansur, and one of those sent to al-Basrah when *Adballah 294 
ibn-'Ali resided in it. It was this abu-1-Asad who made 
^Abdallah ibn-'Ali enter al-Kufah, 

I was told by 'Umar ibn-Bukair that al-Mansiar dis- 
patched his freedman abu-1-Asad, who pitched his camp 
between al-Mansur and the army of *Isa ibn-Musa as al- 
Mansur was fighting against Ibrahim ibn-'Abdallah ibn-al- 
Hasan ibn-al-Hasan ibn-*Ali ibn-abi-Talib. The same abu- 
1-Asad dug the canal near al-Batihah which bears his name. 

1 "A Nabatean word which means the great thickets ;" Kudamah, p, 


Others say that abu-1-Asad, reaching the mouth of the 
canal and finding it too narrow for the ships, widened it; 
and, therefore, it was named after him. 

It is stated by abu-Mas*ud that in the time of the "blessed 
dynasty '' certain breaches were formed which made al- 
Bata'ih larger. Because of the water of the Euphrates, 
many thickets grew, of which some were reclaimed and 
made tillable land. 

Maslamah reclaims new lands. Abu-Mas*iid from 'Awa- 
nah : — In the days of al-Haj jaj, new breaches were made. 
Al-Hajjaj wrote to al-Walid ibn-*Abd-al-Malik stating that 
he estimated that 3,ooo,cx)o dirhams would be required for 
blocking them. Al-Walid thought that too much. Masla- 
mah ibn-'Abd-al-Malik said to al-Walid, *'I offer to pay the 
expenses provided thou givest me as fief the depressed tracts 
in which the water remains, after spending 3,ocx),ooo dir- 
hamsj which sum shall be spent under the direct supervision 
of thy counsellor and trusted man, al-Haj jaj." Al-Walid 
accepted the offer. Maslamah gained possession of lands 
that had many cantons close together. He dug as-Sibain ^ 
and induced the farmers and tenants to come and hold land. 
Thus the land flourished ; and in order to secure his protec- 
tion, many landowners voluntarily turned their farms over 
to him, and then held them from him as fief. When the 
" blessed dynasty " came and the possessions of the banu- 
Umaiyah were confiscated, all as-Sibain was assigned as 
fief to Da'ud ibn-'Ali ibn-'Abdallah ibn-al-'Abbas, from 
whose heirs it was bought with its rights and boundaries 
and was included in the crown-domains [diyd' al-khildfah]. 

* The dual form of as-Sib. 

Madinat as-Salam 

Built by al-Mansur, Baghdadh ^ was an ancient city, 
but al-Mansur colonized it, and added a city to it ^ which 295 
he began in the year 145. Hearing that Muhammad and 
Ibrahim, the sons of 'Abdallah ibn-Hasan ibn-Hasan, had 
thrown off their allegiance to him, al-Mansur returned to 
al-Kufah. In the year 146, he transferred the public 
treasures \huyut al-nidl], repositories, and registers from 
al-Kufah to Baghdadh, and called it Madinat as-Salam [the 
city of peace]. In the year 147, the wall of this city, with 
everything else connected with it, and the wall of ancient 
Baghdadh were completed. Al-Mansur died in Makkah 
in the year 158 and was buried near the well of Maimun 
ibn-al-Hadrami, an ally of the banu-Umaiyah. 

Ar-Riisdfah. Ar-Rusaf ah ^ was built for al-Mahdi by 
al-Mansiir on the east side of Baghdadh. This side was 
called *Askar [camp] al-Mahdi * because al-Mahdi camped 
in it on his way to ar-Rai. When he returned from ar-Rai, 
he settled in ar-Rusafah, although it had occurred to al- 
Mansur to direct him to settle in Khurasan. This took 
place in the year 151. Before al-Mahdi had occupied the 

1 A Persian word meaning the city " founded by God," see Le 
Strange, Baghdad, pp. lo-ii. 
' Uaukal, p. 164. 

3 i. e., causeway, the eastern suburb of Baghdad. Istakhri, pp. 83, 84; 
Tanbth, p. 360. 

* Ya'kubi, Bulddn, p. 251. 



east side, a palace was built for him by al-Mansiir's order ; 
the one variously known as Kasr al-Waddah, Kasr al- 
Mahdi and ash-Sharkiyah/ It lay on the other side of Bab 
al-Karkh. Al-Waddah, after whom it is sometimes called, 
was a man from al-Anbar who had charge of the expenses. 

Al-Mansiir as a builder. Al-Mansiir built the two mos- 
ques of Madinat as-Salam and the new bridge over as- 
Sarat [canal]. The site of the city he bought from the 
owners of the villages of Baduraiya, Katrabbul [or Kut- 
rubbul], Nahr Bdk and Nahr Bin. He gave the city as 
fief to members of his household, his generals, soldiers, 
companions and secretaries. He made the meeting place of 
the streets at al-Karkh, and ordered the merchants to build 
their shops and held them responsible for the rent.^ 

Places of interest in Baghdad.^ The al-Mukharrim quar- 
ter * in Baghdadh takes its name from Mukharrim ibn-Shu- 
raih ^ ibn-Hazn al-Harithi. 

The Kantarat al-Baradan quarter, from as-Sari ibn-al- 
Hutaim,^ the builder of al-Hutamiyah. 

As-Salihiyah, from Salih ibn-al-Mansur. 

Al-Harbiyah, from Harb ibn-'Abdallah al-Balkhi/ the 
commander of the guard in al-Mausil under Ja'far ibn-abi- 

Az-Zuhairiyah or Bab at-Tibn, from Zuhair ibn-Muham- 
mad of the inhabitants of Abiward. 

1 i. e., " the oriental palace ". Ya'kubi, p. 245. 

' Ar. ghaJlah = rent paid for buildings standing on the property of 
the state. 
' The following list is an abridged form of the original. 

* Le Strange, pp. 217-230. 

* Duraid, p. 238, omits " ibn-Shuraih ". 

* Marasid, vol. ii, p. 453 : " as-.Surai ibn-al-IJutam **. 
' Cf. Mahasin, vol. i, p. 397. 


'Isabadh, from 'Isa ibn-al-Mahdi/ 

Kasr 'Abdawaih standing opposite Baratha, from 'Abda- 
waih, a notable of the Azd. 

Al-Mansiar assigned as fief to Sulaiman ibn-Mujalid the 
site of his home ; to Muhalhil ibn-Saf wan, after whom Darb 
Muhalhil is named, a special fief ; to 'Umarah ibn-Hamzah, 
the quarter that bears his name ; to Maimiin abu-Bishr after 
whom Takat Bishr are named, a special fief near Bustan al- 
Kass ; ^ to Shubail, his f reedman, a fief near Dar Yaktin ; 
to umm-'Ubaidah, a freedmaid of Muhammad ibn-'Ali, a 
fief; to Munirah, a freedmaid of Muhammad ibn-'Ali and 
after whom Darb Munirah and Khan [inn] Munirah are 
named, a special fief ; and to Raisanah ^ a spot known by the 
name of Mas j id bani-Raghban.* 

Darb [path] Mihrawaih takes its name from Mihra- 297 
waih ar-Razi who was one of the captives of Sinfadh and 
was set free by al-Mahdi. 

The city a residence for the caliphs. Al-Mansur lived in 
Madinat as-Salam to the last days of his caliphate. He 
made a pilgrimage from it and died in Makkah. The city 
was then occupied by the caliph al-Mahdi. Later, al-Mahdi 
left for Masabadhan, where he died. Most of the time he 
spent in Madinat as-Salam was passed in palaces he built 
at ^Isabadh. 

Madinat as-Salam was then occupied by al-Hadi Musa 
ibn-al-Mahdi, who died in it. Ar-Rashid Harian also re- 
sided in it, and later left it for ar-Rafikah where he stayed 
for a while and then departed for Khurasan, and died at 
Tiis. The city became after that the residence of Muham- 
mad ibn-ar-Rashid, who was slain in it. 

* Tanbih, pp. 343-344. 
' Ya'kubi, p. 247. 

' Mardsid, vol. ii, p. 433. 

* Dhahabi, p. 227 ; Ya'kubi, pp. 244-245. 


Al-Ma'mun 'Abdallah ibn-ar-Rashid came to the city 
from Khurasan and took up his abode in it. He then left 
on an expedition during which he died at al-Fadhandiin and 
was buried at Tarsus. 

Stirra-man-ra' a, a residence for the caliphs. CaHph al- 
Mu'tasim-Billah made his residence in it and then left it for 
al-Katul ^ where he occupied the Kasr ar-Rashid which was 
built when ar-Rashid dug out Katulah [canal] and called 
it abu-1-Jund [the father of the army] because the land 
watered by it produced enough provisions for the army. 
Al-Mu'tasim erected in al-Katiil a building which he occu- 
pied, and offered the Kasr to Ashnas at-Turki [the Turk], 
his freedman. He started to colonize that region and after 
beginning a new city, he gave it up and built the city of 
Surra-man-ra'a.^ He transplanted people to it and made it 
his residence. At the meeting point of the streets, he built 
a cathedral mosque, and called the city Surra-man-ra'a. Al- 
Mu'tasim made his freedman, Ashnas, together with the 
other generals who had joined him [Ashnas], settle at 
Karkh Fairuz. Other generals were given the houses 
called al-'Arabaya.^ Al-Mu'tasim died in Surra-man-ra'a 
in the year 22y. 

Harun al-Wathik-Billah lived to the last day of his life in 
a house which he built at Surra-man-ra'a and called al-Ha- 

When in dhu-1-Hijjah, year 22^2, the caliph Ja'far al-Mu- 
tawakkil-'Alallah was installed, he made al-Haruni his resi- 
dence. He erected many buildings and assigned to different 
men fiefs in a place back of Surra-man-ra'a called al- 

1 Tanbih, pp. 356-357- 

' Ya'kubi, pp. 256-257; Yakut, vol. iii, p. 14; Tabari, vol. iii, pp. 

* Mardsid, vol. v, p. 501, n. ; Mushtarik, p. 183. 


Ha'ir ^ in which al-Mu'tasim had put him in confinement, 
thus giving more space for the inhabitants. Al-Mutawak- 
kil also built a great cathedral mosque and lavished enor- 
mous sums of money on it, making the minaret so high that 
the voices of the muezzins could be easily heard, and the 
minaret could be seen at a distance of many parasangs. 
The Moslems gave up the first mosque and held Friday 
prayers in it. 

Al-Mutawakkiliyah. Al-Mutawakkil founded a city 
which he called al-Mutawakkiliyah. He built it between al- 
Karkh, known by the name of Fairiiz, and al-Katiil, known 
by the name of Kisra, chose it for his abode and gave fiefs 
in it. The houses and the villages known as al-Mahuzah ^ 
were included in it. Al-Mutawakkil built in this city a 
cathedral mosque. From the time he started the city to the 
time he occupied it, only a few months elapsed, the occupa- 
tion having taken place at the beginning of the year 246. 
Here he died in Shauwal, [2] 47. 

In the same night on which he died, al-Muntasir-Billah 
was proclaimed caliph; and on Tuesday the loth of Shau- 
wal, he left al-Mutawakkiliyah for Surra-man-ra'a, where 
he died. 

'Uyun at-Taif. 'Uyian [springs] at-Taff ^ which include 
*Ain as-Said, al-Kutkutanah, ar-Ruhaimah, *Ain Jamal and 
the lands that belonged to them, were held by the garri- 
sons that guarded the frontier forts beyond as-Sawad. 
These springs lay near Khandak [trench] Sabur, which 
Sabiir had dug between him and the Arabs who guarded 
the frontier and the other Arabs who lived there. Sabiar 
allowed them the use of the land as fief without collecting 
khardj from them. 

^ Tabari, vol. iii, p. 752, and Ya'kubi, p. 258 : " al-Hair ". Cf. Yakut, 
vol. ii, p. 189. 
2 Athir, vol. vii, pp. 56, 68: " al-Makhurah ". 
* Yakut, vol. iii, p. 539 ; Hamadhani, p. 187. 


In the battle of dhu-Kar in which Allah through his 
Prophet gave the Arabs the victory, the Arabs gained pos- 
session of some of these springs, the rest remaining in the 
hands of the Persians. When the Arabs advanced to al- 
Hirah, the Persians took to flight after covering over with 
earth all the springs in their lands. The Arabs who held 
the remaining springs embraced Islam ; and the land which 
they cultivated became tithe-land. 

After the battles of al-Kadisiyah and al Mada'in, the 
lands whose owners had evacuated them, were turned over 
to the Moslems and given out as fiefs, thus becoming tithe- 
lands. Such was the case with ^Uyiin at-Taff whose lands 
are treated like the villages in the valley of al-Madinah and 
the villages of Najd, all the sadakah thereof being given to 
the 'dmils of al-Madinah. 

When Ishak ibn-Ibrahim ibn-Mus*ab ruled over as-Sa- 
wad in the name of al-Mutawakkil, he added these '\5y\xa 
and their lands to what he already controlled; and he col- 
lected their tithe, treating them as any other land in as-Sa- 
wad, which status they still retain. The Moslems later dug 
out many other springs which irrigate lands that are treated 
in a similar way. 

'Ain al-JamaL I was told by a sheikh that 'Ain al- 
Jamal ^ was so called because a camel [Ar. jamal] died near 
it. Others say that the one who dug it out was called Jamal. 

'Ain as-Said. ' Ain as- Said " [fishing spring] was so 
called because fish gathered in it. I was told by certain 
Kuraiziyun [ ?] that this spring was one of those covered 
with earth. As one of the Moslems was passing there, the 
legs of his horse sank in the mud. He dismounted and dug 
in the ground; and the water appeared. With the help of 

* Rustah, p. 180: "'Ain Jamal". 

» Ibid., p. 180: '"Ain Said"; cf. Khurdadhbih, p. 146. 


certain men he called, the earth and soil were removed, the 
course was opened and the water issued as before. The 
spring then passed to the hands of 'Isa ibn-'Ali, who bought 
it from a son of Hasan ibn-Hasan ibn-'Ali ibn-abi-Talib. 
One of Isa's waves was umm-Kalthijm, daughter of Hasan 
ibn-Hasan. Mu'awiyah in exchange for the caliphate, as- 
signed, together with other things, 'Ain as-Said as fief to 
al-Hasan ibn-'Ali. 

'Ain ar-Rahbah. 'Ain ar-Rahbah was also one of the 
springs buried of old. A pilgrim from Karman once saw 
it leaking; and when he returned from his pilgrimage, he 
advised Isa ibn-Musa regarding it and pointed it out to 
him. This Karman man took it as fief with its land and 
dug it out. He cultivated the lands around it and planted 
the palm-trees which stand on al-'Udhaib road. 

'Uyun al-Irk. A few parasangs from Hit lie certain 
springs called al-Trk which are similar to 'Uyun at-TafT, 
and whose tithes are taken by the chief of Hit. 

The meaning of Sawdd. Al-Athram from abu-'Amr ibn- 
al-'Ala' : — When the Arabs saw the great number of vil- 
lages, palm and other trees, they exclaimed, ''Never did we 
see a greater number of sawddV' i. e., objects. Hence the 
name of the country as-Sawad. 

The market compared to the place of worship. Al- 
Kasim ibn-Sallam from Muhammad ibn-abi-Musa :— One 
day 'Ali went out to the market and saw that his relatives 300 
had secured special places, upon which he remarked, " That 
can not be. For the Moslems, the market is similar to the 
place of worship : he who arrives first can hold his seat all 
day until he leaves it." 

Abu-'Ubaid from 'Abd-ar-Rahman ibn-'Ubaid's father: 
— The latter said, 'Tn the time of al-Mughirah ibn-Shu'bah, 
we used to go early into the market; and when one sat in 
a place, he had claim on it until the nightfall. But when 


Ziyad came, he ordered that he who sat in a place, could 
claim it so long as he occupied it." 

According to Marwan, al-Mughirah held the governor- 
ship of al-Kufah twice: once for 'Umar and another time 
for Mu^awiyah. 

Arabic Made the Language of the Register 

Al-Mada'ini *Ali ibn-Muhammad ibn-abi-Saif from his 
sheikhs: — Persian was the language of the register of the 
khardj of as-Sawad and the rest of al-*Irak. When al- 
Hajjaj became ruler of al-'Irak he chose Zadan Farrukh 
ibn-Yabra for secretary, and the latter was assisted by 
Salih ibn-*Abd-ar-Rahman, a freedman of the banu-Ta- 
mim, who knew both Arabic and Persian. Salih's father 
was one of the captives of Sijistan. Through Zadan Far- 
rukh, Salih was acquainted with al-Hajjaj, who found him 
acceptable. One day Salih said to Zadan, " Thou art the 
means by which I became acquainted with the governor; 
and I see that he has found me acceptable. I, therefore, 
do not wonder if he should promote me over thee, in which 
case thou wouldst fall.'* " Never believe that," answered 
Zadan ; " he has more use for me than I for him, because 
none but myself can be found to keep his books." " By 
Allah," retorted Salih, " if thou so desire, I could change 
the accounts into Arabic." " Try a part of it," said Zadan, 
" and I will see." Salih having done that, Zadan asked 
him to feign illness, which he did. Al-Hajjaj sent his own 
physician, but found nothing wrong with Salih. Hearing 
that, Zadan ordered him to appear. 

In the days of *Abd-ar-Rahman ibn-Muhammad ibn-al- 
Ash*ath al-Kindi, Zadan Farrukh was killed on his way 
from some house to his own home, or some other man's 
home. Thereupon, al-Hajjaj made Salih secretary in the 



place of Zadan. Salih reported to al-Hajjaj the con- 
versation that took place between him and Zadan relative 
to the change of the language of the register. Al-Hajjaj 301 
immediately made up his mind to adopt Arabic as the lan- 
guage of the register and charged Salih with the task. 
Mardanshah ibn-Zadan Farrukh asked Salih, " What 
wouldst thou do with dahwiyah and shashwiyah? ^* To 
this, Salih replied, " I shall use instead 'ushr [tenth] and 
nusfushr"- [half-tenth]."— " And what about wit/?"— "I 
shall use aidan " (wid means excess) .^ Hearing that, Mar- 
danshah said, " May God efface thy trace from the world 
as thou hast effaced the trace of the Persian! " Salih was 
later offered 100,000 dirhams in order to show that it was 
impossible to change the language of the register and to re- 
frain from doing it; but he refused and carried out the 
plan. *Abd-al-Hamid ibn-Yahya, the secretary of Marwan 
ibn-Muhammad used to say, " Great is Salih, and great is 
the favor he has bestowed upon the secretaries ! " 

*Umar ibn-Shabbah from Sahl ibn-abi-as-Salt : — Al- 
Hajjaj assigned for Salih ibn-*Abd-ar- Rahman a certain 
period in which to change the language of the register.^ 

* These are the Arabic equivalent of the Persian terms dahwiyah and 
shashwiyah; shash means six. 

^wtd or waid is used to-day in Persian in the sense of "little". 
Ar. aidan corresponds to ditto. 

» Cf. Mawardi, p. 350. 




Hulwdn capitulates. After the decisive battle of Jalula' 
had been won by the Moslems, Hashim ibn-*Utbah ibn-abi- 
Wakkas added to the forces of Jarir ibn-*Abdallah al-Ba- 
jali a heavy detachment of cavalry and stationed him at 
Jalula' between the Moslems and their enemy [the Per- 

Later on, Sa'd sent Jarir about 3,000 Moslems and or- 
dered him to advance with them and his forces to Hulwan/ 
No sooner had Jarir approached Hulwan than Yazdajird 
fled away in the direction of Isbahan. Hulwan capitulated ; 
and Jarir promised to spare the people and guarantee their 
lives and possessions without interfering with those who 
preferred to flee the land. 

Karmdsin. Leaving in Hulwan a part of his forces [ ?] 
with *Azrah ibn-Kais ibn-Ghaziyah-1-Bajali, Jarir pushed 
towards ad-Dinawar, which he failed to reduce. He, how- 
ever, reduced Karmasin ^ on the same terms as Hulwan. 
He then returned to Hulwan and held its governorship until 
the arrival of ^Ammar ibn-Yasir in al-Kufah. 'Ammar 
wrote to Jarir that *Umar ibn-al-Khattab wanted him to re- 
inforce abu-Musa-l-Ash*ari [in Tustar]. Accordingly, Jarir 
left *Azrah ibn-Kais over Hulwan, and in the year 19 made 302 
his way to join abu-Musa. 

Muhammad ibn-Sa'd from 'A'ishah, daughter of Sa*d ibn- 

* Rustah, pp. 164-165. 

* Yakut, vol. iv, p. 68. 

4^ H 


abi-Wakkas : — The latter said, " When Mu'awiyah put 
Hujr ibn-*Adi-l-Kindi ^ to death, my father made the fol- 
lowing remark, * If Mu'awiyah had seen the part Hujr had 
taken ^ in the reduction of Hulwan, he would have realized 
of what great value he was to Islam '." 

According to al-Wakidi, certain sons of Jarir ibn-Abdal- 
lah settled in Hulwan, where their descendants are still 

* Aghani, vol. xvi, pp. 3-4 ; Athir, vol. iii, pp. 392 seq. ; Mas'udi, vol. 
V, pp. 15 seq. 
' Text not clear. Cf. Qajar, vol. i, p. 645. 


The Conquest of Nihawand 

An-Nu'mdn in chief command. In the year 19, when 
Yazdajird fled away from Hulwan, the Persians and the 
people of ar-Rai, Kumis/ Isbahan, Hamadhan and al-Ma- 
hain communicated with one another and, in the year 20, 
joined Yazdajird. The latter put at their head Mardanshah 
dhu-1-Hajib and they unfurled their flag ad-Dirafshikabi- 
yan. These "polytheists" numbered 60,000, and according 
to other estimates, 100,000. When 'Ammar ibn-Yasir com- 
municated this news to 'Umar ibn-al-Khattab, the latter was 
on the point of leading an expedition in person against 
them, but desisted lest the Arabs should then prevail over 
Najd and other places. The advice to let the Syrians lead 
the attack from Syria and the Yamanites from al-Yaman 
was also discarded, lest the Greeks should return to their 
home, and the Abyssinians should subjugate what was next 
to them. Consequently, he wrote to the people of al-Kuf ah 
ordering that two-thirds of them should set out and one- 
third should stay for the defense of their homes and coun- 
try. From the people of al-Basrah, he also sent a group of 
men. He then said, " I shall use over the army someone 
who shall be the first to expose himself to the spears." ^ 
Accordingly, 'Umar wrote to an-Nu*man ibn-*Amr ibn-Mu- 
karrin al-Muzani, who was at that time with as-Sa'ib ibn-al- 

^ In Tabaristan. Yakut, vol. iv, p. 203 ; Meynard, pp. 464-465. 
' The original is obscure. Cf. Dinawari, p. 142 ; Caetani, vol. iv, p. 
315, n. I. 



Akra* ath-Thakafi, assigning him to the leadership of the 
army, saying, " In case thou art killed, Hudhaifah ibn-al- 
Yaman shall be the leader ; if he should be killed, then Jarir 
ibn-'Abdallah al-Bajali ; if he should be killed, then al-Mu- 
ghirah ibn-Shu'bah; and if he should be killed, al-Ash'ath 
ibn-Kais." This an-Nu'man was at that time the 'dmil 
over Kaskar and its territory. Others say he was in al-Ma- 
dinah, and when he received his appointment over this army 
from *Umar by word of mouth, he started from it. 

Shaiban from Ma'kil ibn-Yasar: — When *Umar ibn-al- 
Khattab sought the advice of al-Hurmuzan, saying, " Shall 
we begin with Isbahan or Adharbaijan [Atrapatakan] ?" 
al-Hurmuzan replied, " Isbahan is the head, and Adharbai- 
jan the wings. Cut off the head, and the wings will fall off 
together with it." ' 

Al-Mughirah as envoy. When *Umar entered the mosque 
[in al-Madinah], his eyes fell on an-Nu'man ibn-Mu- 
karrin; so he took a seat by his side. When he was 
through with his prayer, 'Umar said, " I want thee to be 
my 'dmil [lieutenant] ". An-Nu'man replied, " If a col- 
lecting-*^mi7, no ; but if an invading-'amz/^ yes." " An in- 
vading one," said *Umar. Thus *Umar sent an-Nu'man and 
wrote to the people of al-Kufah to reinforce him, which 
they did, sending among others al-Mughirah ibn-Shu*bah. 
An-Nu'man sent al-Mughirah to dhu-1-Hajibain,^ the Per- 
sian chief at Nihawand.® Al-Mughirah [reaching the Per- 
sian camp] drew his sword and began cutting the rugs to 
pieces until he presented himself before the chief, upon 
which he took his seat on the throne. By dhu-1-Hajib's 

* Cf. Tabari, vol. i, pp. 2600-2601 ; Mas'udi, vol. iv, p. 230. 

* He is also called dhu-l-i^ajib Mardanshah. 

* or Nahawand. Muller, vol. i, p. 245 ; Meynard, pp. 573-576 ; Yakut, 
vol. iv, pp. 406, 827. 


order, al-Mughirah was dragged out. So he exclaimed: 
" [Remember that] I am an envoy! " 

The battle fought. When the Moslems met the " poly- 
theists ", they found them fastened in chains, in tens and 
fives, so that they might not flee. Before the fight started 
they shot their arrows and wounded some of the Moslems. 
Then an-Nu'man said, ** I noticed that when the Prophet 
did not carry on the fight in the morning, he would wait 
until the sun set and the wind blew; then the victory 
would be assured." ^ An-Nu*man added, " I shall now 
shake the standard I carry three times. After the first 
shake, let each perform the ablutions and satisfy his 
natural wants. After the second shake, let each turn to his 
sword (he may have said sandal-thong) and get ready, 
putting everything in order. When the third shake is, by 
Allah's will, made, then rush and let none of you heed the 
other." Saying this, an-Nu*man shook the standard and 
they did as he had ordered them. His coat of mail was too 304 
heavy for him; but he fought and his men fought; and he 
was the first Moslem to be killed. 

The Persian [dhu-1-Hajib] fell from his mule and his 
belly was cut open. 

Ma*kil ibn-Yasar [the narrator of this tradition] adds, 
" Coming to an-Nu*man and finding that life had not yet 
fully departed from him, I washed his face with some water 
I carried in a vessel ; upon which he asked, Who art thou ?' 
— * Ma'kil.' — * How did the Moslems fare?' — ' I have glad 
tidings ; Allah has given us conquest and victory !' — * Praise 
be to Allah ! Write and tell 'Umar about it.' " 

The news carried to 'Umar. Shaiban from abu-'Uth- 
man an-Nahdi : — The latter said, " I myself carried the 
glad news to 'Umar who asked, ' And what about an-Nu*- 

* Cf. Tabari, vol. i, p. 2603. 


man?' 'He was killed/ said I. 'We are Allah's/ re- 
marked 'Umar, ' and to Allah we return/ Saying this, he 
began to cry. I then said, * By Allah, he was killed with 
others whom I know not/ ' But whom Allah knows,' said 

Ahmad ibn-Ibrahim from abu-'Uthman an-Nahdi : — The 
latter said, " When 'Umar ibn-al-Khattab received the news 
of the death of an-Nu'man ibn-Mukarrin, he covered his 
face with his hands and began to cry." 

The version of as-Sa'ih. Al-Kasim ibn-Sallam from as- 
Sa'ib ibn-al-Akra* : — The latter said, '' An army, the similar 
to which was never seen before, marched against the Mos- 
lems." He then cited the tradition regarding 'Umar's in- 
tention to lead the expedition in person, his appointment of 
an-Nu'man ibn-Mukarrin, the forwarding with as-Sa'ib 
(whom 'Umar put in charge of the booty) of the appoint- 
ment in which these words occur : " Bring no false case to 
my attention, and never hold justice from anyone." ^ The 
tradition then gives an account of the battle and mentions 
that an-Nu'man was the first to be killed in the battle of 
Nihawand, upon which Hudhaifah carried the standard and 
Allah gave them [the Arabs] victory. As-Sa'ib adds, " I 
gathered the booty and divided it. After that there came 
to me a spy,^ saying, 'The treasure of an-Nakhirkhan ^ is in 
the castle.' When I climbed up there, I found two chests 
containing pearls, the similar to which I never saw before. 
I then made my way to 'Umar who, having not yet received 
the news, was roaming in the streets [of al-Madinah] and 
making inquiries. Seeing me, 'Umar exclaimed, 'Oh ! what 
news?' I gave him an account of the battle and the death 

* Cf. Tabari, vol. i, p. 2597. 

' Cf. Dinawari, p. 145. 

' Ibid., p. 145 : " Nukharijan ". 


of an-Nu'man and mentioned the case of the two chests. 
'Umar said ' Go and sell the chests and divide the price 
among the Moslems/ Accordingly, I took them to al-Ku- 
f ah, where I met a young man of the Kuraish, * Amr ibn- 
Huraith, by name, who paid their price from the stipends 
of [his own] family and the warriors of its members. One 
chest he took to al-Hirah, where he sold it for the same 
price he had paid me for both ; and the other he kept. This 
was the first part of the fortune *Amr amassed." 

Other versions. A certain biographer reports that the 
battle of Nihawand was fought on Wednesday and Thurs- 
day and, after a short cessation, fighting was continued on 
Friday. He reports in describing the battle a similar tradi- 
tion to that reported by Hammad ibn-Salamah. 

Ibn-al-Kalbi from abu-Mikhnaf : — An-Nu*man camped 
at al-Isbidhahar ^ with al-Ash*ath ibn-Kais commanding 
his right wing and al-Mughirah ibn-Shu'bah, the left wing. 
In the fight that ensued, an-Nu*man was killed. At last the 
Moslems won the victory; and that conquest was termed 
" the victory of victories." The conquest of Nihawand 
took place on Wednesday, year 19, and according to others, 

Ar-Rifa'i from al-Hasan and Muhammad: — The battle 
of Nihawand took place in the year 21. A similar tradi- 
tion was communicated to me by ar-Rifa'i on the authority 
of Muhammad ibn-Ka'b.^ 

Dinar makes terms for the city. Others report that after 
the defeat of the Persian army and the victory of the Mos- 
lems, Hudhaif ah, who was at that time the leader, laid siege 
to Nihawand, whose inhabitants made sorties but were de- 

* Hamadhani, pp. 211, 259, and Dinawari, p. 143: " al-Isfidhahan " ; 
Yakut, vol. i, p. 239 : " Isbidhahan ". 

' C/. Weil, vol. i, pp. 88-94; Muir, Annals, pp. 255-258; Muir, Calir- 
phate, pp. 178-180; Wellhausen, Skizzen, vol. vi, p. 97. 


feated. One day Simak ibn-'Ubaid al-*Absi chased a Per- 
sian who was accompanied by 8 horsemen. Simak killed 
all eight, as each of them in turn turned against him. See- 
ing that he was left alone, the man chased yielded and laid 
down his arms. Simak took him as prisoner ; but as he spoke 
Persian, Simak called someone who understood him and 
translated what he said, which was, " I shall go to your 
leader that I may make terms with him on this land, pay 
him poll-tax, and give thee for taking me as prisoner what- 
ever thou requestest. To thee I owe a great deal because 
thou didst spare my life." Simak asked, " What is thy 
name?" and he replied, " Dinar ". Simak led him to Hu- 
dhaifah who made terms with him, stipulating that the 
khardj and poll-tax be paid, and that the safety of the pos- 
sessions, walls and dwellings of the inhabitants of his city, 
Nihawand, be guaranteed. Nihawand was thereafter called 
Mah Dinar. Dinar often came after that to Simak, offer- 
ing him presents and showing his loyalty. 

Mdh al-Basrah and Mdh al-Kufah. Abu-Mas'ud al-Kufi 
from al-Mubarak ibn-Sa*d's father: — Nihawand was one 
of the places conquered by the people of al-Kufah, whereas 
ad-Dinawar was one of those conquered by the people of 
al-Basrah. The increase of the Moslems at al-Kufah made 
it necessary that the lands the khardj of which was divided 
among them be increased. Consequently, [the district of] 
ad-Dinawar was given them, in exchange for which the 
people of al-Basrah were given [the district of] Nihawand 
which formed a part of [the province of] Isbahan. The 
excess of the khardj of ad-Dinawar over that of Nihawand 
was therefore a gain for the people of al-Kufah.^ Niha- 
wand was thereafter called Mah al-Basrah; and ad-Dina- 
war, Mah al-Kufah. All this took place during the cali- 
phate of Mu'awiyah. 

* Cf. Caetani, vol. iv, p. 502, 


The meaning of '' al-Yamdn ". I have been informed by 
certain men of learning that Hudhaifah ibn-al-Yaman was 
the son of Husail [Hisl] ibn-Jabir al-*Absi. He was an 
ally of the banu-*Abd-al-Ashhal of al-Ansdr; and his mother 
was ar-Rabab, daughter of Ka'b ibn-*Adi of the *Abd-al- 
Ashhal tribe. His father was killed in the battle of Uhud 
by 'Abdallah ibn-Mas'iid al-Hudhali, who killed him by 
mistake, taking him for an " unbeliever ". In accordance 
with the Prophet's order, the blood money was paid; but 
Hudhaifah distributed it among the Moslems. According 
to al-Wakidi, Husail was nicknamed al-Yaman because he 
had commercial interests in al-Yaman ; and whenever he ar- 
rived in al-Madinah, people would say, " Here comes al- 
Yamani [of which al-Yaman is a shortened form]." Ac- 
cording to al-Kalbi, however, Hudhaifah was the son of 
Husail ibn-Jabir ibn-Rabi'ah ibn-'Amr ibn-Jurwah, Jurwah 
being the one nicknamed al-Yamani after whom Hudhaifah 
was so called, although between the two many generations 
intervened. Jurwah, in pre-Islamic times, killed someone 307 
and fled to al-Madinah, where he became an ally of the 
banu-'Abd-al-Ashhal. His people called him al-Yamani 
because he made an alliance with the Yamanites. 

Ad-Dinawar, Masabadhan and Mihrijankadhaf 

Ad-Dmawar makes terms. Abu-Musa-1-Ash*ari left Ni- 
hawand, to which he had come with the army of al-Basrah 
for the reinforcement of an-Nu'man ibn-Mukarrin. On 
his way, he passed by ad-Dinawar where he camped for 
five days, in which he was offered resistance for only one 
day. The people of ad-Dinawar then agreed to pay tax 
and khardj, and sought safety for their lives, possessions 
and children. Abu-Musa granted their request and left 
over the city his ^dmil, together with some horsemen, and 
proceeded to Masabadhan, whose people offered no resist- 

As-Sirawdn mxikes terms. The people of as-Sirawan 
made terms similar to those of ad-Dinawar, agreeing to 
pay poll-tax and khardj; and abu-Musa sent detachments 
and conquered all the lands of ad-Dinawar. Others assert 
that abu-Musa conquered Masabadhan before the battle of 

As-Saimarah capitulates. Abu-Musa 'Abdallah ibn- 
Kais al-Ash*ari sent as-Sa'ib ibn-al-Akra* ath-Thakafi — who 
was his son-in-law through his daughter umm-Muhammad 
ibn-as-Sa'ib — to as-Saimarah the chief city of Mihrijan- 
kadhaf. The city capitulated; and it was agreed that the 
lives of the inhabitants be spared, that no captives be taken, 
and that no pieces of gold or silver be carried away, pro- 

* Cf. Athir, vol. ii, p. 409 ; Tabari, vol. i, p. 2477 ; Ya^ut, vol. iv, p. 



vided the inhabitants paid poll-tax and khardj on the land. 
As-Sa'ib reduced all the districts of Mihrijankadhaf. The 
more reliable report is that abu-Musa dispatched as-Sa'ib 
from al-Ahwaz; and the latter reduced Mihrijankadhaf. 

Sinn Sumairah. Muhammad ibn-'Ukbah ibn-Musrim ^ 
ad-Dabbi from certain sheikhs of al-Kufah: — ^When the 
Moslems invaded al-Jibal, they passed by the eastern summit 
called Sinn Sumairah, Sumairah being a woman of the 
Dabbah [a branch] of the banu-Mu'awiyah ibn-Ka'b ibn- 
Tha^labah ibn-Sa*d ibn-Dabbah and one of the Emigrants. 
Sumairah had a tooth [sinn protruding beyond the 308 
others] ; - hence the name of the peak Sinn Sumairah. 

Kandtir an-Nu'mdn. Kanatir [arches] an-Nu*man, ac- 
cording to ibn-Hisham al-Kalbi, were named after an-Nu*- 
man ibn-*Amr ibn-Mukarrin al-Muzani, who camped by 
these Kanatir, which had been standing from ancient time. 

Kathir ibn-Shihdb. A1-' Abbas ibn-Hishain al-Kalbi from 
*Awanah: — Kathir ibn-Shihab ibn-al-Husain ibn-dhi-1- 
Ghussah-1-Harithi belonged to the *Uthman party and often 
spoke evil of 'Ali ibn-abi-Talib, and dissuaded men from 
following al-Husain. He died either before or at the begin- 
ning of the rebellion of al-Mukhtar ibn-abi-'Ubaid. Al- 
Mukhtar ibn-abi-'Ubaid referred to him when he said : "By 
the Lord of heavens, the severe in punishment, the revealer 
of the Book, I shall surely dig the grave of Kathir ibn-Shi- 
hab, the transgressor, the liar." Mu'awiyah gave him for 
some time the governorship of ar-Rai and Dastaba, which 
he held on behalf of Mu^awiyah and his two 'dmils, Ziyad 
and al-Mughirah ibn-Shu'bah. After that, he incurred Mu- 
'awiyah's anger and was flogged and imprisoned by him in 

1 C/. Mahasin, vol. i, p. 700, and Tabari, vol. i, p. 2458: "'Ukbah 
ibn-Mukram ", 

2 Tabari, vol. i, p. 2648. 


Damascus. Shuraih ibn-Hani' al-Muradi interceded in favor 
of Kathir ; and he was released. Yazid ibn-Mu'awiyah, for 
selfish reasons, approved of following Kathir and sid- 
ing with him, and wrote to *Ubaidallah ibn-Ziyad, asking 
him to appoint Kathir over Masabadhan, Mihrijankadhaf, 
Hulwan and al-Mahain [the two Mahs], which he did, giv- 
ing Kathir many villages of the crown-domains in al-Jabal ^ 
as fief. Here Kathir built the castle which bears his name 
and which lies in ad-Dinawar. Zuhrah ibn-al-Harith ibn- 
Mansiir ibn-Kais ibn-Kathir ibn-Shihab had secured many 
crown-villages at Masabadhan. 

Al-Khashdrimah. I learned from a descendant of 
Khashram ibn-Malik ibn-Hubairah-1-Asadi that the Kha- 
sharimah came first to Masabadhan towards the end of the 
Umaiyad dynasty, their grandfather being an emigrant 
from al-Kufah. 

Kathir made governor. Al-'Umari from al-Haitham ibn- 
*Adi : — Ziyad was one day on a trip when the belt of his 
robe became loose. Kathir ibn-Shihab immediately drew a 
needle, that was stuck in his cap, and a thread and mended 
the belt. Seeing that, Ziyad said, " Thou art a man of dis- 
cretion ; and such a one should never go without an office.*' 
Saying this, he appointed him governor over a part of al- 

^or al-Jibal = Persian 'Irak or Media. Meynard, p. 151; Kazwini, 
p. 228; Hamadhani, p. 209; Rustah, p. 106. 

The Conquest of Hamadhan 309 

Jarlr reduces Hamadhan. In the year 23 A. H., al-Mu- 
ghirah ibn-Shu'bah who, after the dismissal of 'Ammar ibn- 
Yasir, was the 'dmil of 'Umar ibn-al-Khattab over al-Ku- 
fah, dispatched Jarir ibn-'Abdallah al-Bajali to Hama- 
dhan/ The inhabitants of Hamadhan offered resistance 
and repelled his attacks, in the course of which Jarir re- 
ceived an arrow in his eye; and he remarked, " I give up 
my eye, seeking recompense from Allah who decorated with 
it my face and provided me by means of it with light, so 
long as he willed, and then deprived me of it as I was in his 
cause!" After that he reduced Hamadhan, which made 
terms similar to those of Nihawand. This took place 
toward the close of the year 23. Its inhabitants, having 
later rebelled, drove Jarir back; but he finally took their 
land by force.* 

Other versions. According to al-Wakidi, Jarir reduced 
Nihawand in the year 24, six months after the death of 
*Umar ibn-al-Khattab. 

It is reported by others that al-Mughirah ibn-Shu*bah, 
with Jarir leading the vanguard, marched against Hama- 
dhan and, after reducing it, put it in charge of Kathir ibn- 
Shihab al-Harithi. 

The terms with al-Alaf. * Abbas ibn-Hisham from his 
grandfather and *Awanah ibn-al-Hakam : — ^When Sa'd ibn- 

* Ecbatana. See Meynard, pp. 597-608. 

' Cf. Yakut, vol. iv, p. 981 ; Athir, vol. iii, p. 16. 



abi-Wakkas ruled over al-Kufah in behalf of 'Uthman ibn- 
'Affan, he assigned over Mah and Hamadhan al-'Ala' ibn- 
Wahb ibn-*Abd ibn-Wahban of the banu-*Amir ibn-Lu'ai. 
The people of Hamadhan acted treacherously and violated 
the covenant, on account of which al-*Ala' fought against 
them until they surrendered. The terms he made with 
them stipulated that, on the one hand, they should pay 
khardj on their land and tax on their person and deliver to 
him 100,000 dirhams for the Moslems; and that, on the 
other hand, he should not interfere with their possessions, 
inviolable rights and children. 

Mddhardn. According to ibn-al-Kalbi, the castle known 
by the name of Madharan was so called after as-Sari ibn- 
Nusair ^ ibn-Thaur al-Tjli, who camped around it until he 
reduced it. 

Slsar. Ziyad ibn-'Abd-ar-Rahman al-Balkhi from cer- 
tain sheikhs of Sisar : — Sisar was so called because it lay in 
a depression surrounded by thirty hills. Hence its other 
name "Thalathun Ra's " [thirty summits]. It was also 
called Sisar Sadkhaniyah which means thirty simimits and 
a hundred springs, because it has as many as one hundred 

Sisar and the adjoining region were pasture-lands for the 
Kurds and others. It also had meadows for the beasts of bur- 
den and the cattle of caliph al-Mahdi, and was entrusted to 
a freedman of his called Sulaiman ibn-Kirat — whose name 
Sahra' Kirat in Madinat as-Salam bears — and to a partner 
of his, Sallam at-Taifuri, Taifur having been a freedman 
of abu-Ja*far al-Mansur and having been given by him as 
present to al-Mahdi. When in the caliphate of al-Mahdi the 
destitute [sa'dlik'] and villain became numerous and spread 
over al-Jabal, they chose this region for their refuge and 

^ Cf. Mardsid, vol. iii, p. 27. 


stronghold, to which they resorted after acting as highway- 
men, and from which they could not be called back, be- 
cause it was a boundary line between Hamadhan, ad-Dina- 
war and Adharbaijan. Sulaiman and his colleague wrote 
to al-Mahdi, reporting the case of those who interfered 
with their beasts and cattle. Thereupon, al-Mahdi directed 
against them a great army and wrote to Sulaiman and Sal- 
lam, ordering them to build a city and occupy it with their 
associates and shepherds and use it as a refuge for their 
beasts and cattle against those who threatened them. Ac- 
cordingly, they built the city of Sisar, fortified it, and made 
people settle in it. The district [^ritstdk'\ of Mayanharaj ^ 
in ad-Dinawar, and that of al-Judhamah in Adharbaijan 
which is a part of the province of Barzah, together with 
Rustuf^ and Khabanjar were added to Sisar; and the 
whole was made into one district that was put under one 
'dmil to whom its khardj was paid.* 

Later, in the caliphate of ar-Rashid, this band of desti- 
tute multiplied and badly damaged Sisar. Ar-Rashid 
ordered that it be repaired and fortified, stationing in it 
i,cx>o of the men of Khakan al-Khadim as-Sughdi, whose 
descendants are still in it. Towards the end of his cali- 3111 
phate, ar-Rashid appointed Murrah ibn-abi-Murrah ar-Ru- 
daini-1-Tjli over Sisar. 'Uthman al-Audi attempted to 
wrest it from his hands, but failed, succeeding* only in 
wresting all or most of what Murrah already held at 
Adharbaijan. Until the time of the insurrection, Murrah 
ibn-ar-Rudaini did not cease in the days of Muhammad ibn- 
ar-Rashid to pay the fixed khardj of Sisar which he had 

* Khurdadhbih, p. 120. Hamadhani, p. 240 : " Mayanmaraj ". ' 
' ? perhaps rustdk ; cf. Yakut, vol. ili, p. 216. 

' Hamadhani, pp. 239-240. 

* According to Hamadhani, p. 240, he failed in that, too. 



agreed to pay annually/ In the caliphate of al-Ma*mun, 
Sisar was taken from the hand of 'Asim ibn-Murrah and 
once more added to the crown-domains [diya' al-khildfah]. 

Al-Mafdzah. I was told by certain sheikhs from al-Ma- 
fazah, which is situated near Sisar, that when al-Jurashi ^ 
ruled over al-Jabal the inhabitants of al-Mafazah evacu- 
ated their town. Al-Jurashi had a general, Hammam ibn- 
Hani' al-*Abdi, to whom most of the people of al-Mafazah 
yielded their villages and held them as tenants in order to 
enjoy his protection. Hammam appropriated the villages 
to himself and used to pay the treasury what was due on 
them until he died. His sons were too weak to hold them. 
After the death of Muhammad ibn-Zubaidah, when al-Ma'- 
mtm was on his way from Khurasan to Madinat as-Sa- 
1am, he was met by certain sons of Hammam and a man 
from al-Mafazah named Muhammad ibn-al-'Abbas, who 
told him the story of the place and informed him of the de- 
sire of all the people to give up their lands to him and act as 
his tenants in it provided they be protected and strength- 
ened against the destitute bands and others. x\l-Ma'mun ac- 
cepted their offer and ordered that they be reinforced and 
strengthened in order to cultivate the lands and repair them. 
Thus these lands were added to the crown-domains. 

Laila-l-Akhyaliyah. According to a tradition commimi- 
cated to me by al-Mada*ini, Laila-l-Akhyaliyah paid a visit 
to al-Hajjaj. He gave her a present, and she requested him 
to write and recommend her to his ^dmil at ar-Rai. On her 
way back, Laila died at Sawah, where she was buried. 

1 Ar. mukata'ah ; M. V. Berchem, La Propriete TerritoriaU et I'Intpdt 
Fonder sous les Premiers Calif es, p. 45. 
»C/. "al-^arashi" in Ya'kubi, p. 253- 

KuMM, Kashan and Isbahan 312 

Kumm and Kdshdn reduced. Leaving Nihawand, abu- 
Musa 'Abdallah ibn-Kais al-Ash'ari came to al-Ahwaz, and 
after passing through it, stopped at Kumm which he 
reduced after a few days' fight. He then directed al-Ah- 
naf ibn-Kais, whose name was ad-Dahhak ibn-Kais at- 
Tamimi to Kashan, which he took by force. Abu-Musa 
then overtook him.^ 

Jai and al-Yahudiyah capitulate. In the year 23, *Umar 
ibn-al-Khattab directed *Abdallah ibn-Budail ibn-Warka' 
al-Khuza*i to Isbahan. Others assert that *Umar wrote to 
abu-Musa-l-Ash*ari ordering him to direct 'Abdallah at the 
head of an army to Isbahan, which abu-Musa did. *Ab- 
dallah ibn-Budail conquered Jai,^ which capitulated after 
a fight, agreeing to pay khardj and poll-tax, provided the 
population be guaranteed the safety of their lives and all 
possessions with the exception of the arms in their hands. 

*Abdallah ibn-Budail then directed al-Ahnaf ibn-Kais, 
who was in his army, to al-Yahudiyah,* whose inhabitants 
made terms similar to those of Jai. 

Thus ibn-Budail effected the conquest of the territory 
of Isbahan with its districts over which he acted as ^dmil to 

* Cf. Yakut, vol. iv, pp. 15, 175. 

* A part of Isbahan. Istakhri, p. 198, note n ; Qau]k:al, p. 261 ; Ya^ut, 
vol. ii, p. 181 ; Meynard, pp. 188-189. 

' Another suburb of Isbahan. Yakut, vol. iv, p. 1045. 



the end of the first year of 'Uthman's caliphate, at which 
time 'Uthman appointed as-Sa ib ibn-al-Akra*. 

Bashir's version. Muhammad ibn-Sa'd, a freedman of 
the banu-Hashim, from Bashir ibn-abi-Umaiyah : — Al- 
Ash'ari camped at Isbahan and proposed to the people the 
idea of Islam, which they refused. He then proposed that 
they pay tax, upon which they made terms agreeing to pay 
it. The very next morning they rebelled; and he fought 
against them and, by Allah's help, defeated them. Mu- 
hammad ibn-Sa'd, however, adds, " In my view this refers 
to the inhabitants of Kumm." 

The satrap of Isbahan, Muhammad ibn-Sa*d from Mu- 
hammad ibn-Ishak : — 'Umar sent ibn-Budail al-Khuza'i to 
Isbahan, whose satrap [marsubdn] was an aged man called 
al-Fadusafan.^ Ibn-Budail besieged the city and wrote to 
the people inciting them to forsake him. Seeing the luke- 
warmness of his men, al-Fadusafan chose thirty archers, 
in whose courage and obedience he confided, and fled away 
from the city towards Karman with a view to joining Yaz- 
dajird. As soon as 'Abdallah knew of it, he sent after 
him a heavy detachment of cavalry. As the Persian 
reached a high place, he looked behind and said to 'Ab- 
dallah, " Take heed for thyself, no arrow of ours misses its 
mark. If thou charge, we shoot; and if thou fight a duel, 
we will fight! " A duel followed in the course of which 
the Persian gave 'Abdallah ^ a blow [with the sword] 
which, falling on the pommel of his saddle, broke it and cut 
the breast-girth [of the horse]. The Persian then said to 
'Abdallah, " I hate to kill thee because I see thou art wise 
and brave. Wouldst thou let me go back with thee that I 
may arrange terms with thee and pay tax for my towns- 

* Tabari, vol. i, p. 2639 : " al-Fadhusaf an ". 

' Caetani, vol. v, p. 10, takes 'Abdallah to be the one who delivered 
the blow. Cf. Tabari, vol. i, p. 2639. 


men, of whom those who stay will be considered dhimmis, 
and those who flee will not be interfered with? The city 
I will turn over to thee." Ibn-Budail returned with him 
and took Jai ; and the Persian fulfilled his promise, saying, 
" I saw that ye, people of Isbahan, are mean and disunited. 
Ye, therefore, deserve what I did with you." 

The territory of Isbahan pays khardj. Ibn-Budail then 
passed through the plains and mountains of the territory 
of Isbahan, all of which he conquered, treating them as re- 
gards khardj as he had treated the people of al-Ahwaz. 

Some say that the conquest of Isbahan and its territory 
was effected partly in the year 23 and partly in the year 24. 

Other versions. It is reported by others that 'Umar ibn- 
al-Khattab sent at the head of an army *Abdallah ibn-Bu- 
dail, who met abu-Musa, after the latter had conquered 
Kumm and Kashan. They both now led the attack against 
Isbahan with al-Ahnaf ibn-Kais commanding the van of 
abu-Musa's army. Thus they subjugated all al-Yahudiyah 
as described above. Ibn-Budail, after that, reduced Jai; 
and they both marched through the territory of Isbahan 
and reduced it. The most reliable account, however, is that 
Kumm and Kashan were conquered by abu-Miisa ; whereas 
Jai and al-Yahudiyah, by 'Abdallah ibn-Budail. 

Abu-Hassan az-Ziyadi from a Thakif man : — In Isbahan 
stands the sanctuary ^ of 'Uthman ibn-abi-l-'Asi ath-Tha- 

Persian nobility embrace Islam. Muhammad ibn-Yahya 
at-Tamimi from his sheikhs : — To the nobility of Isbahan 
belonged various strongholds in Jafrabad in the district of 314 
ath-Thaimarah ^-1-Kubra, in Bihjawarsan^ and in the fort 

1 Ar. mashhad — a place where a martyr died or is buried. 
* Ya'kubi, p. 275 : " at-Taimara " ; £f. Rustah, p. 154, b ; Yakut, vol. i, 
p. 908. 

8 or Kahjawarsan, Pers. Gah Gawarsan. Yakut, vol. ii, p. 11. 


of Marabin/ When Jai was reduced, these nobles offered 
homage, agreeing to pay the khardj; and because they dis- 
dained to pay poll-tax, they became Moslems. 

Al'Anhari in Isbahdn. It is stated by al-Kalbi and abu- 
1-Yakzan that after al-Hudhail ibn-Kais al-*Anbari was 
appointed governor of Isbahan in the time of Mar wan, the 
*Anbari clan moved there. 

Idris ihn-Ma'kil imprisoned. The grandfather of abu- 
Dulaf (abu-Dulaf being al-Kasim ibn-*lsa ibn-Idris ibn- 
Ma^kil al-*Ijli), whose occupation consisted in preparing 
perfumes and trading in sheep, came to al-Jabal with a 
number of his relatives and occupied a village at Hama- 
dhan called Mass. They became wealthy and came to own 
many [crown] villages. One day Idris ibn-Ma*kil attacked 
a merchant who owed him money and choked him. Others 
say he choked him and took his money. Therefore, he was 
carried away to al-Kufah, where he was imprisoned. This 
took place when Yusuf ibn-'Umar ath-Thakafi ruled over 
al-'Irak in the days of Hisham ibn-Abd-al-Malik. 

Al-Karaj rebuilt. After that, *!sa ibn-Idris came to al- 
Karaj,* which he reduced and whose fort, which was dilapi- 
dated, he rebuilt. Abu-Dulaf al-Kasim ibn-lsa strength- 
ened his position and rose into eminence in the eyes of the 
sultan. He enlarged that fort and built the city of al-Ka- 
raj which was for that reason called after him Karaj abi- 
Dulaf. Al-Karaj to-day forms a district by itself. 

Kumm's rebellion suppressed. The inhabitants of Kumm 
threw off their allegiance and withheld the khardj. Al-Ma'- 
miin directed against them *Ali ibn-Hisham al-Marwazi, 
recruiting him with troops * and ordering him to wage war 

* Cf. Mukaddasi, p. 402 : " Sarimin " ; Ya'kubi, p. 275 : " Mirabin " ; 
Yakut, vol. iv, p. 382 : " Marabanan " ; Hamadhani, p. 263. 
' Meynard, pp. 478-479. 
■' Tabari, vol. iii, p. 1093, 


against them. *Ali did so, killed their chief, Yahya ibn- 
'Imran, razed the city wall to the ground and collected over 
7,ooo,ocx) dirhams as tax, although previous to this they 
used to complain that 2,000,000 were too much for them to 

In the caliphate of abu-'Abdallah al-Mu*tazz-Billah ibn- 
al-Mutawakkil-*Alallah, they once more threw off their al- 
legiance, upon which al-Mu'tazz directed against them 
Musa ibn-Bugha, his 'amil over al-Jabal, who was conduct- 
ing the war against the Talibites who appeared in Taba- 
ristan. Kumm was reduced by force and a large number of 
its inhabitants was slaughtered. Al-Mu*tazz wrote that a 
group of its leading men should be deported. 


The Death of Yazdajird ibn-Shahriyar ibn-Kisra 
Abarwiz ibn-Hurmuz ibn-Anushirwan 

The night of Yazdajird. Yazdajird fled from al-Ma- 
da'in to Hulwan and thence to Isbahan. When the Mos- 
lems were done with Nihawand, he fled from Isbahan to 
Istakhr, where he was pursued, after the conquest of Isba- 
han, by 'Abdallah ibn-Budail ibn-Warka', but to no avail. 
Abu-Musa-1-Ash'ari came to Istakhr and attempted its con- 
quest, but did not succeed, and likewise did 'Uthman ibn- 
abi-l-'Asi ath-Thakafi try it and fail. 

In the year 29 when all Persia with the exception of Is- 
takhr and Jur ^ was already reduced, 'Abdallah ibn-*Amir 
ibn-Kuraiz proceeded to al-Basrah. Yazdajird was on the 
point of leaving for Tabaristan, whose satrap had invited 
him, when Yazdajird was still in Isbahan, to come to Ta- 
baristan which he told him was well fortified. It then 
occurred to Yazdajird to flee to Karman, to which ibn- 
*Amir sent after him Mujashi' ibn-Mas'tid as-Sulami and 
Harim ibn-Haiyan al-'Abdi. Mujashi' came and stopped at 
Biyamand in Karman, where his army was caught by a 
snow storm and nearly annihilated, few only surviving. 
The castle in which he resided was called after him Kasr 
Mujashi'. Mujashi* then took his way back to ibn-'Amir. 

As Yazdajird was one day sitting in Karman, its mar- 
zuhdn came in; but Yazdajird felt too haughty to speak to 

1 Tabari, vol. i, p. 2863 : "which is Ardashir Khurrah". Cf. Meynard, 
p. 23. 



him, and the marzuhdn ordered that he be driven out, say- 
ing, "Not only art thou unworthy of a kingdom but even of 
a governorship of a village; and if Allah had seen any good 
in thee, he would not have put thee in such condition ! " 

Yazdajird left for Sijistan ^ whose king showed regard 
for him and exalted him. After a few days Yazdajird 
asked about the khardj which made the king change his atti- 
tude towards him. 

Seeing that, Yazdajird left for Khurasan. When he 
reached the boundary line of Maru he was met by its satrap 
[mar^ubdn] Mahawaih ^ with great honor and pomp. Here 
he was also met by Nizak Tarkhan who offered him some- 
thing to ride upon, gave him presents and entertained him 
bountifully. Nizak spent one month with Yazdajird, after 
which he left him. He then wrote Yazdajird asking for the 
hand of his daughter. This aroused the anger of Yazda- 
jird, who said, " Write and tell him * Thou art nothing but 
one of my slaves ; how darest thou then ask for my daugh- 
ter's hand? ' " Yazdajird also ordered that Mahawaih, the 
satrap of Maru, give an account and be asked about the 316 
money he had collected. Mahawaih wrote to Nizak, insti- 
gating him against Yazdajird and saying, " This is the one 
who came here as a runaway fugitive. Thou hast helped 
him in order to have his kingdom restored to him ; but see 
what he wrote to thee ! " They both then agreed to put 
him to death. 

Yazdajird slain. Nizak led the Turks to al-Junabidh * 
where he met the enemy. At first the Turks retreated, 
but then the tide turned against Yazdajird, his followers 

^ Cf. Michel le Syrien, Chronique, vol. ii, p. 424 (ed. Chabot). 
» Tha'alibi, p. 743 : " Mahawait ". 

* Yunabidh, Yunawid or Kunalndh. Istakhri, p. 273; ^aukal, p. 324; 
Mukaddasi, p. 3£2i. 


were killed, his camp was plundered, and he fled to the city 
of Maru. The city refused to open its gates ; so he had to 
dismount at a miller's house standing on the bank of al- 
Mirghab/ Some say that having heard of that, Mahawaih 
sent his messenger who killed him in the miller's house. 
Others assert that Mahawaih incited the miller and, by his 
orders, the miller killed Yazdajird, after which Mahawaih 
said, " No slayer of a king should be kept aHve ", and he 
ordered that the miller himself be put to death. Still others 
claim that the miller offered Yazdajird food, which he ate, 
and drink, which intoxicated him. In the evening, Yazda- 
jird took out his crown and put it on his head. Seeing that, 
the miller coveted the possession of the crown, and raising 
a mill-stone dropped it on Yazdajird. After killing him, 
he took his crown and clothes and threw the body into the 
water. When the news came to Mahawaih, he put the 
miller and his family to death and took the crown and 
clothes. According to another story, Yazdajird was warned 
against the messengers of Mahawaih and fled away, jump- 
ing into the water. When the miller was asked about him, 
he said, " The man has left my house." They found Yaz- 
dajird in the water, and he said, " If ye spare me I will give 
you my belt, ring and crown." He asked them for some 
money with which he could buy bread, and one of them gave 
him 4 dirhams. Seeing that, Yazdajird laughingly said, 
" I was told that I will some day feel the need of 4 dir- 
hams\ " Later he was attacked by certain men sent after 
him by Mahawaih, and he said, " Kill me not ; rather carry 
me to the king of the Arabs, and I will make terms with 
him on your and my behalf, and thus ye will be safe." 
They refused and choked him by means of a bow-string. 

1 or Marghab or Murghab, also called Nahr Maru. Tabari, vol. i, p. 
2872; yaukal, p. 315. 


His clothes they carried away in a pouch; and his body 
they threw away into the water/ 

Fairuz taken away by the Turks. It is claimed that Fai- 
riiz ibn-Yazdajird fell into the hands of the Turks, who 
gave him one of their women in marriage; and he settled 
among them. 

1 Cf, Tha'alibi, pp. 74^7 A7', Tabari, vol. i, pp. 2879-2881. 


Aban b. Sa'id, 124, 162, 174 

Aban b. 'Uthman, 82 

Aban b. al-Walid, 294 

Aban b. Yahya, 184 

Abanain, 147 

Abarwiz, 160, 2^T, 390, 44i, 453, 

'Abbas b. al-Walid, 263, 294 
abu-l-*Abbas as-Saffah, 104, 233, 

256, 282, 300, 328, 361, 368, 445, 

al-* Abbas b. 'Abd-al-Muttalib, 20, 

49, 63, ^, 86, 124, 409 
al-* Abbas b. Jaz', 226 
al-*Abbas b. Muhammad, 288 
al-*Abbas b. Zufar, 225 
al-*Abbasiyah, 371 
al-*Abbasiyah (built by Hizar- 

mard), 369 
'Abd-al-'Aziz b. ^aiyan, 258 
*Abd-aI-'Aziz b. ^latim, 321 
*Abd-al-'Aziz b. Marwan, 360, 362 
'Abd-al-IJamid b. Yahya, 368, 466 
'Abd b. al-Julanda, 116, 118 
*Abd-al-Kais, 120, 130 
'Abd-al-Malik b. Marwan, 54, 59, 

75, 82, 83, 135, 180, 192, 195, 202, 

219, 220, 221, 226, 238, 247, 248, 

249, 250, 255, 282, 283, 294, 301, 

321, 322, 341, 360, 383-385, 449, 

'Abd-al-Malik b. Muslim, 324 
'Abd-al-Malik b. Salih, 203, 238, 

262, 289 
'Abd-al-Malik b. Shabib, 21 
*Abd-al-Masih b. 'Amr, 390 
'Abd-al-Masih b. Bukailah, 435 
'Abd-al-Muttalib, 60, 'j'j 

*Abd-ar-Rahman b. 'Auf, 34, 424 
'Abd-ar^Rahman b. abi-Bakr, 135, 

'Abd-ar-Rahman b. Ghanm, 224 
'Abd-ar-iRahman b. ^abib, z^7, 3^8 
*Abd-ar-Rahman b. Ishak, 446 
*Abd-ar-Rahman b. Muhammad, 

104, 455, 465 
*Abd-ar-Rahman b. Zaid, 356 
*Abd-as-Samad b. 'AH, 25 
'Abd-al-Wahhab b. Ibrahim, 291- 

292, 293 
'Abd-al-Wahid b. al-^arith, 283 
banu-Abd-ad-Dar, 78, 81 
'Abdallah b. 'Abbas, 30 
'Abdallah b. 'Abd-al-A'la, 396 
'Abdallah b. 'Abd-al-MaUk, 255, 

'Abdallah b. 'Abdallah, 129, 139 
'Abdallah b. 'Ali, 193, 233, 300, 

'Abdallah b. 'Amir, 490 
'Abdallah b. 'Amr, 216, 217, 338, 

352, 356, 358 
'Abdallah b. Bishr, 'ZZJ 
'Abdallah b. Budail, 485-487, 490 
'Abdallah b. Darraj, 450, 454 . 
'Abdallah b. abi-Farwah, 397 
'Abdallah b. al-5abhab, 367 
'Abdallah b. ^adhaf, 127 
'Abdallah b. al-Harith b. Kais, 139 
'Abdallah b. al-IJarith b/Naufal, 

'Abdallah b. ^asan, 446 
'Abdallah b. yatim, 321 
'Abdallah b. IJudhafah, 341, 347, 

'Abdallah b. Kais, 375 




•Abdallah b. Khalid, 74 
'Abdallah b. Mas'ud, 133, 143, 427, 

431-432, 477 
'Abdallah b. Musa, 366 
'Abdallah b. ar-Rabi', 105 
'Abdallah b. Rawahah, 44, 47, 48 
'Abdallah b. Sa'd, Z37, 340, 350- 

351, 356-359, 379-380 
'Abdallah b. Siba', 80 
'Abdallah b. Sufyan, B,2, 
'Abdallah b. Suhail, 129 
'Abdallah b. Tahir, 256, 283, 289 
'Abdallah b. 'Umar, see b. 'Umar 
'Abdallah b. Wahb, 140 
'Abdallah b. Zaid b. 'Abdallah, 120 
'Abdallah b. Zaid b. 'Asirn, 135, 140 
'Abdallah b. Zaid b. Tha'labah, 135 
'Abdallah b. az-Zubair b. al- 

'Auwam, 74, 75, y6, 82, 219, 220, 

247, 289, 322, ZZ7, 356, 360 
'Abdallah b. az-Zubair b. 'Abd-al- 

Muttalib, 174 
umm-'Abdallah, 311 
'Abidin, 232 
al-Abna', 160-162 
Abyssinia (al-9abashah), 49, 118 
Acre ['Akka], 179, 180, 181, 220 
'Adan, 107 
Adhanah, 260 
Adharbaijan, 319, 321, 324, 328, 

472, 483 
Adhramah, 281 
Adhri'at, 105, 193, 214-215 
Adhruh, 92-94, 105 
'Adi b.' *Adi, 322 
'Adi b. Artat, 118 
'Adi b. Hatim, 141, 432 
'Adi b. Zaid, 446 
Aflah b. 'Abd-al-Wahhab, 371 
al-Aghlab b. Salim, 369-370, 375 
Ahmad b. Muhammad, 375 
al-Ahnaf b. Kais, 485, 487 
al-Ahwaz, 139, 449, 455, 479. 487 
al-Ahwaz, 283, 485 

j Ailah, 92-94, 105, 166 
'Ain al-Jamal, 461, 462 
'Ain ar-Rahbah, 463 
'Ain ar-Rumiyah, 281-282 
'Ain as-Said, 461, 462-463 
'Ain as-Sallaur, 228 
'Ain Shams, 341 
'Ain at-Tamr, 30, 96, 169, 218, 302, 

392, 394-400, 407 
'Ain al-Wardah, j. v. Ra's al-*Ain 
'Ain Zarbah, 264 
al-'Ain al-Hamidah, 275 
'A'ishah, daughter of Hisham, 282 
'A'ishah ("the Mother of the Be- 

Hevers"), 21, 26, 40, 51, 70, 75. 

135, 144 
'A'ishah b. Numair, 30 
Aiyub b. abi-Aiyub, 184 
abu-Aiyub Khahd, 19, 237 
umm-Aiyub, 447 
j Ajamat Burs, 432 
Ajnadin (Ajnadain), 1 74-175, 183. 

208, 215, 216 
Ajyad, 81 

'Akabat Baghras, 258 
'Akabat an-Nisa', 258-259 
al-*Akik, 20, 27, 28, 39 
•Akk, 31, 32 
b. al-*Akki, 370 
'Akdbah, 357 
al-'Ala' b. 'Abdallah, 120, 121, 122, 

123, 124, 127, 128, 129. 130, 131, 

al-'Ala' b. Ahmad, 331 
al-'Ala' b. Wahb, 481-482 
Aleppo [^alab], 207, 224-226, 229 
Alexandretta [Iskandarunah], 249, 

Alexandria [al-Iskandariyah], 228, 

338, 340, 344, 346-351, 352 
'Ali b. Hisham, 488-489 
'Ali b. al-IJusain, 344 
'Ali b. Sulaiman, 280, 296, 297 



'Ali b. abi-Talib, 29, 52, 54, 62, 67, 
94, loi, 103, 286, 321, 322, 358, 
409, 423, 428, 432, 463, 479 

'Ali b. Yahya, 263 

'Alkamah b. 'Ulathah, 197 

Alusah, 279 

Alyunah, 336, 338, 339, 347 

'Amawas [Emmaus], 213, 215, 270 

Amid, 275, 278, 288 

'Amir b. Fuhairah, 26 

'Amir b. abi-Wakkas, 176, 208 

abu-'Amir al-Ash*ari, 85 

abu-'Amir ar-Rahib, 16, 17 

banu-'Amir b. Sa'sa'ah, 147 

*Amk Mar'ash, 294, 295, 296 

*Amk Tizin, 249, 250 

'Ammar b. Yasir, 279, 425, 427, 431, 
440, 469, 471, 481 

'Ammuriyah, 225, 254, 258, 299 

'Amr b. 'Abdallah, 118, 119 

*Amr b. al-'Asi, 116, 117, 118, 140, 
147, 165-167, 178, 179, 186, 201, 
213, 215, 216, 217, 219, 335-345, 
346-351, 352-353, 355, 358, 379, 

'Amr b. 5azm, 107, 108 

'Amr b. IJuraith, 436, 476 

'Amr b. al-Jarud, 133 

'Amr b. Ma'dikarib, 183, 185, 412, 
413, 415, 420, 439 

'Amr b. Mu'awiyah, 321 

'Amr b. Mud ad, 81 

'Amr b. Sa'id al-Ashdak, 184 

'Amr b. Sa'id b. al-'Asi, 58, 174, 

'Amr b. Salim, 60, 61 
'Amr b. Umaiyah, 34 
'Amr b. 'Utbah, 421 
'Amr b. az-Zubair, 29 
banu-'Amr b. *Auf, 16 
banu-'Amr b. Lu'ai, 135 
banu-'Amr b. Mu'awiyah, 153, 156- 

abu-'Amrah, 396 

Anas b. Malik, 48, 396 

Anas b. Sirin, 396 

'Anat, 279, 284 

al-Anbar, 32, 279, 394-395, 432, 433, 
434, 445, 449, 488 

'Anbasah b. Sa'id, 184, 442 

al-Andalus [Andalusia], 355, 365- 

b. al-Andarz'azz, 402 

'Ans, 159 

Antabulus, 342, 352 

Antartus, 205 

Antioch [Antakiyah], 175, 176, 
180, 189, 202, 207, 209, 211, 213, 
226-231, 246, 248, 249, 250, 253, 
254, 255, 256, 257, 258, 259, 263, 

Anushirwan, 306-308, 324-325, 403, 

453, 454 
al-'Arabah, 168 
al-'Arabaya, 460 
Arabia, 13, 103 
'Arafah, 61, 62, 77 
'Arajin, 231 
Arakah (Arak), 171 
'Arandal, 193 

Arashah, of the Bali, 362, 397 
'Arbassus, 241, 242 
Ardabil, 3123, 328 
al-Arhadiyah, 28 
'Arib b. ''Abd-Kulal, 109 
al-'Arim, s. v. Sudd 
al-'Arish, 335 
Arjil al-Kubra, 329 
Arjil as-Sughra, 329 
Arjish, 305, 313 
Armaniyakus, 305, 309, 310 
Armenia, 207, 231, 275, 300, 305-332 
Arran, 305, 306, 3 u, 3 18, 319, 332 
al-'Arsah, 30 
Artahal, 318 
Arwa, daughter of 'Abd-al-Mutta- 

lib, 174 
abu-Arwa ad-Dausi, 166 



Arwad, 376 

Arzan, 275 

Asad b. 'Abdallah, 445 

abu-1-Asad, 455, 456 

banu-Asad b. Khuzaimah, 145, 148, 

al-Asbadhi, 120 

Asbanbur, 434 

Asbina, 431, 432 

al-Ash'ath b. Kais b. Ma'dikarib, 
153-158, 208, 211, 321, 412, 422, 
432, 472, 475 

b. al-Ash'ath, 104 

al-Ashban [Spaniards], 365 

Ashnas, 460 

Ashush, 314 

Ashut b. Hamzah, 331 

Asia Minor [Bilad ar-Rum, By- 
zantine Empire], 195, 207, 209, 
232, 239, 253, 254, 260, 261, 263, 
284, 285, 289, 290, 294, 296, 298, 
299, 310, 384 

Asid b. Zafir, 325 

'Asim b. Murrah, 484 

'Asim b. 'Umar, 356 

'Askalan, 219, 221-222 

al-Aswad al-*Ansi, 156, 159-162 

'Attab b. Asid, 66, 87 

al-Aus, 33 

Autas, 85 

'Auwam b. 'Abd-Shams, 415 

al-Auza'i, 71, 114, 190, 214, 240, 
242, 243, 286 

al-'Awasim, 202-203, 223-234, 253, 

Azadbih, 390 

al-Azd, 31, 22, 23, 116, 117, 390, 
40s, 442 

Azdisat, 314 

'Azrah b. Kais, 469 

Bab Barikah, 306-307 
Bab al-Fil, 446-447 
Bab al-Lal, 318 

I Bab al-Lan, 306, 307, 325, 328 

Bab Samsakhi, 307 

Bab ash-Sham, 282, 447 

al-Bab wa-1-Abwab, 306, 319, 324, 
325, 327 > 328 

al-Bab ash-Sharki, 186, 187, 189, 

Babil, 422, 432 

Badham, 161 

Badi*, 414 

Badlis, 275, 331 

Badr, 129 

Baduraiya, 408, 458 

Baghdad (Baghdadh, or Madinat 
as-Salam), 262, 263, 280, 282, 
288, 395, 445, 446, 447, 457-464, 
482, 484 

Baghras, 228, 258 

Baghrawand, 305 

al-Bahrain, 120-131, 140 

Bahram Jur, 446 

Bahurasir, 417, 428, 434 

al-Bailakan, 306, 318, 321, 322, 323^ 
328, 329 

Baisan, 179 

Bait 'Ainun, 197 

Bait Jabrin, 213 

Bait Libya, 200 

Bait Mama, 245 

Bait Ras, 179 

Bajarma, 422 

Bajarwan, 328 

Bajilah, 405, 407, 424-425 

Bajuddah, 272 

Bajunais, 305, 313 

al-Bak, 331 

Bakkar b. Mushm, 329 

Bakr b. Wa'il, 120, 388, 395 

abu-Bakr b. Muhammad, 71 

abu-Bakr as-Siddik, 20, 26, 28, 34, 
38, 39, 46, 49, 51, 52, 53, 54, 61, 
73, 84, 96, loi, 107, 112, 117, 124, 
127, 128, 129, 130, 134, 136, 137, 
141, 143-150, 153-155, 160, 162, 



165-167, 169, 175, 213, 218, 375, 

Z^7, 389, 393, 397, 393 
banu-Bakr, 61 
abu-Bakrah b. Masruh, 85 
Ba'labakk, 171, 180, 198, 201, 228, 

236, 245, 247, 251 
al-Balanjar, 319, 320, 415 
al-Balasajan, 319 
Baldah, 204 
Balis, 2Zi-222> 
al-Balka*, 173, 193, 197 
Ban a, 342 
al-Bandanijain, 421 
Banikiya, 392-394, 403, 404 
Bara' b. Malik, 130, 131 
al-Baradan, 399 
Barah, 371 
Bardha'ah, 305, 318, 319, 320, 321, 

322, 324, 325, 329 
Barik, 184 
Barkah (in Africa), 352-354, 3^, 

Barr b. Kais, 353 
al-Barriyah, 281 
al-Barshaliyah, 307 
Bariasma, 402 
Barzah, 186 

abu-Barzah-l-Aslami, 66 
al-Basharudat, 342 
Bashir b. al-Audah, 158 
Bashir b. Sa'd, 392, 398 
al-Basrah, 82, 114, 116, 117, 118, 

124, 139, 151, 180, 228, 264, 300, 

375, Z^, 396, 405, 410, 411, 436, 

437, 441, 449, 455, 47i, 47^, 490 
al-Bata'ih, 264, 452, 453-456 
al-Bathaniyah, 193 
Batihan, Bathan or Buthan, 22, 25, 

Wadi— 26 
Batn Marr, 32 
al-Batrik b. an-Naka, 220 
al-Ba'udah, 149 
Bawazij al-Anbar, 395 

Bawazij al-Mulk, 422 

Bazabda, 275 

Bazalit, 318 

al-Bazzak, 451 

Beirut, 194 

Berbers, 123, 253-254, 360, 361, 366, 

Bihjawarsan, 487 
al-Bihkubadhat, 428 
Bikrat b. Ashut, 289 
Biial, 26 
Bilhit, 340 
al-Bima, 351 

Bishr b. Maimun, 282, 459 
Bishr b. Safwan, 366, 367 
Bistam, 416 
Bistam b. Narsi, 422 
Biyamand, 490 
Bugha (a freedman of al-Mu'ta- 

sim), 319 
Bugha-1-Kabir, 331-332 
al-Bujah, 381, 382 
Buka, 229, 246, 250, 259 
Bukailah, 392 
Bukh, 309 

Bukrat b. Ashut, 331 
Bulunyas, 205 
Buran, 406 
Burs, 410, 416 

Busbuhra b. Saluba, 392-393, 421 
al-Busfurrajan, 305, 307, 313, 315, 

Bushair b. Yasar, 45, 46, 47 
Busir, 342 

Busr b. abi-Artat, 172, 3S6, 357, 358 
Busra, 171, 172, I73, I93, 234 
al-Butah, 149 
Butnan Habib, 229 
al-Buwaib, 406 
Buwailis, 232 
al-Buwairah, z^ 
Buzakhah, 144, 145, 147 
Byzantine Empire, s. v. Asia Minof 



Constantine [Kustantin b. Alyun], 

287, 290291, 293, 299 
Constantine, son of Heraclius, 347 
GDnstantinople, 179, 207, 209, 347, 

Copts, 339, 540, 342, 343, 344, 346, 

347, 383 
Cordova [Kurtubah], 365 
Crete [Ikritish], 376 
Cyprus [Kubrus], 180, 235-243 

Dabba, 117 

banu-Dabbah, 397 

Dabik, 264, 295 

Dabil, 305, 312, 314-315, 321. 330 

Dadhawaih, 161, 162 

ad-Dahhak b. Kais, s. v. al-Ahnaf 

ad-Dahhak al-Khariji, ^8 

Dailam, 441 

ad-Dailam, 441 

Dair al-A*war, 406, 443 

Dair Hind, 406, 443 

Dair al-Jamajim, 431, 443 

Dair Ka'b, 417, 443 

Dair Khalid, 186, 198 

Dakuka, 422 

Damalu, 263-264 

Damascus [Dimashk], 167, 172, 

173, 176, 178, 182, 183, 186-199, 

200, 2or, 202, 216, 217, 219, 301, 

320, 366, 480 
Damirah, 342 
Dar al-'Ajalah, 80-81 
Dar al-Kawarir, 78, 80-81 
Dar an-Nadwah, 80-81 
Dara, 275 
Darauliyah, 255 
Darb al-^adath, 295, 296, 298 
ad-Darb (Darb Baghras), 210, 254 
abu-ad-Darda' 'Uwaimir, 186, 216, 

Darin, 129, 130 
Darusat, 450 
Dasht al-Warak, 313 

ad-Daskarah, 421 

Dastaba, 479 

Dastumaisan, 454 

Dathin, 167 

Da'ud b.'Ali, 456 

ad-Daukarah, 450 

abu-Dharr al-Ghifari, 237 

abu-Dhu'aib Khuwailid, 356 

Dhufafah b. 'Umair, 324 

Diduna, 317 

Dijlah (district), 259 

Dijlah, see Tigris 

Dijlat al-Basrah, 388, 453 

Dikahlah, 342 

Dimyat, 342 

Dinar, 475-476 

Dinar b. Dinar, 294 

ad-Dinawar, 305, 469, 476, 478- 

Dirar b. al-Azwar, 149, 393, 394, 

Diyar Mudar, 278 
Diyar Rabi'ah, 278, 281 
ad-Dubbiyah (ad-Dabiyah), 168 
banu-Dudan, 306 
ad-Diidaniyah, 306, 318, 328 
abu-Dujanah Simak, 35, 3^, 37, 

135, 139 
abu-DuIaf al-Kasim, 488 
Duliik, 202, 231, 297 
Dumat al-l^irah, 96, 97, 400 
Dumat al-Jandal, 95-97, 171 
Duraid b. as-Simmah, 85 
ad-(Durdhukiyah, 306 
Durna, 389, 401 
ad-Dustan, 244 

Egypt (Misr), 20, 180, 191. 215, 

216, 335-345, 351, 352, 353, 356, 

358, 359, 360, 371, 372, 379, 381, 

Euphrates [al-Furat], 232,279,284, 

285, 293, 311, 403, 406, 410, 428, 
432, 443, 445, 451, 453, 456 



Fadak, 27, So-S^, 58 
Fadalah b. 'Ubaid, 237 
al-Fadhandun, 460 
al-Fadl b. al-*Abbas, 215 
al-Fadl b. Karin, 206 
al-Fadl b. Rauh, 369 
al-Fadl b. Yahya, 330 
al-Fadusaf an, 486 
Faid, 380, 405 
Fairuz (dihkdn), 422 
Fairuz b. ad-Dailami, 160-162 
Fairuz b. Jushaish, 129 
Fairuz b. Yazdajird, 493 
al-Faiyum, 341 

Fakh, 79 

Fakhitah, daughter of 'Amir, 129 

Fakhitah, daughter of Karazah, 

al-Falalij, 394, 421 

al-Fallujatain, 407 

Famiyah, 201-202 

al-Farafisah-1-Kalbiyah, 29 

Faraj b. Sulaim, s. v. abu-Sulaim 

Faranjah [France], 366 

al-Farazdak, 450 

al-Farma', 335 

Farrukhbundadh, 392 

Farwah b. lyas, 390 

Farwah b. Musaik, 160 

abu-Farwah *Abd-ar-Rahman, 397 

umm-Farwah, 15s 

al-Fasilah, 229 

Fatimah, 52, 53, 54, 55, 61, 99 

al-Fauwarah, 175 

abu-1-Fawaris, 262 

banu-Fazarah, 146 

Fihl, 176-177, 216 
Filan, 309, 324, Ti^^ 

al-Fuja'ah, 149, 158 

Fukair, 29 

Furat b. Ilaiyan, 141 

al-Furu*, 28, 29 

al-Fustat, 335, 33^, 34i, 347, 350 

al-Ghabah, 24 

al-Ghabah (the city of), 130 
Ghabat b. Hubairah, 2S2 
umm-Ghadban, 128 
al-Ghamr, 147-148 
al-Ghamr b. Yazid, 282 
banu-Ghanm b. *Auf, 17 
Ghassan, 32, 83, 96, 172, 209, 254, 

Ghatafan, 144, 148 
Ghazzah, 168, 213 
Ghumik, 323 
Ghurabah, 141 
Ghurah, 141 

Habbar b. Sufyan, 174 
^labib b. 'Abd-ar-Rahman, 368 
^abib b. Maslamah, 208, 227, 229, 
231, 241, 246, 20Z, 275, 287, 289, 
296, 298, 309, 311-318, 320-321 
5abib b. Zaid, 135, 140 
umm-IJabib as-Sahba', 169 
banu-Ilabibah, 93, 94 
umm-5abibah, 208 
^abtar, 128 
al-Hadi, s. v. Musa 
al-5adikah, 135, 141 
IJadir Ilalab, 224-225 
Uadir Kinnasrin, 223 
Hadir Taiyi', 224-225 
al-]Hadithah, 280 
IHadithat al-Mausil, 288, 311 
al-5adrah, 381 

^ladramaut, 107, 112, 153, 156, i57 
5afs b. abi-l-'Asi, 125 
abu-Hafs 'Umar b. Isa, Zl6 
Haidar b. Kawus, 330 
al-IJa'ir, 460 
abu-1-Haitham Malik, 50 
abu-1-Haiyaj al-Asadi, 435 
Hajar, no, 120, 121, 122, 123, 124 
^aja^, 151 

al-5ajjaj b. 'Atik, 437 
al-Hajjaj b. al-Harith, 175 



al-Hajjaj b. Yusuf, 75, 7^, 104, 
no, 112, 250, 259, 366, 428, 431, 
433, 449-450, 452, 454, 455, 456, 
465, 466, 484 

^Jakam b. Sa'd al-'Ashirah, 32 

al-^akam b. Mas'ud, 404 

umm-Hakim, 182 

^alab as-iSajur, 231 

Hamadhan, 410, 471, 481-484, 488 

]Hamah, 201-202 

Ham dan, 109, 160, 444 

IJammad al-Barbari, 78, 81 

al-IJammarin, 82 

lyiamra' Dailam, 44.1 

:y:amzah b. *Abd-al-Muttalib, 80, 

yamzah b. Malik, 297 
^amzah b. an-Nu*man, 58 
IJamzin, 323, 326 
Hani' b. Kabisah, 390 
al-Hani wa-l-Mari, 280-281 
umm-Hani', 52 

banu-yanifah, 133, 134, 135, 136 
^anzalah, b. ar-Rabi*, 394 
Hanzalah, b. Safwan, 367 
banu-5anzalah, 149, 150 
al-5arajah, 112 
al-Harak, 313 
al-IJaram, 70, 72, 73, 75, 76, 77, 

umm-IJaram, 235, 237 
Harim b. IJaiyan, 490 
ISarish, 369-370 
al-IJarith b. 'Abd-Kulal, 109 
al-IJarith b. *Amr, 322 
al-9arith b. al-IJakam, 356 
al-H[arith b. Hani*, 443 
al-IJarith b. al-Harith, 175 
al-IJarith b. Hisham, 175, 215 
al-E[arith b. Khalid, 83 
al-Harith b. abi-Shimr, 209 
^arithah b. Tha'labah, 33 
banu-Harithah, 24 
al-5arnaniyah, 272 

al-5arrah, 21, 22, 27, 30, 396 
K[arran, 272-274, 282, 291 
Harthamah b. A'yan, 221, 261, 262, 

Harun ar-Rashid, 78, 81, 83, 105, 

117, 202, 221, 224, 233, 238, 244, 

252, 257, 260, 261, 263, 264, 280, 

282, 283, 293, 297-298, 299, 300, 

370, 37^, 459, 460, 483 
abu-Harun as-Sulami, 280 
al-Haruniyah, 264 
Hasan b. ^asan b. 'Ali, 463 
al-Hasan b. *Ali, 49, 99, 155 
al-Hiasan b. *Ali-l-Badhaghisi, 330 
al-IJasan b. Kahtabah, 261, 288, 

292, 295, 296, 329 
al-5asan b. 'Urnar, 281 
Hashim b. Subabah, 67 
Hashim b. 'Utbah, 208, 420-422, 

al-Hashimiyah, 300, 445-446 
Hasmadan, 322 
Hassan b. Maliawaih, 258 
IJassan b. Malik, 190 
Hassan an-Nabati, 454, 455 
IJassan b. an-Nu'man, 360 
Hassan b. Thabit, 36, 188, 218 
5atim b. an-Nu'man, 321, 322 
abu-Hatim as-Saddarati, 369 
Haudhah b. 'AH, 132, 133 
abu-1-Haul, 184 
^lauran, 173, 193, 197 
iKLawarih, 317 
Hawazin, 85 
Heraclius [Hirakl], 174, 175, 176, 

^77, 179, 182, 189, 200, 207, 210, 

211, 253, 254, 344 
Hibal b. Khuwailid, 145 
^libra, 197 
al-9ijaz, 31, 50, 57, 59, 112, 114, 

157, 16s, 168, 261, 286, 353, 381, 

Hilal b. 'Akkah, 398 
Hilal b. Daigham, 260 



Hilal b. 'Ullafah, 41S 

IHima an-Naki*, 23 

IJima ar-Rabadhah, 2^ 

al-Himar, 210, 379 

;Hims [Emesa], 174, 175, 180, 198, 

200-206, 211, 212, 216, 217, 22Z, 

228, 270, 275, 294, 295, 301, 320 
Himyar, 108, 109 
Hind, daughter of 'Utbah, 207 
Hind, daughter of Yamin, 155 
al-Hirah, 32, 96, 97, 169, 388, 389, 

390, 391, 392, 393, 394, 398, 400, 

403, 404, 407, 410, 421, 437, 442, 

444, 447, 462, 475 
Hisham b. *Abd-al-Malik, 83, 181, 

238, 256, 258, 280, 282, 290, 323, 

324, 325, 350, 360, 366, Z67, 451, 

454, 488 
Hisham b. al-'Asi, 147, 175 
Hisn al-^adath, 260, 282, 296-297 
JHisn Kaludhiyah, 291, 293 
KEisn Kamkh, 287-288, 291 
Hisn Malikiya, 408 
Hisn Mansur, 299-300 
Hisn Maridin, 275 
Hisn Salman, 230 
al-Hisn b. Ma'bad, 407 
Hit, 279, 280, 463 
Hiyar bani-1-Ka'ka*, 225-226 
yubabah, 155 
al-IIubal, 141 
Hubash b. Kais, 210 
al-^udaibiyah, 45, 49, 60 
Hudhaifah b. Mihsan, 117, 399-400 
KEudhaifah b. al-Yaman, 320, 427, 

430, 449, 472, 474, 475, 476, 477 
abu-IJudhaifah b. al-Mughirah, 74 
abu-Hudhaifah b. 'Utbah, 138 
al-Hudhail b. Kais, 488 
^iiujair, 138 
5ujr b. *Adi, 420, 470 
abu-1-IJukaik, 43, 47 
Hukaim b. Sa'd, 443 
IJulwan, 420, 421, 469-470, 471, 

480, 490 

5umaid b. Ma yuf, 238, 376 
IJumran b. Aban, 396 
Hunain, 66, 85, 86 
abu-Hurairah (ad-Dausi), 22, 30, 

63, 64, 124, 125, 126 
Huraith b. 'Abd-al-Malik, 96 
IJurkus b. an-Nu*man, 170 
Hurmuz (village), 431 
al-Hurmuz, 314 
b. Hurmuz al-A*raj, 350 
al-Hurmuzan, 472 
Hurmuzjarad, 389 
al-Hiusaid, 169 
Husail [Ilisl] b. Jabir, 477 
Husain b. Muslim, 263 
al-Husain b. 'Ali, 49, 99, 344, 393, 

al-IJusain al-Khadim, 283 
al-Husain b. Muhammad, 112 
al-Husain b. Numair, 74, 75 
al-5utam, 127, 128 
al-Huwairith b. Nukaidh, 67 
^uwarin, 171 
Huyai b. Akhtab, 41, 43, 44 

Ibrahim (son of the Prophet), 35, 


Ibrahim b. 'Abdallah, 446, 455, 457 

Ibrahim b. al-Aghlab, 370, 371 

Ibrahim b. al-Mahdi, 228 

Ibrahim b. Sa'id, 228 

Ibrahim b. Salamah, 446 

Idris b. Ma'kil, 4B8 

Ifrikiyah, Z2>7, 352, 355, 3S6-361, 
362, z^, 367, 368, 369, 370 

Ikhmim, 340-341 

'Ikrimah b. abi-Jahl, 117, 155, 174 

Ilyas b. l^abib, 368 

'Imran b. Mujalld, 371 

al-'Irak, 29, 79, 96, 102, 104, 129, 
146, 155, 158, 167, 230, 231, 247, 
261, 286, 387, 389, 391, 393, 401, 
40s, 406, 409, 415, 432, 433, 454, 
465, 488 

Irkah, 194 



Isa b. *Ali, 295, 452, 463 

'Isa b. Idris, 4S8 

Isa b. Ja'far, 117 

Isbahan, 365, 469, 471, 472, 4^5-4^, 

al-Isbidhahar, 475 
Isl?ak b. Ibrahim, 462 
Ishak b. Ismail, 330, 332 
Ishak b. Muslim, 323, 328 
Isma'il b. 'Abdallah, 366 
Istakhr, 490 
lyad, 169, 254, 443 
*Iyad b. Ghanm, 215, 216, 226, 227, 

229, 230, 231, 269-278, 289, 296, 

lyas b. Kabisah, 390 

al-Jabal, s. v. al-Jibal 

Jabal al-Ahwaz, 437 

Jabal al-Kabak, 309 

Jabalah, 204, 205 

Jabalah b. al-Aiham, 207-210, 254 

Jaban, 389-390, 394, 401 

al-Jabiyah, 172, 186, 187, 188, 189, 

190, 198, 214, 233 
Jabr b. abi-'Ubaid, 404 
Jabril b. Yahya, 257 
Jabrin, 230 
Jadhimah, 150 
Ja'far, 38 

Ja'far b. Sulaiman, 21, 76, 233 
abu- Ja'far, s. v. al-Mansur 
umm-Ja'far Zubaidah, j. v. Zu- 

Jafrabad, 487 
Jai, 485, 487, 488 
Jaifar, b. al-Julanda, 116, 118 
Jaihan, 256, 293, 295 
al-Jalinus, 401, 414, 416 
Jalula', 419, 420-433, 469 
Jamil b. Busbuhra, 421 
al-Janad, 107 
al-Janb, 454 
al-Jar, 341 

al-Jarajimah, 246-252, 258 

Jarash, 179 

al-Jarba', 92-94 

al-Jardaman, 307, 318 

Jarir b. 'Abdallah, 159, 160, 389, 

392, 393, 395, 405-407, 421, 424, 
425, 432, 469, 470, 472, 481 

Jarjaraya, 398 

al-Jarrah b. 'Abdallah, 317, 322- 

Jarshan, 309, 324 

Jau Kurakir, 148 

al-Jaulan, 179 

Ja'wanah b. al-Harith, 290, 323 

al-Jazirah, s. v. Mesopotamia 

Jerusalem [Bait al-Mukaddas, 

lliya'], 15, 30, 182, 213-214, 217, 

227, 300, 369 
al-Jibal or al-Jabal, 319, 324, 325, 

393, 420, 449, 480, 482, 484, 488, 

Jidh', 32 

al-Jifshish al-Kindi, 154 

Jisr Manbij, 232, 275 

Jisr al-Walid, 259-260 

al-Jisr, 399, 403-404, 406. Cf. Kuss 

Jordan [al-Urdunn], 167, 176, 178- 

181, 193, 201, 202, 216, 217, 244, 

Jubail, 194 
Judham, 92, 207, 218 
al-Juhaf w-al-Juraf, ^2 
Juhainah, 184, 441 
al-Junabidh, 491 

Junadah b. abi-Umaiyah, 2)7S-Z7^ 
Jurash, 91 

al-Jurf, 28, 39, 114, 165, 218 
Jurhum, 31, 32, 74 
al-Jurjumah, 247, 249, 250 
Jurna, 314 

Jurwah al-Yamami, 477 
Jurzan, 305, 306, 315, 316, 317, 330, 




Juwatha, 127, 128, 129, 140 

Ka'b al-H[abr, 237 

Kabalah, 306, 319 

Kadas, 179 

al-Kadisiyah, 277, 404, 408, 409- 

416, 417-418, 424, 434, 439, 440, 

441, 462 
Kafarbaiya, 256, 257 
Kafarjadda, 282 
Kafarmara, 397 
Kafartis, 349 
Kafartutha, 281 
al-Kahinah, 360 
Kainuka*, 33 
al-Kairawan, 357, 358, 361, 362, 

Zf7, 368, 369, 370, 371 
Kais b. Hubairah, 160-162, 411 
Kais b. Makhramah, 396 
Kais b. Makshuh, 208, 414, 415 
Kais b. Sa'd, 358 
Kais b. Sakan, 116 
Kaisariyah, 216-220, 335 
banu-1-Ka'ka*, 225-226 
Kalarjit, 318 
Kalb, 170, 391, 395 
Kalikala, ^, 305, 309-310, 312- 

Z'^Z, 320 
Kalthum b. Hidm, 15 
Kalwadha, 408 
al-Kamibaran, 306, 319 
Kanatir an-Nu'man, 479 
Kanisat as-Sulh, 263 
al-Kanisat as^Sauda', 264 
dhu-Kar, 462 
al-Karaj, 488 
Karda, 275 

Karkh Fairuz, 460, 461 
Karkisiya, 171, 274, 275, 279, 281 
Karman, 463, 486, 490 
Karmasin, 469 
Karraz an-Nukri, 130, 131 
Karyat abi-Salabah, 443 
al-Karyatain, 171 

Kashan, 485-489 

al-Kasim b. Rabi'ah, 321 

Kasirin, 231-232 

Kaskar, 259, 389, 402, 407, 453, 

454, 472 
Kasr al-*Adasiyin, 391, 444 
al-Kasr al-Abyad, 371, 391 
al-Kassah, 144, 145 
Kastasji, 318 
Katarghash, 258 

Kathir b. Shihab, 416, 479, 480, 481 
al-Katibah, 45, 46, 49 
al-Katif, 124, 129 

Katrabbul (or Kutrubbul), 400, 

Katul Kisra, 461 
al-Katul, 460 
Katulah, 460 
Kazwin, 441 
Khabanjar, 483 
Khabbab b. al-Aratt, 431, 432 
al-Khabur, 279 
Khaffan, zS,7, 390, 399 
Khaibar, 37, 41, 42-49, 50, 51, 52, 

57, 58, 337 
al-Khais, 340 

Khaizan, 319, 320, z^Z, 324 
al-Khaizuran, 433 
Khakan, 308, 319 
Khakan al-Khadim, 483 
Khakhit, 318, 325 
Khalfun al-Barbari, 272 
IChalid b. 'Abdallah, 437, 445, 450- 

Khalid b. Malik, 159 
Khalid b. Sa'id, 106, 107, 156, 160, 

165, 166, 182, 183 
Khalid b. Thabit, 214 
Khalid b. 'Umair, 324 
Khalid b. 'Urfutah, 413, 416, 419, 

Khalid b. al-Walid, 62, 64, 65, 95, 

96, 97, 118, 128, 129, 134, 136, 

137, 145, 147-150, 158, 167-168, 



169-172, 173, 174, 176, 178, 179, 

186-191, 193, 198, 200, 223, 270, 

277-278, 293, 387-400, 405 
Khalid b. Yazid b. Mazyad, 330 
Klhalid b. Yazid b. Mu'awiyah, 383 
Khalij Banat Na'ilah, 29 
Khanijar, 422 
Khanikin, 420, 421, 430 
Kharijah b. ^isn, 144, 145, 148 
Kharijah b. Hudhafah, ZZ^, 341, 

al-Khasharimah, 480 
Khashram b. Malik, 480 
Khashram as^Sulami, 327 
b. Khatal al-Adrami, 66, 67 
al-Khatt, 124, 129 
Khaulan, 152, 157 
Khauwat b. Jubair, 27 
al-Khawarnak, 446 
al-Khazar, 305, 306, 309, 310, 319, 

323, 324-327, 329 
al-Khazraj, 19, zz 
al-Khidrimah, 141 
Khilat, 27s, 289, 305, 313, z^2, 331 
Khufash, 112 
Khukhit, 318 
Khumm, 77, 7^ 
Khunan, 317 
Khunasir b. 'Amr, 229 
Khunasirah, 229 
al-Khuraibah, 388 
Khuraim b, Aus, 392 
Khurasan, 151, 205, 261, 262, 280, 

292, 293, 297, 328, 368, 369, 446, 

457, 459, 460, 484, 491 
Khurrazad, 420 

Khurzad b. Mahibundadh, 399 
al-Khusus, 256 
Khutarniyah, 422 

Khuza'ah, 2>2>, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 240 
Khuzaimah b. Khazim, 330 
dhu-1-Kila*, 263 
al-Kilab, 307, 324 
banu-Kilab, 34 

Kinanah, 60, 61 

Kindah, 107, 153, 154, 156, I57, 
169, 211, 369 

Kinnasrin, 202, 211, 213, 214, 217, 
223-234, 254, 259, 270, 294, 296, 
297, 301 

al-Kiryaun, 346, 349 

Kisal, 317, 325 

Kisra, 124, 129, 160, 390, 405, 406, 
419, 430, 431, 432 

Ku'aiki'an, 81 

Kuba', IS, 16, 17, 18 

Kubadh b. Fairuz, 305-306, 453 

Kubakib, 292 

Kubbash, 197 

Kudamah b. Maz'un, 125 

al-Kufah, 97, 102, 103, 104, 105, 
^32, 155, 169, 180, 211, 212, 228, 
279, 300, 310, 320, 388, 396, 405, 
411, 415, 427, 434-448, 449, 450, 
455, 457, 464, 469, 471, 472, 475, 
476, 479, 480, 481, 482, 488 

Kuhuwit, 317 

Kulthum b. *Iyad, 360, 367 

al-Kulzum, 358, 381 

Kiimis, 471 

Kumm, 485-489 

Kura 'Arabiyah, 53, 143 

Kuraish, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 68, 
74, 75, 77, 80, 86, 105, 112, 133, 

banu-Kuraizah, 25, 40-41 

Kurakir, 169, 170 

Kurdbandadh, 434 

Kurds, 319, 482 

al-Kurr, 319, 323 

Kurrah b. Hubairah, 147 

Kurt b. Jammah, 407, 415 

Kurtubah, see Cordova 

Kurus, 202, 230 

Kurz b. 'Alkamah, 84 

umm-Kurz, 424 

Kusai b. Kilab, 77, 80 

Kusam, 171 



Kusan al- Armani, 312 
al-Kushan, 244 
Kuss an-Natif, 403-404 
Kutha, 408, 418, 422, 428 
Kutham b. Ja'far, 54 
al-Kutkutanah, 461 
Kuwaifah, 434, 437 

Labbah, 16 

al-Ladhikiyah, 203-205 

Laila (daughter of al-Judi), 96-97 

Laila-1-Akhyaliyah, 484 

b. abi-Laila, 71, 73, 89, 90, 113, 114, 

al-Laith b. Sa'd, 238 
Lakhm, 92, 207, 362, 443 
Lakit b. Malik, 117 
al-Lakz, 309, 322, 326, 327 
Liran, 309, 324 
Ludd [Lydda], 213, 220 
dhat-al-Lujum, 314-315 
Luwatah, 353-354 

Ma'ab, 173 
Ma'arrat Misrin, 229 
Ma'arrat an-Nu*man, 202 
Ma'bad b. al-'Abbas, 356, 359 
al-Mada'in, 262, 416, 417-419, 420, 

421, 430» 434, 435, 437, 441-442, 
446, 449, 462, 490 

al-Madhar, 389, 405 

Madharan, 482 

Madhhij, 160, 183, 323 

Madh'ur b. *Adi, 387 

al-Ma'din, 381 

al-Madinah, 15, 27, 30, 33, 54, 57, 
61, 80, 81, 84, 117, 124, 127, 129, 
136, 144, 146, 155, 158, 162, 165, 
184, 208, 214, 270, 341, 350, 356, 
387, 391, 410, 411, 440, 451, 462, 
472, 477 

Madinat as-Salam, s. v. Baghdad 

al-Mafazah, 484 

al-Maghrib, 256, 335-345, 349, 352- 

353, 356, 358, 359, 366, 367, 368, 

369, 370, 371, 372, 396 
Magians, no, 118, 120, 121, 123, 

130, 314, 424, 441 
Mah al-Basrah [Nihawand], 476, 

Mah Dinar, 476 

Mah al-Kufah [ad-Dinawar], 476 
al-Mahain, 471, 480 
Mahawaih, 491, 492 
al-Mahdi, 21, 76, 184, 223, 252, 

257, 260, 261, 263, 264, 280, 295, 

296, 297, 300, 381, 429, 433, 451, 

457, 459, 482, 483 
al-Mahdiyah, 297 
Mahrubah, 226 
Mahrudh, 421 
al-Mahuzah, 461 
Maimadh, 324 
Maimun (village), 451 
Maimun b. Hamzah, 282 
Maimun al-Jurjumani, 248 
al- Maimun (canal), 451 
Maisarah b. Masruk, 254, 270 
Maiyafarikin, 275 
Majaz al-Andalus, 365 
Ma'kil b. Yasar, 472, 473 
Makkah, 15, 16, 19, 21, 27, 32, 33, 

47, 60-76, 77-81, 82-83, 86, 87, 

88, 129, 146, 165, 184, 240, 451, 

457, 459 
Makna, 92-94 
al-Maksalat, 188, 190 
Malatyah, 287, 288, 289-293, 297, 

Malik b. 'Abdallah, 298 
Malik b. Anas, 238 
Malik al-Ashtar, 254, 358 
Malik b. 'Auf, 85, 10 1 
Malik b. Murarah, 107, 108 
Malik b. Nuwairah, 149-150 
al-Ma'mun, 54, 56, 83, 141, 229, 

233, 256, 257, 281, 289, 299, 330, 

376, 446, 460, 484, 488 



Manbij, 202, 203, 231, 293, 298 

Mandal al-'Anazi, 261, 296 

Man j alls, 316, 317 

Mansur b. Ja'wanah, 299-300 

Mansur b. al-Mahdi, 228 

al-Mansur, 76, 78, 238, 251, 256, 
257, 259, 260, 280, 288, 291, 292, 
295, 299, 300, 312-313, 328, 329, 
341, 360, 368, 369, 397, 429, 433, 
445, 446, 448, 455, 457-459, 482 

Manuwil, 347-348 

Manzur b. Zabban, 144 

Marabin, 488 

Marakiyah, 205 

Mar'ash, 231, 293-295 

Mardanshah, 403, 410, 471, 472, 473 

Mardanshah b. Zadan, 466 

Ma'rib, iii 

Marj *Abd-al- Wahid, 282-283, 298 

Marj Dabil, 314 

Marj al-i^asa, 312 

Marj Husain, 263 

Marj iRahit, 172 

Marj as-Suffar, 174, 182-185, 186, 

Marj Tarsus, 261 

Martahwan, 229 

Maru, 491, 492 

Maru ar-Rudh, 369 

al-Marwah, 71 

dhu-1-Marwah, 29, 166 

al-Marwahah, 403 

Marwan b. al-Hakam, 20, 54, 79, 
84, 184, 294, 356, 360 

Marwan b. Muhammad, 193, 205, 
231, 256, 259, 294-295, 296, 299, 
314, 325-328, 368, 445, 466, 488 

al-Marzubanah, Badham's wife, 

Masabadhan, 459, 478-480 

banu-Mashja'ah, 171 

Mashra'at (or Furdat) al-Fil, 452 

Maskat, 306, 309, 319, 324 

Maskin, 400 

Maslamah b. 'Abd-al-Malik, 228- 
229, 232, 233, 248, 249, 258, 288, 
323-325, 456 

Maslamah b. Mukhallad, 359 

Mass, 488 

al-Massisah, 254, 255-259, 260, 264 

al-Mauriyan ar-Rumi, 312 

al-Mausil, 261, 277, 400, 458 

Mayanharaj, 483 

Mayazdiyar b. Karin, 206 

al-Mazihin, 278 

Mesopotamia [al-Jazirah], 176, 
191, 202, 207, 251, 254, 269-283, 
287, 289, 290, 291, 292, 294, 296, 
297, 299, 300, 309, 312, 313, 314, 
320, 328 

Mid'am, 57 

Midlaj b. *Amr, 279-280 

abu-Mihjan b. !Habib, 404, 414 

Mihran, 393, 405-408 

Mihrijankadhaf, 478-480 

Mikha'il, 295, 296 

Mikyas b. Subabah, 67 

Mi'lak b. Saffar, 322 

Milhan b. Zaiyar, 200 

Mirbala, 313 

al-Misrain, 83, 449 

Mt. Lebanon, 248, 250-251 

Mt. al-Lukam [Amanus], 246, 247 

Mu'adh b. Jabal, 107, 108, 109, no, 
III, 215, 233-234, 242, 375 

Mu'awiyah b. Iludaij, 347, 357, 

358, 359, 375, 380 
Mu'awiyah b. abi-Sufyan, 54, 59, 

64, 79, 84, 86, 103, 135, 151, 155, 
179, 180, 183, 184, 191, 194-197, 
204, 205, 213, 216-219, 227, 228, 
235-238, 250, 255, 269, 271, 278- 
279, 287, 289, 293, 309, 310, 311, 
320, 321, 341, 342, 344, 357, 358, 

359, 375, 376, 441, 450, 454, 463, 
464, 470, 476, 479 

Mu'awiyah b. Yazid, 359 
al-Mubarak at-Tabari, 55, 56 



Mudhainib, 25, 26 
al-Muffarraj b. Sallam, 372 
al-Mughirah b. abi-l-'Asi, 125 
al-Mughirah b. Shu'bah, loi, 321, 

410-412, 427, 436, 440, 441, 447, 

450, 463, 464, 472, 473, 475, 479, 

Muhai3risah b. Mas'ud, 50, 51 
abu-1-Muhajir, 359 
al-Muhajir b. abi-Umaiyah, 106, 

107, 154-157, 160, 162 
Muhakkim [Muhakkam] al-Yama- 

mah, 134-136 
Muhammad b. al-* Abbas, 484 
Muhammad b. 'Abdallah b. *Abd- 

ar-Rahman, 288-289 
Muhammad b. 'Abdallah b. ^asan, 

446, 457 
Muhammad b. 'Abdallah b. al- 

IJasan b. *Ali, 55, 56 
Muhammad b. 'Abdallah al- 

Kummi, 381-382 
Muhammad b. 'Abdallah b. Sa'id, 

Muhammad b. al-Aghlab, 371 
Muhammad b. al-Ash'ath, 155, 288, 

361, 368 
Muhammad b. abi-Bakr, 358 
Muhammad b. abi-IJudhaifah, 357, 

Muhammad b. Ibrahim, 293, 297, 

Muhammad b. Ishak, 396 
Muhammad b. al-Kasim, 250, 259, 

Muhammad b. Marwan, 202, 294, 

314, 321, 322, 399 
Muhammad b. Maslamah, 51, 344- 

345, 392, 438 
Muhammad b. al-Murtafi*, 30 
Muhammad b. Sa'id, 184 
Muhammad b. Yahya, 55 
Muhammad b. Yazid, 330 

Muhammad b. Yusuf ath-Thakafi, 

al-Muhammadiyah, 296 
Mujahid b. Jabr, 376 
Mujashi* b. Mas'ud, 490 
Mujja'ah b. Murarah, 132, 134, 

136-137, 141 
al-Muka'bar al-Farisi, 129, 130, 131 
al-Mukaukis, 339, 340, 343, 346-343 
al-Mukhabbil, 83 
Mukhairik, 35 
Mukharrim b. IJazn, 399 
al-Mukhtar b. abi-'Ubaid, 439, 479 
Muks, 313 

Muluk at-Tawa'if, 309 
al-Mundhir b. Passan, 407 
al-Mundhir b. Ma' as-Sama', 225 
al-Mundhir b. an-Nu*man, 127, 128 
al-Mundhir b. Sawa, 120, 123, 127 
al-Muntasir, 372 
Murah, 258 

Murrah b. abi-Murrah, 483 
Musa b. Bugha, 206, 489 
Musa-1-Hadi, 184, 185, 297, 369, 

Musa b. Nusair, 358, 362, 36S-366, 

396, 397 
abu-Musa-1-Ash'ari, 79, 85, 107, 

267, 410, 411, 469, 478, 479, 485, 

487, 490 
al-Mus'ab b. az-Zubair, 247 
al-Musafir al-Kassab, 328 
Musailimah al-Kadhdhab, 128, 132- 

140, 151, 159 
al-Musaiyab b. Zuhair, 293, 297 
Musha'il al-Armani, 329 
Muslim b, 'Abdallah, 180, 228 
al-Musta'in, 372 
Mu'tah, 138, 195 
Mu'tamir b. Sulaiman, 261, 296 
Mutammam b. Nuwairah, 149-150 
al-Mu'tasim, 206, 221, 225, 256, 257, 

258, 259, 264, 299, 312-313, 446, 

460, 461 



al-Mutawakkil, 21, 56, 76, 81, 225, 
229, 245, 249-250, 252, 263, 265, 
287, 331, 272, 375, 381-382, 460, 

al-Mutawakkiliyah, 319, 461 

al-Mu*tazz, 489 

al-Muthanna b. ^iarithah, 169, 387- 
388, 390, 394, 395, 399, 40O, 401- 
402, 404, 409-410, 413 

Muzaikiya, 31 

Nabateans, 247, 248, 250, 289, 417 

Nabulus, 213, 245 

banu-an-Nadir, Z3, 34-39, 43, 5i 

Nafis b. Muhammad, 30, 396 

Nahr al-Amir, 452 

Nahr ad-Damm, 390 

Nahr Durkit, 428 

Nahr Mahdud, 433 

Nahr al-Malik, 408, 422, 428 

Nahr al-Mar*ah, 389 

Nahr Maslamah, 232 

Nahr Sa'd, 432 

Nahr Sa'id, 280 

Nahr Shaila, 433 

Nahr as-Silah, 451 

Nahr as-Sin, 450 

an-Nahrain, 407, 421, 431 

umm-Nahshal, 82 

Najd, 134, 165, 462 

Najran, 29, z^, 7^, 98-105, 107, 

157, 240 
an-Najraniyah, 102, 103 
an-Nakhirkhan, 417, 474 
an-Namir b. Kasit, 398 
an-Nashastaj, 431, 432 
an-Nashawa, 307, 315, 321, 330 
Nasibin, 274-275, 278-279 
Nasr b. Mahk, 293 
Nasr b. Sa'd, 293 
an-Natat, 45, 46 
Nihawand, 146, 471-477, 478, 481, 

485, 490 
Nikabulus, 230 

an-Nil, 450 

Nizak T^irkhan, 491 

Nizar, 435, 436 

Nu'aim b. *Abd-Kulal, 109 

Nu'aim b. Aus, 197 

Nubia, 379-382 

an-Nujair, 154, 155, 157, 158 

an-Nukhailah, 393, 405-408, 410 

an-Nu'man Kail dhi-Ru'ain, 109 

an-Nu'man b. al-Mundhir, 127, 

390, 394-395 
an-Nu*man b. Zur'ah, 284 
Nusair abu-Musa, 396, 397 
an-Nusair b. Daisam, 398-400 

Orontes [al-Urunt or al-Urund], 
200, 227 

Palestine [Filastin], 167, 168, 178, 

193, 201, 202, 207, 213-222, 227, 
22,2, 244, 301, 329, 353 

Persians (Furs), 45, ^Z, 120, 123, 

180, 306, 387, 389, 390, 391, 396, 

401, 403, 407, 408, 409, 413, 414, 

415, 416, 418, 419, 420, 421, 440, 

441, 451, 453, 454, 455, 462, 471 

Rabad Harran, 282 

Ra'ban, 202, 231, 297 

Rabi'ah, 127, 128, 229, 372, 392, 

399, 407 
Rabi'ah b. Bujair, 169, 170 
Rafah, 213 
ar-Rafikah, 280, 459 
ar-Rahbah, 281 
Rahwat MaHk, 298 
ar-Rai, 410, 457, 47i, 479, 484 
ar-Raiya, 141, 142 
ar-Rajjal [Rahhal] b. 'Unfuwah, 

132, 133, 134 
ar-Rakkah, 270-272, 274, 275, 278, 

280, 281, 282, 290, 300, 322 
ar-Ramlah, 220-221 
Ramman, 147 



Ra's al-*Ain, 27S-^77, 279 

Raskifa, 274, 282 

ar-Rass, 306, 319, 323 

Rauh b. yatim, 297, 330, 369 

" ar-Rawadlf," 247, 250 

Rhodes [Rudis], Z7S-Z7^ 

ar-Ribab, 151, 446 

ar-Ruha, 269, 272-275, 278, 282, 

287, 300 
ar-Rumiyah, 419, 434 
ar-'Rusafah, 446, 457 
Rusafat Hisham, 280, 290 
Rustam, 410-415, 420, 440, 441 

Sabastiyah, 213 

Sabat, 417, 419 

as-Sabun, 129 

Sabur, 433, 461 

Sa'd b. 'Amr, 169, 279, 280, 432-433 

Sa'd b. Khaithamah, 15, 16 

Sa'd b. Malik, 431, 432 

Sa'd b. Mu'adh, 40, 41 

Sa'd b. abi-Wakkas, 2Z, 24, 176, 
230, 409-414, 416, 417, 418, 419, 
420, 421, 422, 425, 431, 432, 434, 
435, 437-442, 449, 469, 481-482 

as-Sadif, 107, 156 

as-Safa, 65, 71 

Safiyah, 43-44 

as-Sa*fukah, 142 

Safwan b. al-Mu'attal, 270, 273, 

' 287, 288 

Sahl b. Hunaif, z(>, Z7 

Sahl b. Sanbat, 330 

as-Sa'ib b. al-Akra', 471-472, 474, 
478, 479, 486 

as-Sa'ib b. al-'Auwam, 136, 138 

Sa'id b. 'Amir, 270, 275, 278 

Sa'id b. 'Amr b. Aswad, 323-325, 

Sa'id b. *Amr b. Sa'id, 184 

Sa'id b. al-'Asi, 184, 310, 440 

Sa'id al-Khair b. 'Abd-al- Malik, 

Sa'id b. Sa'd, 81 

Sa'id b. Salim, 329, 330 

as-Sailahin, 394, 410 

as-Saimarah, 478 

Sajah, 151 

as-Sakun, 153, 406 

Sal amy ah, 205 

Sala'tis, 282 

Salih b. *Abd-ar-Rahman, 465, 466 

Salih b. 'Ali, 205, 221, 251, 257, 

260, 291, 295 
Salit b. Kais, 132, 401, 403, 405 
.Sallam at-Taifuri, 482, 483 
Salma, 413, 414 
Salman b. Rabi'ah, 230-231, 310- 

312, 31&-320, 415 
Samaritans, 217, 244-245 
as-Samsamah sword, 183-185 
as-Samur, Z'^Z, 326 
San'a', 106-107, 112, 156, 160, 162 
as-Sanariyah, 318, 329 
as-Sarah (canal), 396, 416, 446,458 
as-Sarat, z^, 405 
as-Sarir, 326 
Sarjun [Sergius], 301 
Sariij, 274, 282 
as-Sawad, 114, 387-400, 421, 422- 

431, 449, 461, 462, 463, 465 
as-Sawardiyah, 319, 443 
as-Sayabijah, 250 
Sa'yah b. 'Amr, 43 
Seleucia [Salukiyah], 228 
Shabath b. Rib'i, 151, 444 
ash-Shabiran, 306, 319, 326 
Shaila, 433 
Shaizar, 201 

abu-Shajarah 'Amr, 148 
Shakkan, 319 
abu-Shakir, 83 
ash-Shamakhiyah, 329 
Shamkur, 319 
ash-'Sharat, 193-194 
Sharwan, 306, 309, 319, 324, 327, 




ash-Shikk, 45, 46 

Shimshat, 2d,7, 289, 294, 297, 305, 

Shirawaih, 406 
Shurahbil b. ^asanah, 165-167, 

177, 178, 179, 186, 190, 201, 215 
Shurahbil b. as-Simt, 211-212, 406 
Shuraih b. 'Amir, 388-389 
Shurat, 118, 328 
Sicily [Sikilhyah], 375 
Sidon [Saida'], 194 
Siffin, 232, 415 
Sijistan, 465, 491 
Simak b. Kharashah, s. v. abu- 

Simak b. 'Ubaid, 476 
as-iSimt b. al-Aswad, 200-201, 211, 

212, 224 
Sinan, 255 
as-Sind, 250, 252 
Sin jar, 274, 276 
Sinn Sumairah, 479 
Siraj Tair, 305, 314 
as-Sirawan, 478 
Sirin abu-Muhammad, 396, 398 
as-Sisajan, 305, 307, 315, 322, 328, 

331, 332 
Sisar, 482-484 
Sisiyah (Sis), 262 
as-Siyasijun, 306, 307, 309 
Slavs [Sakalibah], 231, 325 
St. John's Cathedral, 191-192 
as-Sudd al-*Arim, 30, 31 
Sufyan b. 'Abdallah, 89 
Sufyan b. 'Auf, 294 
Sufyan b. Mujib, 194, 195 
Sufyan b. 'Uyainah, 238, 240 
abu-Sufyan b. Harb, 61, 62, 63, 66, 

87, 91, loi, 107, 157, 197, 208 
Sughdabil, 306 
Suhail b. 'Amr, 129, 215 
Suhaim b. al-Muhajir, 248 
abu-Sulaim Faraj al-Khadim, 260, 


banu-Sulaim, 148, 291 

Sulaiman b. *Abd-al- Malik, 54, 198, 

220, 222, 366 
Sulaiman b. Kirat, 482, 483 
Sulaiman b. Sa'd, 301 
Sulalim, 45, 46 
Sultais, 340, 349 
Sumaisat, 273-274, 297 
Suran, 372 
Surra-man-ra'a, 330, 332, 372, 382, 

as-Sus al-Adna, 359, 362 
as-Sus al-Aksa, 362 
Suwa, 169-170 
Suwaid b. Kutbah, 388, 389 
Syria (ash-Sham), 16, 17, 20, 32, 

46, 50, 61, 75, 92, 96, 102, 103, 

III, 146, 155, 158, 162, 165-168, 

169, 173. 175, 176, 177, 180, 190, 
191, 194, 198, 208, 209, 210, 211, 
212, 214, 215, 216, 217, 219, 220, 
223, 230, 231, 232, 234, 238, 241, 
246, 247, 249, 250, 251, 254, 261, 
269, 278, 279, 283, 287, 289, 292, 
297, 299, 309, 310, 320, 338, 397, 
400, 405, 409, 415, 471 

Tabalah, 91 

Tabaristan, 489, 490 

Tabarsaran, 309, 324, 327 

Tabuk, 92-94, 105, 167 

Tadmur, 171 

Taflis, 241, 305, 316-317, 325 

banu-Taghlib, 114, 115, 151, 169, 

170, 284-286, 398, 399 
at-Ta'if, 28, 61, 62, 85-90, 165, 208 
Taima', 31, 57-59 

Taiyi', 224, 419 

Takat Bishr, 282, 447, 459 

Takrit, 225, 399, 400 

Talhah b. 'Ubaidallah, 144, 431, 432 

Tali 'Af ra', 282 

Tall A'zaz [or 'Azaz], 230 

Tall Jubair, 263 



Tall Madhaba, 282 

Tall Mauzin, 275 

Tamim b. Aus, I97 

banu-Tamim, 120, 129, 149, 151, 
278, 394 

Tanjah [Tangiers], 357, 359. 3^2 

Tanukh, 223, 224, 254 

Tarik b. Ziyad, 3^2, 365 

Tarsus, 253, 254, 260-262, 263, 296, 

Thabit b. Kais, I39» MS 

Thabit b. Nu'aim, 328 

ath-Thabja' al-^adramiyah, 155 

Thakif, 85, 86, 87, 248, 487 

Tha'labah b. 'Amr, 32, 33 

ath-Tha'labiyah, 389, 405, 409 

Thaniyat al-'Ukab, 172, 200 

That b. dhi-l-^irrah, 161 

ath-Thughur al-Jazariyah [Meso- 
potamian Frontier Fortifica- 
tions], 287-300 

ath-Thughur ash-Shamiyah [Fron- 
tier Fortresses of Syria], 253- 

Thumamah b. al-Walid, 295 

Tiberias [Tabaraiyah], 178-179 

Tigris, 417, 418, 421, 427, 430, 446, 
451, 453 

at-Tirrikh, 313-314 

Tizanabadh, 410, 432, 443 

Tizin, 202, 229 

Tripoli [Atrabulus], 194-196 

Tripoli (Atrabulus) in Africa, 355, 
357, 369 

Tulaihah b. Khuwailid, 145, 146, 
147, 414, 415, 420 

Tulaitulah [Toledo], 365 

Tuman, 326 

Tunis, 360, 369 

Turaifah b. ^ajizah, 149 

Turandah, 289-290 

Turks, 307, 491, 493 

Tustar, 394, 401 

Tyre [Sur], 179, 180, 181, 220 

'Ubadah b. al-^arith, 133 
'Ubadah b. as-§amit, 201, 203-205. 

209, 216, 217, 23s, 237 
Ubai b. Ka'b, 18, 69, 135 
'Ubaid b. Murrah, 30, 396 
abu-'Ubaid b. Mas'ud, 401-402, 

403-404, 405, 406 
'Ubaidah b. 'Abd-ar-Rahman, 367 
abu-*Ubaidah b. al-Jarrah, 65, 165- 

166, 172, 173, 176, 177, 178, 179. 

186-190, 193, 198, 200, 203, 20s, 

208, 211, 213-216, 223-224, 226- 

232, 234, 244, 246, 254, 269, 270, 

293, 411 
'Ubaidallah b. al-Mahdi, 330 
'Ubaidallah b. Ziyad, 151, 480 
al-Ubullah, 388 
al-'Udhaib, 391, 40i, 40S, 409, 4io. 

413, 414, 463 
Uhud, 22, 28, 30, 35, 80, 140, 477 
Ukaidir b. 'Abd-al- Malik, 95-97 
'Ukbah b. 'Amir, 342, 343 
'Ukbah b. Nafi*, 353, 357, 358, 359, 

361, 367, 379 
'Ukbara', 399 

'Ukkashah b. Mi^san, 145, 146 
UUais, 389-390, 393, 404, 405 
'Umair b. al-5ubab, 288 
'Umair b. Sa'd, 209-210, 237, 241, 

254, 272, 276-277, 279, 284-285, 

'Umair b. Wahb, 336, 342 
banu-Umaiyah, 52, 53, 135, I93, 

221, 233, 251, 258, 29i5, 330, 368, 

396, 397, 443, 455, 456 
abu-Umamah As'ad, 19, 218 
abu-Umamah as-Sudai, 168, 230, 

'Uman, 32, 116-119, 124, 140, 147, 

'Urnar b. 'Abd-al-*Aziz, 20, 21, 28, 
49, 52, 53, 54, 58, 70, 88, 92, 103, 
104, 105, 112, 118, 190, 192, 204, 



220, 238, 255, 258, 280, 290, 322, 
342, 349, 354, 366, 428, 442 

'Umar b. KLafs Hizarmard, 361, 

'Umar b. Hubairah, 282, 445 

'Urnar b. al-Khattab, 20, 22, 23, 24, 
27, 29, 34, Z7, 42, 45, 46, 48, 49, 
50, 51, 53, 54, 57, 58, 61, 62, 69, 
70, 7Z, 74, 7(>, 81, 82, 87, 88, 89, 
102, 103, III, 123, 124, 125, 126, 
130, 131, 138, 139, 141, 146, 147, 
148, 150, 151, 152, 158, 162, 166, 
173, 176, 179, 188, 190, 191, 194. 
196, 197, 198, 208, 209, 210, 212, 
214-219, 222, 227, 233-234, 235, 
240, 241, 242, 253, 269, 270, 272, 
273, 275, 276, 277-278, 279, 284- 
286, 296, 310, 320, 335, 336, 337, 
338, 339, 340, 341, 343, 344, 345, 
346, 347, 351, 353, 355, 375, 379, 
393, 395, 399, 401-402, 404, 405, 
406, 409-412, 414, 416, 422-428, 
430, 431, 434, 435. 438, 439, 440, 
446, 448, 464, 469, 471-475, 481, 
485, 487 

b. 'Umar, 18, 23, z6^ 43, 47, 49, 70, 
7Z, 88, 356 

al-Urdunn, s. v. Jordan 

'Urwah b. Zaid, 402-404 

'Urwah b. az-Zubair, 29, 51, 107, 
122, 343 

'Utbah b. Ghazwan, 125, 410-411 

•Utbah b. Rabi'ah, 81 

'Uthman b. 'Affan, 20, 25, 29, 51, 
54, ^7, 74, 76, 102, 104, 123, 141, 
184, 194, 196, 222, 227, 232, 235, 
253, 278, 279, 286, 287, 309, 310, 
311, 318, 320, 321, 340, 350, 351, 
356, 357, 358, 359, 396, 397, 43 1, 
432, 440, 482, 486 

'Uthman b. abi-l-*Asi, 90, 124, 125, 
487, 490 

'Uthman al-Audi, 483 

'Uthman b. y^unaif, 102, 423, 426, 

427, 428, 430 
'Uyainah b, Hisn, 145, 146 
'Uyun al-'Irk, 463 
'Uyun at-Taff, 461-463 

Wadi-I-Kura, 29, 31, 37-39, 321 

Wadi Mahziir, 24, 25, 26 

Wahshi b. Harb, 80, 135 

Wais, 307, 315 

banu-Wali'ah, 153-158 

al-Walid b. 'Abd-al- Malik, 20, 54. 

76, 192, 193, 195, 220, 249, 250, 

259, 260, 280, 362, 366, Z7^y 423, 

454, 456 
al-Walid b. 'Ukbah, 102, 282, 311, 

440, 447 
al-Walid b. Yazid, 104, 238, 241, 

298, 328, Z67 
Wardan, 342, 350 
Warthan, 323, 324, 328 
Wasit, 264, 449-452 
Wasit ar-Rakkah, 281 
al-Wathik, 185, 249, 451, 460 
al-Watih, 45, 46 

Yafa [Jaffa], 213 

al-Yahudiyah, 485, 487 

Yahya b. 'Imran, 489 

Yahya b. Sa'id, 50, 184 

al-Yakusah, 175 

Ya'la b. Munyah, 152, 157 

al-Yamamah, 21, 76, 129, 132-142, 

389, 394, 415 
al-Yaman, 31, 61, 86, 98, 99, 102, 

103, 106-115, 152, 156, 159-162, 

165, 183, 226, 261, 435, 471, 477 
al-Yarmuk, 175, 188, 207-211, 216, 

223, 335 
Yathrib (al-Madinah), 31, zz, 34. 

44, 86 
Yazdajird b. Shahriyar, 406, 416, 

417, 418, 420, 421, 469, 471, 486, 




Yazid b. *Abd-al-MaIik, 112, 190, 

204, 322, z^, 442 

Yazid b. yatim, 369 

Yazid b. al-^urr, 254 

Yazid b. Makhlad, 262 

Yazid b. Mu'awiyah, 59, 75, 76, 96, 

103, 202, 236, 244, 245, 294, 359. 

376, 480 
Yazid b. al-Muhallab, 259, 366 
Yazid b. abi-Muslim, 366 
Yazid b. abi-Sufyan, 58, 166-168, 

173, 178, 179, 186, 189, 190, 193, 

194, 196, 201, 208, 215-217, 219, 

269, 335, 341 
Yazid b. 'Urnar, 445 
Yazid b. Usaid, 319, 328-329 
Yazid b. al-Walid, 238, 241, 368 
Yuhanna b. Ru'bah, 92 
Yusha* b. Nun al-Yahudi, 50 
Yusuf b. Muhammad, 330-331 
Yusuf b. 'Umar, 104, 105, 442, 488 

az-Zab, 370 
Zabid, 107 

Zadan Farrukh, 465-466 
Zaid b. al-Khattab, 138, 139, 150 
abu-Zaid al-Ansari, 116, 117, 118, 

Zamzam, 77 

Zandaward, 389, 402, 450 

az-Zarah, 129, 130, 131 

az-Zawazan, 275 

Zawilah, 352-354 

b. az-Ziba'ra as-Sahmi, 68 

Zibatrah, 282, 298-299 

Zirikiran, 309, 326 

Ziyad b. Abihi, 436, 437, 44i, 447, 

464, 479 
Ziyad b. Labid, 107, 153-157, 160 
abu-Zubaid at-Ta*i, 282^, 404 
Zubaidah, daughter of abu-1-Fadl, 

81, 281, 451 
az-Zubair b, al-*Auwam, 27, 28, 38, 

39, 43, 49, 6s, 65, 138, 336-338, 

343, 431 
Zuhair b. Kais, 360 
Zuhair b. Sulaim, 417 
I Zuhrah b. !Hawiyah, 413, 416, 440- 

banu-Zuhrah, 80, 413 
Zur'ah b. dhi-Yazan, 107 
Zuraib, 24 
Zurarah, 432, 442 
az-Zutt, 250, 251, 259, 264 

Page 17, 

line 4, for 

"is", read 

















" Taima' ". 




"al-Arkara ibn-'Amr", 


14 and 26, 





" Sudaibiyah ", 

























"Khadijah daughter of 












" Ma'mun ". 












" and *Ikrimah ibn-abi-Jahl 







" Muttamara ", 

" Mutammam ". 
























" abu-Arwa ". 








" Yazid appointed abu-ad- 

appointed ", 








" ^utai'ah ", 





" 'Umar ibn-'Abd-al- 








Page 220, Kne 29, 

221 8, 

227, 28, 

250, 20. 

260, 32, 

276, 15, 

277, 26, 
282, 22, 
282, 33, 
287, 13. 

305, II, 

306, 20, 
328. 9, 
361, 15, 

375, 19, 

376, 21, 
392, 32, 
401. I, 
421, 30, 
428, 23, 
432, 8. 

for " Batrik ", read 

"*Umar ibn-", 
" Armenia ", 
" Bajunais *'. 







"'Umair ibn-". 



"Armenia IV". 









"Jamil ibn-Busbuhra ' 


" Zararah ". 

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By Jacob Salwyn Schapiro, Ph.D. Price, ^i.«5. 

S. [91] Responsibility for Crime. By Philip A. Parsons, Ph.D. Price, $1.50. 

VOLUME XXXV, 1909. 568 pp. Price, clotli, $4.50. 

1, [9»] The Conflict over the Judicial Powers in the United States to 1870. 

By Charles Grove Haines, Ph.D. Price, Ji. 50. 
9. [93] A Study of the Population of Manhattan vllle. 

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8. [94] * Divorce: A Study In Social Causation. 

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VOLUME XXXVI, 1910. 542 pp. Price, clotli, $4.00. 

1. [95] * Reconstruction In Texas. By Charles William Ramsdell, Ph.D. Price, $2.50. 
8. [96] * The Transition In Virginia from Colony to Commonw^ealtlj. 

By Charles Ramsdell Lingley, Ph.D. Price, |z. 50. 

VOLUME XXXVII, 1910. 606 pp. Price, clotli, $4.50. 

1. [97] Standards of Reasonableness In Local Freight Discriminations. 

By John Maurice Clark, Ph.D. Price, | 
S. [98] Liegal Development in Colonial Massachusetts. 

By Charles J. Hilkky, Ph.D. Price, $1.25. 
8. [99] * Social and Mental Traits of the Negro. 

By Howard W. Odum, Ph.D. Prise, ^s.oa. 

VOLUME XXXVin, 1910. 463 pp. Price, clotli, $3.50. 

1. [1001 The Public Domain and Democracy. 

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«. [101] Organlsmlc Theories of the State. 

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VOLUME XXXIX, 1910-1911. 651 pp. Price, cloth, $4.50. 

1. [103] The Making of the Balkan States. 

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X. [103] Political History of New York State during the Period of the Civil 

War. By Sidney David Brummhr, Ph. D. Price, 3.00. 

VOLUME XL, 1911. 633 pp. Price, cloth, $4.50. 

1. [104] A Survey of Constitutional Development in China. 

By Hawkling L. Yen, Ph D. Price, «i.oo. 
S. [105] Ohio Politics during the Civil War Period. 

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8. [106] The Territorial Basis of Government under the State Constitutions. 

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VOLUME XLI, 1911. 514 pp. Price, cloth, $3.50; paper covers, $3.00. 

[107] Nevr Jersey as a Royal Province. By Edgar Jacob Fisher, Ph. D. 

VOLUME XLn, 1911. 400 pp. Price, cloth, $3.00; paper covers, $2.50. 

[108] Attitude of American Courts in Labor Cases. 

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VOLUME XLIII, 1911. 633 pp. Price, cloth, $4.50. 

[109] *Industrlal Causes of Congestion of Population in New York Clt 

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• . [110] Education and the Mores. By F. Stuart Chapin, Ph.D. Price, 75 cents. 

8. till J The British Consuls in the Confederacy, 

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1. [114] The Ricardlan Socialists. By Esther Lowenthal. Ph.D. Price.|i.o* 

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3. [116] *Syndlcallsm In France. 

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VOLUME XLVII, 1912. 544 pp. Price, cloth, $4.00. 

1. [118] The Politics of Michigan, 1865-1878, 

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2. [119] *The United States Beet Sugar Industry and the Tariff. 

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VOLUME XL VIII, 1912. 493 pp. Price, cloth, $4.00. 

1. [ISO] Isldor of Seville. By Ernbst Brbhaut, Ph. D. Pricft, ^a.oo. 

S. [131] Progress and Uniformltyin Chlld-Lahor t-eglslatlon. 

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VOLUME XLIX. 1912. 592 pp. Price, cloth, $4.50. 

1. [IS 3] British Radicalism 1791-1797. By Walter Phblps Hall. Price,|2.oo. 

3. [133] A Comparative Study of the Law of Corporations. 

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3. [134] ♦The Negro at Work in New York City. 

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VOLUME L, 1911. 481 pp. Price, cloth, $4.00. 

1. [135] *The Spirit of Chinese Philanthropy. By Yai Yub Tsu, Ph.D. Price, |i.oo. 
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VOLUME LI, 1912. 4to. Atlas. Price: cloth, $1.50; paper covers, $1.00. 

1. [137] The Sale of Ijlquor in the South. 

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VOLUME LII, 1912. 489 pp. Price, cloth, $4.00. 

1. [138] *Provlnclal and Local Taxation in Canada. 

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3. [130] *The Finances of Vermont. By Frederick A. Wood, Ph.D. Price, |i.oo. 

VOLUME LIII, 1913. 789 pp. Price, cloth, $4.50; paper, $4.00. 

1131] The Civil War and Reconstruction In Florida. ;By W. W. Davis, Ph. D. 

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1. [133] * Privileges and Immunities of Citizens of the United States. 

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3. [134] *Indian Slavery in Colonial Times within the Present Limits of the 

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VOLUME LV, 1913. 665 pp. Price, cloth, $4.50. 

1. [135] *A Political History of the State of New York. 

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3. [ 136] *The EarlyPerseoutlonsof the Christians. 

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VOLUME LVI, 1913. 406 pp. Price, cloth, $3.50. 

1. [137] Speculation on the New York Stock Exchanse, 1904-1907. 

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VOLUME LVII, 1914. 670 pp. Price, cloth, $4.50. 

1. [139] *The Civil Service of Great Britain. 

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VOLUME LVIII, 1914. 684 pp. Price, cloth, $4.50; paper, $4.00. 

[141] Reconstruction in North Carolina. 

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VOLUME LIX, 1914. 625 pp. Price, cloth, $4.50. 

1. [14S] The Development of Modern Turkey by means of its Press. 

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VOLUME LX, 1914. 616 pp. Price, cloth, $4.00. 

1. [146] *Constautlne tlie Great and Christianity. 

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1. [148] *The Railway Conductors: A Study In Organized Ijabor. 

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2. [149] *The Finances of the City of New York. 

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(150] The Journal of the Joint Committee of Fifteen on Reconstruction, 
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1. [151] Emlle Durkhelm's Contributions to Sociological Theory. 

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2. [15S] The Nationalization of Railways In Japan. 

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3. [153] Population: A Study In Malthuslanlsm. 

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VOLUME LXIV, 1915. 646 pp. Price, cloth, $4.50. 

1. [154] *Reconstructlon In Georgia. By. C. Mildred Thompson, Ph.D. Price, $3.00. 

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VOLUME LXV, 1915. 496 pp. Price, cloth, $4.00. 

1. [156] *The Sovereign Council of New France. 

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*. [157] *8clentlfic Management. By Horace Bookwalter Drury, Ph.D. Price, ^1.75. 

VOLUME LXVI, 1915. 655 pp. Price, cloth, $4.50. 

1. [158] ♦The Recognition Policy of the United States. 

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2. [159] Railway Problems In China. By Chih Hsu, Ph.D. Price, 51.50. 

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VOLUME LXVII, 1916. 538 pp. Price, cloth, $4.00. 

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[168] The Origins of the Islamic State. By Philip K. Hitti, Ph.D. Price, $s^. 

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1. [164] Railway Monopoly and Rate Regulation. 

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ri66] Mohannuedan Theories of Finance. 

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1. [167] The Commerce ol I^ouisiaua during the French ReWime, 1699—1763. 

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